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ABC News
a day ago
- Politics
- ABC News
Inside the fringe groups fighting a 'quasi civil war' with self-styled sheriffs and their own court
They gather in a quiet Perth neighbourhood, wearing matching purple polo shirts and lanyards identifying them as "Common Law Sheriff" and "Guardian of the Law". These sheriffs, who look like someone's neighbour, are sworn to enforce the laws of their court. A court that has "convicted" a prime minister, "sentenced" premiers, and "ruled" on a child protection case. But this court has no legal authority, it's run by the Sovereign Peoples Assembly of Western Australia (SPAWA). The sheriffs seem cautious. Wary of being dismissed as a cult, they've never spoken to mainstream media before. Their spiritual guide, crown Leith Masters, speaks with meditative conviction, describing their organisation as, "The gathering of people to enact law". "[The government] is not the authority, it's the public servant. We're the authority, the people are the authority, working in law," she says. Often described as sovereign citizens, SPAWA and groups like it believe the government is illegitimate and people should live under a natural, God-given law that is superior to any of the rules that govern society. Using pseudolaw — a collection of legal-sounding concepts and arguments that have no basis in actual law — they target what they see as oppressive institutions. Two of the group's sheriffs were recently jailed for contempt of court. The sentencing judge described the group's ideology as "extremely dangerous", adding that "dangerous ideas breed dangerous people". Leith Masters insists they aren't a radical movement and are nothing to be frightened of. SPAWA is just one of a growing coalition of groups engaged in what one adherent described as a "quasi civil war". Many dismiss the label "sovereign citizens", but during COVID these groups were united by their rejection of the legitimacy of governments and courts. They believe a new age is coming that will put regular people at the top of the social hierarchy. It's playing out across the country, with some people refusing to pay council rates, register cars, or carry licences; acts they frame as a fight against tyranny. Experts and judges warn that when people "pick and choose" which laws they obey, there's a risk the situation escalates from seemingly victimless civil disobedience to violence. SPAWA members believe their own court has superior authority over traditional courts because it is run by community members, not judges or lawyers. In 2022 they conducted their own jury trial and convicted former prime minister Scott Morrison, and every premier in Australia who was involved in the response to COVID-19, with a sentence of 30 years imprisonment. In video of the trial, one woman cries in celebration of the decision. SPAWA sheriff Alan Wallace says their trials aren't just symbolic. "They've come before a jury and it is serious … they've committed crimes," he says. "We heard the evidence as set out. There's no judges or magistrates in there. There's just an adjudicator. "When they are found guilty of a charge they could get a jail sentence or a fine. "We can't impose that at this stage because the police won't recognise our court orders. The only tools we have is psychological." SPAWA's court has also held a trial on children being removed from parents by the Department of Communities. When law professor David Heilpern was a magistrate in regional NSW he was sentenced to a term of imprisonment by a different sovereign citizen group. "I was sentenced to five years jail by some sort of common law court, and I was served with those documents telling me that I was imprisoned … I suppose I really just treated it as theatre," he says. "On the other hand, where they make orders for the return of children that the family court have placed, then that has consequences for those much less protected … [by] high walls and security systems." "Psychological tools" are not the only tactic deployed by these groups. When SPAWA's court or grand jury delivers a judgment, it is the duty of their common law sheriffs to serve the resulting orders to the relevant parties. With clipboard and documents in hand a group of sheriffs approach the offices of Western Australia's land titles authority, Landgate. The documents concern mortgages held by farmers. "We've had up to 40 or 50 jurors vote unanimously on these orders around Australia," Donna says. When asked about the outcomes she hopes to achieve, she says: "Farmers get their farms back." Some time later, Donna emerges smiling. Landgate took the documents. "Just taking them and accepting them and having them lodged and put on file I think is a good win." Landgate later told Four Corners it reviewed the roughly 200 pages and won't take any further action as it "is of the view that they do not disclose any legal merit". Donna says their action is part of a co-ordinated effort, with sheriffs across the country serving documents to a variety of courts, police stations and government bodies. These sheriffs are keen to emphasise that they do not want any kind of "scuffle" and they're peaceful. They smile at the suggestion that their group holds dangerous ideologies, or when asked about the FBI's classification of sovereign citizens as domestic terrorists. Mandy Seneno says that's just spin attempting to discredit the movement "At the end of the day, law is the superior jurisdiction and that is going to win out eventually," she says. Many of these groups converged during the COVID era, when perceived government overreach and mandates prompted them to question the legitimacy of the entire legal and governmental framework underpinning society. One unifying event was the 2022 anti-vaccine mandate Convoy to Canberra — which Four Corners has confirmed is the largest protest ever held on the steps of parliament. A recurring theme in our conversations with members of these groups is the fear of being disarmed. In some states police have revoked the gun licences of people identified as having sovereign citizen beliefs, fuelling suspicions in the movement that authorities are seeking greater control over the population. "Who's got all the guns? No time in history has a population been disarmed [where there] has there not been genocide. And this is what they're doing here now," SPAWA sheriff Alan Wallace says. His claim that disarming a population inevitably leads to genocide is a US National Rifle Association talking point which is disputed by historians. Watch as Four Corners embeds with key figures in the movement that's testing the limits of Australian law, tonight from 8:30pm on ABC TV and ABC iview. Associate professor of law at the University of South Australia, Joe McIntyre has been charting the rise of pseudolaw. He worries about where it ends "once you start feeling angry and you start saying, 'we can pick and choose which laws we obey.'" "People who are angry and willing to choose which laws to obey or not, do start making death threats. They do start threatening people. We have seen violence internationally." In the US, there have been a series of recent violent incidents fuelled by anti-government beliefs, including: the 2010 shooting of two police officers during a traffic stop in Arkansas; the 2014 heavily armed assault on a Georgia courthouse; and last year alone, five shootouts with police. In Australia, these groups have moved beyond being occasional administrative headaches and now rank among the judiciary's top concerns, according to experts Four Corners spoke to. David Heilpern recalls the first time he encountered pseudolaw arguments in his courtroom. "A smattering of people came before me talking what I thought was an entirely different legal language, which was along the lines of 'I am not that person. You must capitalise my name, you have no authority. You didn't take an oath over right to a jury' and sort of a mishmash of what we now know as sovereign citizen approaches," he says. "I just was quite staggered and surprised. Where has this come from?" John Quaremba doesn't call himself a sovereign citizen, but he's using many of their arguments to wage what he calls "lawfare" against our courts. He rose to prominence in the so-called freedom movement during COVID and has amassed thousands of followers online. The one-time law student has signed a document which he believes cancels his legal status in the mainstream system. "I'm cancelling power of attorney of my legal persons and all relevant trade names back to the permanent domicile of the land and soil jurisdiction of Terra Australis, commonly known as the Commonwealth of Australia," he reads from the document. He says this allows him to live his life according to a set of principles he calls "common law". John tried, unsuccessfully, to use a range of legal and pseudolaw arguments when he represented himself in an Adelaide court last month. He was found guilty of a string of offences, including driving unlicensed, unregistered, uninsured and with someone else's plates on his car. It hasn't deterred him. From his houseboat he's set up the Self Represented Litigants Association to help other people represent themselves in court. "I think that my own process and experience being at the coalface, learning from all this … I'll be able to help thousands and thousands of Australians." David Heilpern says there is "absolutely no legitimacy to any of it". "That has been found by courts at every level and in every state in Australia, and at every level in every country in the world." These groups appear to be having some success at a local government level — pushing their agenda, and bombarding councils with questions. Shayne "Cush" Allison is leading the charge in his corner of north-west Tasmania. A former councillor, Cush argues grassroots action targeting local councils is the most effective way to challenge the government. "You can enact a lot of changes if you have a fair council and proper debate. And people are voting on their community to start with and then their region and then their state rather than voting for an idealism of a government or an opposition or a party." A controversial symposium he held near Devonport last year called Unity in Community was described as a "sovereign citizen event" by the media. It's a label Cush rejects. "It's a total oxymoron, same as conspiracy theorist. It's just branding people names." Cush's primary aim seems to be increasing scrutiny of local council decisions, placing a significant burden on officials. "I'm just about integrity, accountability, transparency, regional sustainability." One council in the region estimated that responding to a single resident's 140 questions over a year cost nearly $14,000. Earlier this year, a motion which alleged that COVID vaccines are contaminated was moved at Kentish Council's AGM. Cush and his supporters backed the motion and it was passed by attendees 22 to 12. Kentish Mayor Kate Haberle told us decisions to do with vaccines are not a matter for council, and they're required to act as directed under the Public Health Act. Cush's strategy is part of a coordinated national effort. In Victoria, sovereign citizen linked groups have overwhelmed local governments with petitions and protests, forcing event cancellations and public bans at meetings. In Western Australia, groups have pressured over a dozen councils to ask state and federal governments to consider banning further COVID vaccines. Meanwhile, in New South Wales and Queensland, another sovereign citizen group has walked into council offices and police stations, declaring they no longer hold any jurisdiction. Dr McIntyre says these movements are "affecting our institutions of law and the efficacy of our law and therefore it's impacting upon our society". "All law is politics. All law is social. Law is how we order our society. Law is the device by which we pull together 30 million people to live in a small space." Mr Heilpern is still grappling with how the law, and our broader society, should treat these ideologies. "This is something that has occupied my mind a lot. What do we call it? What is the essence of it and is it justified to call it a trauma reaction? Is it justified to call it a cult? Is it justified to call it a delusion? "Myself, I think it really is akin to a cult … a complete delusion and exception of the reality that the rest of us in society accept. "Once people go down that rabbit hole it seems very, very hard for them to get out." Watch Four Corners' full investigation, Lawfare, tonight from 8:30pm on ABC TV and ABC iview.
Yahoo
23-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Evette gains support of Medal of Honor recipient, Wilson campaign endorsed by 22 sheriffs
About two dozen South Carolina sheriffs endorsed Attorney General Alan Wilson's campaign for governor, while Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette gained the support of a Medal of Honor recipient. Several Upstate sheriffs, including Greenville County Sheriff Hobart Lewis, Pickens County Sheriff Tommy Blankenship, and Oconee County Sheriff Mike Crenshaw, voiced their support for Wilson in the 2026 Republican primary, according to his campaign. The group of 22 sheriffs issued a joint statement saying that Wilson has made it easier for law enforcement to protect South Carolina families. 'His proven record of cracking down on drug trafficking, protecting women and children, and leading the charge on judicial and victims services reform speaks for itself,' the statement said. 'Alan Wilson will be a governor who fights for families, upholds the rule of law and will keep South Carolina safe.' Wilson made support for law enforcement and public safety a focal point of his initial campaign speech, which he delivered at a Lexington restaurant on June 23. He talked about how reforming the state's domestic violence laws, fighting drug trafficking and hiring more victims' advocates have been priorities of his since he was elected attorney general in November 2010. More: Attorney general announces run for governor of South Carolina: 'Beginning of a new fight' Blankenship issued a separate statement applauding the attorney general's efforts to combat illegal immigration and the fentanyl crisis. Matthew Goins, the communication director of Evette's campaign, responded to the sheriff's endorsements of Wilson in a statement that reaffirmed Evette's support of law enforcement. "Pamela has always backed the blue. She's worked hand-in glove with Gov. McMaster to ensure they have the pay, resources, and support they deserve," Goins said. "She looks forward to working with law enforcement from across the state to keep families safe as the next governor of South Carolina." More: Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette makes it official and enters 2026 race for South Carolina governor Evette's campaign posted a YouTube video on July 22 with Medal of Honor recipient and retired Marine Corps Maj. Gen. James E. Livingston offering his endorsement for the lieutenant governor's campaign. "It is absolutely my pleasure to recommend Lieutenant Governor Pamela Evette to be our next governor," Livingston said. "She will be a real tribute to this state and bring her great leadership and great vision to the people of South Carolina." The campaign team for Josh Kimbrell, current state senator and gubernatorial candidate, did not respond to a request for comment about the endorsements. Two state Republican lawmakers — Sen. Matt Leber (R-Charleston) and Rep. David Martin (R-York) — publicly endorsed Kimbrell's campaign at its kick-off event in Inman on June 28. Bella Carpentier covers the South Carolina legislature, state, and Greenville County politics. Contact her at bcarpentier@ This article originally appeared on Greenville News: South Carolina candidates for governor endorsed by veteran, sheriffs Solve the daily Crossword
Yahoo
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Texas House considers mandate for local sheriffs departments to partner with federal immigration authorities
AUSTIN (Nexstar) — Texas House members will debate a variety of legislation on Saturday, ranging from requiring public schools to display the Ten Commandments in classrooms to requiring certain sheriff's departments to partner with federal authorities in immigration enforcement, the latter of which has sparked a lot of attention on the Capitol. Senate Bill 8 would mandate sheriffs' offices in counties with a population above 100,000 to enter into an agreement with Immigration Customs and Enforcement's (ICE) 287(g) program. It passed the Texas Senate on April 1. The 287(g) program allows non-federal law enforcement members to assume some ICE duties. There are three different models underneath the program: Jail Enforcement – allows officers to question people to determine immigration status, put their information into a Homeland Security database, take statements and begin the deportation process with an immigration detainer and notice to appear. Warrant Service Officer – a narrower scope than jail enforcement, with officers identifying people as non-citizens during the booking process, referring those people to ICE for evaluation and possible deportation, and serving ICE administrative warrants on people in their custody, according to the ACLU. Task Force Model – described by ICE as a 'force multiplier,' allowing local officers to enforce immigration laws during their routine duties in the community. The number of 287(g) agreements soared across the country after President Donald Trump won re-election in November, campaigning on a promise to deport undocumented people from the country. The bill, authored by State Sen. Charles Schwertner, R-Georgetown, would provide a state-funded grant program to help counties under one million in population to pay for the training associated with joining the program. Counties over the one million threshold would be required to fund it from their own budget. 'It's time for Texas to take a very bold and powerful stance against criminal aliens and illegal immigration,' Schwertner explained. He said the goal of the program is to get criminals out of Texas communities. Critics of the bill call it an unfunded mandate and a racist bill that would erode trust with the local law enforcement and minority communities. Groups like the Workers Defense Action Fund (WDAF) protested inside the Capitol rotunda on Saturday morning. David Chincanchan, the policy director for WDAF, explained he feels the 287(g) program leads to racial profiling. 'It would prevent our local sheriffs from being able to focus on keeping the community safe, on serving the needs of their constituents, and instead, it would force them to act in the role of essentially ICE agents, and it would force them to be complicit in the separation of families in our own neighborhoods,' Chincanchan said. The bill is also facing criticism from local sheriff's offices who are worried about the cost of the program. It would require sending a deputy or correctional officer out-of-state to get trained for about a month, creating a burden on departments that have a lack of staffing to begin with. Chambers County Sheriff Brian Hawthorne, who serves as Legislative Chairman for the Sheriff's Association of Texas, testified on that fact in March during a committee hearing. 'We think that financial relief portion shouldn't be in a grant program, it should just be a part of the program,' Hawthorne testified. 'And it should cover all 254 counties that get into the program.' Hawthorne said it costs $10,000 to train each officer in his department. Calhoun County Sheriff Bobbie Vickery shares the same concerns. His county of about 25,000 people joined the 287(g) program in 2017 and said it 'works very well,' but he, too worried about the cost. 'This could potentially put a very harsh monetary strain on our budgets every year,' Vickery testified. The grant program would not cover the state's biggest counties with more than one million people. When asked about opponents to his legislation, Schwertner said, 'I ask them if they want criminal aliens running around and causing violence and crime against citizens that they know, Texans they know, and I would hope their answer would be no.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
