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A Baloch reproach: How Pakistan lies about India and Balochistan
A Baloch reproach: How Pakistan lies about India and Balochistan

India Today

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • India Today

A Baloch reproach: How Pakistan lies about India and Balochistan

On May 23, Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, the Director General of Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the media wing of the Pakistan Armed Forces, held a press briefing alongside Interior Secretary Khurram Muhammad Agha in Islamabad. There, Chaudhry spoke about how the Pakistani military was a responsible force, how it was accountable to the people of the country, the freedom of expression the media allegedly enjoyed in Pakistan, and how the country respected the rights of religious minorities. He also claimed that Pakistan was a democratic remarks were aimed at convincing the public that Pakistan is better than its neighbour, India. As Chaudhry said, India controls its media, detains journalists, targets activists, and denies religious freedom to galoreThese statements are not only far from the truth but can easily be debunked by simply searching for 'how minorities are treated in Pakistan' on the internet. Pakistan has a sordid history of persecuting Ahmadis, burning down their places of worship, denying them dignity, and casting them out of society. Christians are treated even worse. The only jobs available to them often involve manual labour, such as cleaning gutters or working as toilet attendants. They are not seen as equals and are often not even regarded as human. Many are forced to live in small huts on the outskirts of cities, unable to live among the Muslim The country is also notorious for abducting and forcibly marrying underage Hindu girls, forcing them to convert to Islam. Those responsible for such crimes are often protected by the state. If the victims' families speak out, they are punished for allegedly tarnishing Pakistan's image. The killings of Shias and Hazaras are yet more examples of how the Pakistani state treats religious minorities within its sweeping claims about freedom of expression and the press in Pakistan compared to India are not only false but also an attempt by the Pakistani military to create a false narrative and distract from its crimes and acts of terrorism. In Pakistan, the media is only free when it serves the interests of the military and the ruling who report on the brutalities committed by the Pakistani forces or who speak about the persecution of Baloch, Pashtuns, Sindhis, Muhajirs, Kashmiris, Ahmadis, Shias, Christians, and Hindus are targeted, and the news organisations they work for are often banned or forced to conform. Many journalists have faced persecution for their work, and many remain behind bars. On May 24, a Baloch journalist was targeted and killed by Pakistani forces in the Awaran district of Balochistan, further demonstrating the so-called freedom of the press in press briefing was filled with lies and misinformation. Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry blamed India for the situation in Balochistan and other parts of Pakistan, citing the attack in Khuzdar on May 21 as an example. Without providing any concrete evidence, the spokesman for the Pakistani Armed Forces relied on social media posts and news reports, stating that because Indian media reported the attack, India must have been involved in targeting a so-called military school Pakistani government, military, and the media blamed the Baloch Liberation Army without presenting a shred of evidence. They even went as far as to share doctored videos, falsely claiming that children were targeted in the attack. Independent sources have reported that the actual target was military personnel and that a significant number of them were killed. So far, no Baloch or other militant group has claimed responsibility for the attack.A bloody historySince its inception, Pakistan has relied on spreading false narratives to justify its brutal actions against political activists and human rights defenders. The same state that committed genocide against Bengalis still dares to sit before the press and blame India for supporting Bangladesh, conveniently ignoring its role in denying the democratic mandate of Bengalis and pushing them toward seeking independence from Pakistan's oppressive Pakistan's claims that India supports Baloch armed groups are irrelevant. It was not India that invaded and occupied Balochistan in 1948 using military force. It was not India that carried out five major military operations against the Baloch people, killing thousands of civilians. India is not the one behind the enforced disappearances of Baloch did not betray Agha Abdul Karim Khan and Nawab Nauroz Khan. It did not overthrow the elected National Awami Party government. It did not test nuclear weapons in the populated region of Chaghi without evacuating locals. It did not assassinate Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti or the leaders of the Baloch National Movement and Baloch Republican Party, including Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, Sher Mohammad Baloch, and Lala Munir Baloch. It did not target the Baloch Students Organisation Azad or abduct and kill countless of its did not murder professors like Saba Dashtyari and Zahid Askani for their educational contributions and love for their homeland. Nor did it kill thousands of Baloch citizens in torture camps, including the son of Mama Qadeer Baloch and the father of Dr Mahrang is the Pakistani state that is responsible for abducting and killing political activists and leaders, such as the father of Sammi Deen, who has been missing for 16 years. It is the Pakistani state that murders Baloch citizens and buries them in mass are just a few examples of the countless atrocities committed by the Pakistani state in Balochistan over the past 27 ignorance and its failure to understand the Baloch issue are evident even in its language. The ISPR director general refers to the Baloch people as "Balochi", a term that refers to the language. A person who does not even know the difference between the people and their language claims to have authority over them and to decide who their leaders are. His tone and body language during the briefing reflected a deep-seated hatred toward the Baloch people, a sentiment the people of Balochistan are all too familiar with. This hatred is not new; it has been a consistent part of the state's Sharif Chaudhry also launched a personal attack on Dr Mahrang Baloch, the prominent leader of the Baloch people, claiming she does not enjoy popular support. This is the most blatant lie of the entire press conference. Dr Mahrang Baloch is arguably the only leader in recent times who has garnered such widespread support from the Baloch nation. Her popularity is rooted in her struggle and the people's trust, and the lies and fabrications of military spokesmen will not diminish Pakistani state, its military establishment, intelligence agencies, and so-called democratic governments have consistently used brutal force against the people of Balochistan to suppress their struggle. This mindset remains unchanged, and it continues to be reflected in their statements and press briefing was yet another attempt by the Pakistani state to fabricate a deceptive image of itself, diverting attention from its long record of oppression, human rights violations, and state-sponsored violence, particularly in Balochistan. By making hollow comparisons with India and presenting itself as a democratic, tolerant, and accountable nation, Pakistan continues to deny the harsh realities endured by its citizens, especially those in occupied historical denialism, and attacks on credible Baloch voices are central components of the state's propaganda machinery. Yet no amount of narrative manipulation can erase the suffering, the sacrifices, or the unyielding resistance of the Baloch nation.(Hakeem Baloch is the focal person for the Baloch National Movement's foreign department. He is a freelance journalist and regularly writes about human rights issues and current affairs in Balochistan.)(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Tune InTrending Reel

Same Target, Different Tactics
Same Target, Different Tactics

News18

time02-05-2025

  • Politics
  • News18

Same Target, Different Tactics

Last Updated: May 02, 2025, 13:00 IST Two deadly terror organisations, Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), are led by deadlier commanders with distinct tactics and two different ideologies. While Rauf Azhar of JeM believes in high-intensity attacks, Sajid Jatt of LeT prefers sustained insurgency under the guidance of the ISI, posing a long-term threat to regional stability. Rauf Azhar is the mastermind behind some of the deadliest attacks in India, including the 2001 Parliament attack, the 2016 Pathankot airbase assault, and the 2019 Pulwama bombing that resulted in the death of 40 CRPF personnel. He also orchestrated the 1999 Kandahar hijacking, which led to the release of Masood Azhar. Rauf Azhar embodies JeM's sectarian radicalism and high-risk operations. On the other hand, Sajid Jatt represents LeT's insurgency, closely aligned with the ISI. While Rauf's attacks have immediate devastating impacts, Jatt's adaptive insurgency presents a prolonged challenge to regional peace. CNN-News18 delves into the operational methods of both terrorists. The commanders of Jaish and Lashkar share similar goals but differ in ideologies and tactics. Rauf Azhar, from the Deobandi sect, emphasises strict Sunni orthodoxy and violence against Shias and other minorities. His leadership has led to internal splits within JeM, with members rebelling against Masood Azhar for prioritising Kashmir over global jihad. Historically, Rauf Azhar's faction has targeted Pakistani Christians and state symbols, including assassination attempts on Pervez Musharraf. Sajid Jatt, influenced by the Ahl-e-Hadith sect followed by LeT, aligns with Salafism and focuses on Kashmir-centric jihad while avoiding direct confrontation with the Pakistani state. Unlike JeM, LeT maintains close ties with the ISI. Post-2019, TRF, a proxy of LeT, was created to portray terrorism as a local Kashmiri movement, thereby avoiding international scrutiny. Rauf Azhar masterminded major attacks like the 2001 Parliament strike, the 2016 Pathankot assault, and the 2019 Pulwama bombing, escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. He relies on encrypted devices and public rallies in Pakistan to incite violence, as seen in his 2017 speech threatening an attack bigger than Pathankot. Sajid Jatt manages TRF operations under a domestic front disguise, using drones for weapon drops and encrypted apps like Telegram and WhatsApp for recruitment and propaganda. Recent attacks, such as the 2025 Pahalgam massacre, involved checking victims' IDs to target Hindus and spare Muslims, aiming to incite communal tensions. JeM has splintered into factions like Jamaat-ul-Furqan (JuF) due to internal dissent against Masood Azhar's loyalty to Pakistan. Rauf Azhar's leadership is marked by alliances with Al-Qaeda and internal conflicts. Jaish operates like a family enterprise, with Rauf Azhar and his brother Masood Azhar centralizing control, resulting in operational rigidity. LeT maintains a structured hierarchy under Hafiz Saeed, with TRF acting as a deniable proxy. Sajid Jatt coordinates with senior LeT leaders and ISI handlers. LeT fighters are trained in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan and associated with Al-Qaeda. They are suspected of procuring encrypted technology through ISI-China networks.

Same Target, Different Tactics: How Commanders Of Jaish And Lashkar Operate
Same Target, Different Tactics: How Commanders Of Jaish And Lashkar Operate

News18

time02-05-2025

  • Politics
  • News18

Same Target, Different Tactics: How Commanders Of Jaish And Lashkar Operate

Last Updated: While Rauf Azhar of JeM believes in high-intensity attacks, Sajid Jatt of LeT prefers sustained insurgency with help from ISI, posing a long-term threat to regional stability. Two deadly terror organisations, Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), are led by deadlier commanders with distinct tactics and two different ideologies. While Rauf Azhar of JeM believes in high-intensity attacks, Sajid Jatt of LeT prefers sustained insurgency under the guidance of the ISI, posing a long-term threat to regional stability. Rauf Azhar is the mastermind behind some of the deadliest attacks in India, including the 2001 Parliament attack, the 2016 Pathankot airbase assault, and the 2019 Pulwama bombing that resulted in the death of 40 CRPF personnel. He also orchestrated the 1999 Kandahar hijacking, which led to the release of Masood Azhar. Rauf Azhar embodies JeM's sectarian radicalism and high-risk operations. On the other hand, Sajid Jatt represents LeT's insurgency, closely aligned with the ISI. While Rauf's attacks have immediate devastating impacts, Jatt's adaptive insurgency presents a prolonged challenge to regional peace. CNN-News18 delves into the operational methods of both terrorists. The commanders of Jaish and Lashkar share similar goals but differ in ideologies and tactics. Rauf Azhar, from the Deobandi sect, emphasises strict Sunni orthodoxy and violence against Shias and other minorities. His leadership has led to internal splits within JeM, with members rebelling against Masood Azhar for prioritising Kashmir over global jihad. Historically, Rauf Azhar's faction has targeted Pakistani Christians and state symbols, including assassination attempts on Pervez Musharraf. Sajid Jatt, influenced by the Ahl-e-Hadith sect followed by LeT, aligns with Salafism and focuses on Kashmir-centric jihad while avoiding direct confrontation with the Pakistani state. Unlike JeM, LeT maintains close ties with the ISI. Post-2019, TRF, a proxy of LeT, was created to portray terrorism as a local Kashmiri movement, thereby avoiding international scrutiny. Rauf Azhar masterminded major attacks like the 2001 Parliament strike, the 2016 Pathankot assault, and the 2019 Pulwama bombing, escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. He relies on encrypted devices and public rallies in Pakistan to incite violence, as seen in his 2017 speech threatening an attack bigger than Pathankot. Sajid Jatt manages TRF operations under a domestic front disguise, using drones for weapon drops and encrypted apps like Telegram and WhatsApp for recruitment and propaganda. Recent attacks, such as the 2025 Pahalgam massacre, involved checking victims' IDs to target Hindus and spare Muslims, aiming to incite communal tensions. JeM has splintered into factions like Jamaat-ul-Furqan (JuF) due to internal dissent against Masood Azhar's loyalty to Pakistan. Rauf Azhar's leadership is marked by alliances with Al-Qaeda and internal conflicts. Jaish operates like a family enterprise, with Rauf Azhar and his brother Masood Azhar centralizing control, resulting in operational rigidity. LeT maintains a structured hierarchy under Hafiz Saeed, with TRF acting as a deniable proxy. Sajid Jatt coordinates with senior LeT leaders and ISI handlers. LeT fighters are trained in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan and associated with Al-Qaeda. They are suspected of procuring encrypted technology through ISI-China networks. LeT, co-founded by Osama bin Laden, prioritises Kashmir over global jihad to retain ISI support. The organisation receives funding and political cover from Pakistan, with leaders like Hafiz Saeed operating openly. JeM aims to provoke military retaliation from India to internationalise the Kashmir issue, as seen after Pulwama. Jaish also targets Shias and Christians within Pakistan, complicating its relationship with ISI. Lashkar focuses on sustained warfare in Kashmir, using TRF to maintain a low-intensity conflict while avoiding Financial Action Task Force (FATF) blacklisting. LeT exploits social media to glorify militancy and recruit youth, presenting TRF as a resistance movement. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from geopolitics to diplomacy and global trends. Stay informed with the latest world news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! First Published: May 02, 2025, 12:58 IST

After Pahalgam: Why Retaliation Alone Won't End Terrorism Between India and Pakistan
After Pahalgam: Why Retaliation Alone Won't End Terrorism Between India and Pakistan

The Hindu

time01-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hindu

After Pahalgam: Why Retaliation Alone Won't End Terrorism Between India and Pakistan

Published : May 01, 2025 14:09 IST - 5 MINS READ Prime Minister Narendra Modi has disingenuously, after a high-profile meeting with service and intelligence chiefs and the National Security Advisor, given them 'operational freedom' for the 'mode, targets, and timing of response' to the April 22 Pahalgam attack that claimed 26 Indian lives. Disingenuous because wars, historically, are only won given a clear political objective. Delivering a 'crushing blow to terrorism' sounds Sisyphean. Perhaps Modi does not want war. That's good: war should never be an option, if only for the practical reason that war is unpredictable and uncontrollable. Still, many in India are still gripped with war fever, anxious to cross the Line of Control (LoC)/border and turn Pakistan into three of four new nations. This is absurd. The most powerful USA spent two decades in Afghanistan before handing it back in one piece to the very radicals they fought. After the US wrecked a previously functional Iraq, it remains a single country despite the centrifugal tendencies of the Shias, Sunnis, and Kurds. Yes, Yugoslavia (1918-1992) broke up; but that was from within and led to 11 years of war. Thus, the break-up of Pakistan is currently a pipe dream. Also Read | Pahalgam massacre and the mirage of control At least teach them a lesson, some say. While individuals may learn lessons, it is not apparent that countries do. Look at Israel. Despite six million Jews dying in an industrial extermination program a mere 80 years ago, it is now systematically eradicating Palestine. Did Pakistan become a subservient neighbour after being broken into two in 1971? As our cautious generals remind our anxious politicians, there exists more than one veto in the world, not least Pakistan's 'iron brother', China. (Foreign Minister Wang Yi sprinkled salt in Indian wounds this week.) Even the US will eventually say: enough is enough, boys. This leaves us with 'surgical strikes' on terrorist camps, as took place after attacks in Uri (2016, 19 jawans dead) and Pulwama (2019, 40 paramilitary dead). Clearly, surgical strikes are useless in deterring terrorism. And after the shock of Pahalgam, few Indians will derive satisfaction from a mere surgical strike. After the 2008 Mumbai attack, then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh did not, despite pressure (from Modi, among others), launch a surgical strike. It took eight years after that for Uri to happen, and it has been six years from Pulwama to Pahalgam. A statistician might prefer no surgical strikes to non-surgical strikes. There is a fresh option: Ukraine's defence against the three-year-plus Russian invasion has seen the extensive use of military drones. Just this week, Ukraine launched hundreds of suicide-drones against Russian targets effectively, according to Western blogs monitoring the war. India has, over the past three years, been acquiring military drones, many from Israel. Perhaps a hundred or so can be sent to the Lashkar-e-Toiba's headquarters in Muridke, just outside Lahore, unless our Generals veto a targeted assassination attempt as too risky. More likely is a managed tit-for-tat kinetic action. Our Air Force or missiles hit one of their less populated areas, and they do something similar. Everyone goes home happy. War is avoided. But terrorism will continue. As former Indian High Commissioner in Islamabad, Sharat Sabharwa,l wrote this week, absent of diplomacy, Indo-Pak relations have reduced to deterrence and coercion: '...coercion seems to be becoming an end in itself' (sic). 'Such an environment is prone to volatility and violence,' he says, adding that no matter how effective our security forces, they cannot ensure zero terror. How can terrorism be stopped? The key to stopping terrorism, retired Intelligence Bureau (IB) official Avinash Mohananey wrote, is local intelligence. Look it up: in 1965, Pakistan's war plan was upset when two shepherds reported infiltration in Kashmir to Indian authorities. Yet, local intelligence dries up if you antagonise the locals. 'Keep the Kashmiri happy and on our side,' former spy chief AS Dulat said in Bengaluru. The Jammu and Kashmir Assembly passed a resolution condemning the attack but also noted the attacks on Kashmiris around the country. Demolishing homes (nine so far, though there were only two local terrorists), demonising Kashmiris by the worst instincts media, or beating up students outside the Valley does not help our cause. What's left is diplomacy. 'We have to move forward with Pakistan,' Dulat said at the launch of his book The Chief Minister and the Spy in Delhi on April 18. Four days later, this prompted an intemperate journalist (formerly with The Hindu) to demand (on social media) an immediate missile attack at various places, including the book-launch venue at the old-world luxury hotel. The 85-year-old Dulat has thought long and hard about Pakistan and Kashmir all his career, and even the current government sought his active help after the 2019 abrogation of Article 370. If such an experienced man says we must move forward and that there is no alternative to peace, then we would do well to take his word for it. State Congress chief Tariq Ahmed Karra this week also advocated 'sitting across the table' and talking to Pakistan. Not surprisingly, he was scorned by heroes of the ruling party. One might conclude that there is currently little appetite in India for peace. Also Read | Revived shadows of Partition fall on Pahalgam This is in part thanks to the government's policy of not talking to Pakistan at all (Modi's early effort at personal diplomacy, by crash-landing into his counterpart Nawaz Sharif's granddaughter's wedding, proved futile). It is also thanks to the steady drumbeat against Indian Muslims and a media saturated with jingoistic films, mindless shows and propagandist books. Temperatures have risen during the past 11 years, and bringing them down to make diplomacy with one's neighbour palatable again will take time. But only when the fever breaks can diplomacy properly begin. This government will not be a sobering influence on India; it can't allow Modi's 'brand' dilution. That means unending, if sporadic, terrorism. For it to end, the bilateral relationship must change. For that, Delhi will need a new government, but in Islamabad, there is little chance of the military ever loosening its grip on power. It looks like a very long haul ahead. Aditya Sinha is a writer living on the outskirts of Delhi.

Inside Pakistan's Terror Playbook: Army, ISI, And The Use Of Militancy As State Policy
Inside Pakistan's Terror Playbook: Army, ISI, And The Use Of Militancy As State Policy

News18

time30-04-2025

  • Politics
  • News18

Inside Pakistan's Terror Playbook: Army, ISI, And The Use Of Militancy As State Policy

Last Updated: The Pahalgam attack is the latest chapter in Pakistan's decades-long strategy where the military and ISI train, fund, and shield terror groups to destabilise India The deadly terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam that left 26 civilians dead has once again exposed Pakistan's continued use of terrorism as a tool of state policy. Intelligence inputs suggest that the assault, carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba's (LeT) proxy outfit, The Resistance Front, was incited by Pakistan Army Chief General Asim Munir's 'jugular vein" reference to Kashmir. This latest strike is not an isolated incident but part of a long-standing strategy by Pakistan's military-intelligence establishment. Viewing India as an existential adversary, the Pakistan Army has institutionalised terror as a low-cost weapon to destabilise its neighbour while tightening its grip over civilian institutions at home. The Proxy Playbook Groups like LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) are trained specifically to execute attacks in Kashmir and other parts of India. These efforts are designed to keep the Kashmir conflict alive internationally and bleed India 'through a thousand cuts." Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) continues to fund, arm, and train these militant outfits. LeT alone is reported to operate 2,200 offices across Pakistan, with active training camps in Punjab and Kashmir. Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) also receives support from the ISI. Terrorism, however, serves not just as an external weapon but also as a domestic tool. By positioning itself as the guardian against external threats, the Army has justified its dominance over Pakistan's civilian apparatus. Internally, the military's alignment with Deobandi and Ahl-e-Hadith groups has fostered a Sunni Islamist identity, marginalising minorities such as Shias and Ahmadis. Sectarian outfits like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi have been used to target these communities. These domestic attacks reinforce the army's narrative of Islamic unity in the face of both internal and external threats. The Pakistan Army's ties with jihadist networks are longstanding. During the Soviet-Afghan War, it collaborated with Deobandi madrassas and trained mujahideen with US and Saudi funding. In 2001, the Pakistani Air Force orchestrated the Kunduz airlift, evacuating 5,000 Taliban and Al-Qaeda leaders who had been encircled by NATO forces. The Army and ISI have also long fuelled separatist violence in Kashmir, a strategy that dates back to 1947. Global Attention, Minimal Action Pakistan's record has drawn frequent attention in international reports. The country has been cited by the United States for providing safe havens to groups like LeT. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed Pakistan on its 'grey list" multiple times for failing to curb terror financing, with the last removal taking place in 2022. In 2008, the Brookings Institution had labelled Pakistan 'the world's most active sponsor of terrorism." Despite mounting evidence, the European Union has been criticised for ignoring Pakistan's role. A 2020 European Parliament report flagged 'inefficient policies pushed by the military" and Pakistan's failure to act against groups like LeT, even as ISI-backed groups operated freely. Admissions From Within Senior Pakistani leaders have, over time, openly acknowledged the state's involvement in fuelling terrorism. Former President Pervez Musharraf admitted that Pakistan trained and supported LeT and JeM to fight in Kashmir — calling it a strategy to 'internationalise" the issue. Nawaz Sharif had implied government involvement in the 2008 Mumbai attacks. His successor, Imran Khan, admitted that 30,000 to 40,000 terrorists were operating on Pakistani soil, blaming previous administrations for hiding the truth. ISI's Terror Trail The ISI has been linked to several major terror attacks targeting India. These include the 2008 Mumbai attacks that killed 166 civilians, the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, the 2007 Hyderabad bombings, and the 2008 bombing of the Indian Embassy in Kabul — the last of which was confirmed by US intelligence. Blowback At Home The policy of nurturing jihadist groups has backfired. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, once used to target minorities, has contributed to rising sectarian violence against Shias, Ahmadis, and Sufis. The 2010 attack on Lahore's Data Darbar shrine and other Sufi sites has been traced back to ISI-backed militants. Pakistan's state-led Islamisation under General Zia-ul-Haq between 1979 and 1988 embedded jihadist ideology in educational and military institutions — a legacy that continues to radicalise segments of society. Today, the very militants once supported by the state have turned their guns on it. Groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) are now targeting the Pakistani military. In March 2025 alone, over 335 Pakistanis were killed — the deadliest month in a decade. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from geopolitics to diplomacy and global trends. Stay informed with the latest world news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : jammu and kashmir Pahalgam attack Pakistan ISI Pakistan terrorism Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: April 30, 2025, 14:30 IST News world Inside Pakistan's Terror Playbook: Army, ISI, And The Use Of Militancy As State Policy

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