Latest news with #Shia
AsiaOne
5 hours ago
- Entertainment
- AsiaOne
FKA Twigs settles lawsuit with Shia LaBeouf over sexual battery, Entertainment News
FKA Twigs has settled her lawsuit with Shia LaBeouf over sexual battery. In 2020, the 37-year-old singer filed documents in Los Angeles Superior Court against the 39-year-old actor for alleged sexual battery, assault, and infliction of emotional distress during the course of their brief relationship in 2019. However, according to Us Weekly, which obtained the legal documents, FKA Twigs has filed to end her lawsuit with prejudice, meaning she cannot refile the claims in the future. Her lawyer Bryan Freedman and Shia's lawyer Shawn Holley released a joint statement saying: "Committed to forging a constructive path forward, we have agreed to settle our case out of court. While the details of the settlement will remain private, we wish each other personal happiness, professional success and peace in the future." According to the lawsuit, which was obtained by the New York Times newspaper in 2020, FKA — whose real name is Tahliah Barnett — accused Shia of driving recklessly with her in the passenger seat while out for a drive just after Valentine's Day in 2019, and claimed he removed his seatbelt and threatened to crash the car unless she professed her love for him. FKA also alleged Shia raged at her throughout their drive, and once woke her up from a nap and choked her. When she begged to be let out of the car, she claimed Shia pulled over at a gas station, but then assaulted her and threw her against the car and forced her back in. The lawsuit went on to allege Shia physically, emotionally and mentally abused her many times in a relationship that lasted less than a year, and also included allegations of Shia giving the singer a sexually transmitted disease (STD). FKA said she came forward with her allegations in order to show how abusive relationships can affect anyone. She said in the suit: "I'd like to be able to raise awareness on the tactics that abusers use to control you and take away your agency." Shia responded to the allegations through the New York Times, and admitted he had been "abusive to myself and everyone around me for years". However, he insisted that "many of these allegations are not true", but also said he owed the women "the opportunity to air their statements publicly and accept accountability for those things I have done". He revealed last year that FKA was seeking US$10 million (S$12.77 million) in damages. [[nid:719742]]
Perth Now
11 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Perth Now
FKA twigs settles Shia LaBeouf lawsuit
FKA twigs has settled her lawsuit for sexual battery with Shia LaBeouf. In 2020, the 37-year-old singer filed documents in Los Angeles Superior Court against the 39-year-old actor for alleged sexual battery, assault, and infliction of emotional distress during the course of their brief relationship in 2019. However, according to Us Weekly, which obtained the legal documents, FKA twigs has filed to end her lawsuit with prejudice, meaning she cannot refile the claims in the future. FKA twig's lawyer Bryan Freedman and Shia's lawyer, Shawn Holley, released a joint statement saying: 'Committed to forging a constructive path forward, we have agreed to settle our case out of court. While the details of the settlement will remain private, we wish each other personal happiness, professional success and peace in the future.' According to the lawsuit, which was obtained by the New York Times newspaper in 2020, FKA - whose real name is Tahliah Barnett - accused Shia of driving recklessly with her in the passenger seat whilst out for a drive just after Valentine's Day in 2019, and claimed he removed his seatbelt and threatened to crash the car unless she professed her love for him. FKA also alleged Shia raged at her throughout their drive, and once woke her up from a nap and choked her. When she begged to be let out of the car, she claims Shia pulled over at a gas station, but then assaulted her and threw her against the car and forced her back in. The lawsuit went on to allege Shia physically, emotionally and mentally abused her many times in a relationship that lasted less than a year, and also includes allegations of Shia giving the singer a sexually transmitted disease (STD). FKA said she came forward with her allegations in order to show how abusive relationships can affect anyone. She said in the suit: 'I'd like to be able to raise awareness on the tactics that abusers use to control you and take away your agency.' Shia responded to the allegations through the New York Times, and admitted he had been 'abusive to myself and everyone around me for years'. However, he insisted that 'many of these allegations are not true', but also said he owed the women 'the opportunity to air their statements publicly and accept accountability for those things I have done'. He revealed last year that FKA was seeking $10 million in damages.
News18
19 hours ago
- Politics
- News18
Pakistan's New Travel Policy For Shia Pilgrims Reveals A Deep Sectarian Fault Line
Last Updated: From January 1, 2026, Pakistani nationals undertaking pilgrimages to Shia sacred sites in Iran and Iraq will no longer be allowed to travel independently In a move justified through bureaucratic reasoning but deeply rooted in longstanding sectarian inequalities, the Pakistani government has unveiled extensive new measures that will significantly affect the country's Shia community. On July 15, interior minister Mohsin Naqvi announced that, starting from January 1, 2026, Pakistani nationals undertaking pilgrimages to Shia sacred sites in Iran and Iraq will no longer be allowed to travel independently. Instead, such religious journeys must be conducted exclusively in closely monitored groups, overseen by government-certified operators known as Zaireen Group Organisers (ZGOs). Presented as a necessary reaction to diplomatic concerns from Iran and Iraq regarding visa overstays and unauthorised activities, the newly announced policy has raised more concerns than clarity, drawing attention to the pronounced sectarian bias embedded within it. The government's rationale fails to hold under closer examination, particularly when contrasted with its tolerant approach to similar violations committed by Sunni pilgrims visiting Saudi Arabia. Consequently, this directive represents more than a mere procedural alteration—it conveys a veiled message to Pakistan's Shia population that they are not deemed trustworthy to travel independently. The double standard is unmistakable. For example, in December 2024 alone, Saudi Arabia deported nearly 5,000 Pakistani citizens in just one month—primarily Sunni pilgrims who had overstayed their Umrah visas and were found begging. This issue is not limited to Saudi Arabia; other Gulf nations such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have also deported hundreds of Pakistanis for similar infractions. In fact, in April 2025, Saudi authorities imposed a temporary visa ban on 14 countries, including Pakistan, citing the need to curb unauthorised Hajj participation and widespread visa violations. Despite these developments, the Pakistani government has not implemented any restrictions on individual Sunni pilgrimages to Mecca or Medina, nor has it introduced a system of regulated group travel for them. If the core concern truly lies in visa breaches and diplomatic pressures, it raises a pressing question: why has only one sect been subjected to such punitive regulation, particularly when Gulf monarchies have consistently expressed concerns about Pakistani nationals engaging in begging and other illicit activities? The stance adopted by the Pakistani government reveals a clear sectarian inclination and forms part of a broader, long-standing pattern of discriminatory practices against the Shia minority, which constitutes an estimated 15-20 per cent of the national population. For decades, Pakistan's Shia citizens have faced state-backed marginalisation —ranging from explicit exclusion in key government positions to more covert institutional apathy that overlooks violence perpetrated by the Sunni majority, as notably seen in Parachinar within the Kurram district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. While many such forms of bias are subtle, others have been overt and violently repressive. Viewed within the broader historical context, the newly introduced pilgrimage regulation is merely another addition to a persistent trend of policies that have implicitly, if not explicitly, relegated the Shia community to a subordinate status. This so-called 'administrative requirement" fails to withstand scrutiny when placed against the wider backdrop of the state's consistent alignment with Sunni orthodoxy. For many Shia Muslims, visiting the sacred sites of Najaf and Karbala in Iraq, as well as Qom and Mashhad in Iran, represents more than merely a religious duty—it serves as a profound emotional, spiritual, and cultural connection. These pilgrimages, primarily undertaken during the Islamic months of Muharram (for Ashura) and Safar (for Arbaeen), are vital expressions of faith and identity within the Shia tradition. Under the newly imposed regulations, such pilgrimages must now be conducted exclusively through state-approved organisers, many of whom impose prohibitively high charges and operate with little transparency. Independent travel options, which tend to be more affordable and allow for greater flexibility, will be rendered unlawful under this system. As a result, this policy effectively marginalises low-income Shia families and places additional constraints on their already restricted religious liberties. The disparity is striking. Sunni pilgrims travelling to Saudi Arabia for Umrah continue to benefit from a largely unmonitored travel framework, despite persistent reports of visa overstays, unlawful employment, and even infractions such as widespread begging. The government's reaction has typically been to ignore these issues or, at most, issue mild advisories—without imposing any broad restrictions or invoking claims of 'administrative necessity". Although it is accurate that the Iranian and Iraqi authorities have raised concerns about certain pilgrims, particularly during mass gatherings like Arbaeen, it is misleading to argue that the new restrictions are solely a response to these issues. If that were genuinely the case, the Pakistani government would have already put in place a regulatory policy addressing Umrah travel to Saudi Arabia—especially given Riyadh's repeated complaints regarding visa violations and begging by Pakistani citizens. Yet, instead of devising such a framework, Islamabad has consistently chosen to overlook these infractions committed by Sunni nationals deported from these Gulf states. The sole discernible distinction appears to lie in sectarian affiliation. Pakistan's centres of power—particularly its military-intelligence apparatus and dominant Sunni religious institutions—have long influenced the definition of full citizenship. Consequently, this measure does not merely constitute a travel regulation; it symbolises what appears to be a litmus test for citizenship, wherein a Pakistani Shia is denied the right to undertake pilgrimages independently, while a Sunni remains free to do so. By implementing such exclusionary travel protocols, the state not only marginalises a segment of its population but also risks exacerbating sectarian divisions in a nation already burdened by deep polarisation, political suppression, and widespread instability. Historically, Pakistan's constitution guaranteed equal rights to all citizens regardless of their faith or sect, although it has explicitly discriminated against the Ahmadiyya community—another oppressed group alongside Hindus, Shias, and Christians. Yet, for many within the Shia community, as with other religious minorities, that constitutional assurance has rarely translated into practice. The introduction of the new travel regulation serves as a stark reminder that in the Islamic Republic, religious liberty is not a universal entitlement but rather a tightly controlled and selectively granted privilege, managed and rationed by the state. Although visa enforcement, like border control, is a legitimate responsibility of the state, its impartiality is compromised when its execution aligns with sectarian fault lines. At that point, it no longer remains a neutral administrative act but becomes a vehicle for discrimination. If Pakistan genuinely seeks to foster national unity, it must reject the selective application of the law and commit to governance grounded in fairness—applying rules uniformly across all communities without favour or prejudice. This approach should also support, rather than restrict, religious expression, regardless of sectarian identity. Crucially, it requires avoiding the misuse of bureaucratic mechanisms as tools of sectarian exclusion. top videos View all Until such principles are upheld, the concept of 'equal citizenship" in Pakistan will continue to ring hollow—serving more as a bitter irony than a constitutional assurance. This is particularly evident for communities that are repeatedly compelled to demonstrate their loyalty, even in their most sacred journeys of faith. The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : pakistan Shia sunni view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 22, 2025, 19:32 IST News opinion Global Watch | Pakistan's New Travel Policy For Shia Pilgrims Reveals A Deep Sectarian Fault Line Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Economic Times
2 days ago
- Politics
- Economic Times
Iran or US? Pakistan lands in a catch-22 situation as Iranian ambassador Reza Amiri Moghadam is 'most wanted' by FBI
ANI Reza Amiri Moghadam (M). Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) of the US has named three senior Iranian intelligence officers in connection with the 2007 abduction of retired FBI agent Robert A "Bob" Levinson from Kish Island in Iran, the US federal agency said in a statement. The three men identified are Reza Amiri Moghadam, Taghi Daneshvar and Gholamhossein Mohammadnia. The FBI's Washington Field Office said the trio played key roles in Levinson's kidnapping and in efforts to hide Iran's involvement. Reza Amiri Moghadam, an official of Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security, is wanted for questioning based on his alleged involvement in the abduction, detention, and probable death of retired FBI Special Agent Robert A. Levinson. Pakistan Link Reza Amiri Moghadam, now serving as Iran's ambassador to Pakistan, previously led operations for the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS). The FBI says he was in charge of agents in Europe at the time Levinson disappeared, the FBI statement added. Reza Amiri Moghadam, an official of Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security, is wanted for questioning based on his alleged involvement in the abduction, detention, and probable death of retired FBI Special Agent Robert A. Levinson: — FBI Most Wanted (@FBIMostWanted) July 15, 2025 It is extremely rare for a nation to publicly issue a 'wanted' notice targeting an ambassador of another country, particularly when relations between the involved nations are not openly hostile. Such an action is not only diplomatically provocative but also places both the ambassador and the host country in a deeply awkward position, potentially straining otherwise stable international ties. In March 2025, the US Treasury Department sanctioned all three officials including Reza Amiri Foreign Ministry is yet to make any concrete statement regarding Reza Amiri Moghadam even though Ministry's spokesperson Shafqat Khan has spoken very highly about the Iran's ambassador to which shares border with Iran, has a sizeable Shia even as it is majority Sunni state. Iran is a Shia state but holds influence over the sect's population in Pakistan. However, going by the Islamabad's reactions, it seems that authority in Pakistan does not want to be seen as hostile state in front of President Donald Trump. Thus the Reza Amiri Moghadam issue has become a catch-22 situation for Pakistan. The FBI believes that Iranian intelligence services not only carried out the abduction but also spread false information to escape Daneshvar, who is known by several aliases, is another senior MOIS officer. He reportedly oversaw Mohammad Baseri, an MOIS officer who was sanctioned by the US earlier, during the time Levinson went third officer, Gholamhossein Mohammadnia, was Iran's ambassador to Albania. He was expelled from the country in 2018 for actions deemed harmful to Albania's national security. The FBI says he tried to shift blame for Levinson's disappearance onto a terrorist group in FBI is now offering a reward of up to 5 million US dollars for any information that could help locate Levinson or identify those responsible. The US State Department is offering a separate reward of up to 20 million US dollars for information that leads to Levinson's retired from the FBI in 1998. He was last seen on Kish Island in March 2007. While Iran has repeatedly denied involvement, US officials maintain that top Iranian intelligence officers planned the abduction and attempted to cover it up using disinformation. Q1. Who is President of USA?A1. President of USA is Donald Trump. Q2. Who is Reza Amiri Moghadam - wanted by FBI? A2. Reza Amiri Moghadam, now serving as Iran's ambassador to Pakistan, previously led operations for the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS).
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Iran or US? Pakistan lands in a catch-22 situation as Iranian ambassador Reza Amiri Moghadam is 'most wanted' by FBI
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) of the US has named three senior Iranian intelligence officers in connection with the 2007 abduction of retired FBI agent Robert A "Bob" Levinson from Kish Island in Iran, the US federal agency said in a statement. The three men identified are Reza Amiri Moghadam , Taghi Daneshvar and Gholamhossein Mohammadnia. The FBI's Washington Field Office said the trio played key roles in Levinson's kidnapping and in efforts to hide Iran's involvement. Reza Amiri Moghadam, an official of Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security, is wanted for questioning based on his alleged involvement in the abduction, detention, and probable death of retired FBI Special Agent Robert A. Levinson. Pakistan Link Reza Amiri Moghadam, now serving as Iran's ambassador to Pakistan, previously led operations for the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS). The FBI says he was in charge of agents in Europe at the time Levinson disappeared, the FBI statement added. Reza Amiri Moghadam, an official of Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security, is wanted for questioning based on his alleged involvement in the abduction, detention, and probable death of retired FBI Special Agent Robert A. Levinson: — FBI Most Wanted (@FBIMostWanted) July 15, 2025 It is extremely rare for a nation to publicly issue a 'wanted' notice targeting an ambassador of another country, particularly when relations between the involved nations are not openly hostile. Such an action is not only diplomatically provocative but also places both the ambassador and the host country in a deeply awkward position, potentially straining otherwise stable international ties. Live Events In March 2025, the US Treasury Department sanctioned all three officials including Reza Amiri Moghadam. Pakistan Foreign Ministry is yet to make any concrete statement regarding Reza Amiri Moghadam even though Ministry's spokesperson Shafqat Khan has spoken very highly about the Iran's ambassador to Pakistan. Pakistan, which shares border with Iran, has a sizeable Shia even as it is majority Sunni state. Iran is a Shia state but holds influence over the sect's population in Pakistan. However, going by the Islamabad's reactions, it seems that authority in Pakistan does not want to be seen as hostile state in front of President Donald Trump. Thus the Reza Amiri Moghadam issue has become a catch-22 situation for Pakistan. USA vs Iran The FBI believes that Iranian intelligence services not only carried out the abduction but also spread false information to escape responsibility. Taghi Daneshvar, who is known by several aliases, is another senior MOIS officer. He reportedly oversaw Mohammad Baseri, an MOIS officer who was sanctioned by the US earlier, during the time Levinson went missing. The third officer, Gholamhossein Mohammadnia, was Iran's ambassador to Albania. He was expelled from the country in 2018 for actions deemed harmful to Albania's national security. The FBI says he tried to shift blame for Levinson's disappearance onto a terrorist group in Pakistan. The FBI is now offering a reward of up to 5 million US dollars for any information that could help locate Levinson or identify those responsible. The US State Department is offering a separate reward of up to 20 million US dollars for information that leads to Levinson's recovery. Levinson retired from the FBI in 1998. He was last seen on Kish Island in March 2007. While Iran has repeatedly denied involvement, US officials maintain that top Iranian intelligence officers planned the abduction and attempted to cover it up using disinformation. FAQs Q1. Who is President of USA? A1. President of USA is Donald Trump. Q2. Who is Reza Amiri Moghadam - wanted by FBI? A2. Reza Amiri Moghadam, now serving as Iran's ambassador to Pakistan, previously led operations for the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS).
