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The Wire
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Vandalism of Karachi Bakery and the Weaponisation of Food to Portray a Shallow Form of Patriotism
A branch of the famous Karachi Bakery in Shamshabad locality of Hyderabad was vandalised by workers of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on May 10, amidst the then ongoing Operation Sindoor. The attackers, who wore saffron shawls were seen stepping on Pakistani flags and specifically vandalising the name 'Karachi'. Karachi Bakery was established in 1953 by Khanchand Ramnani, a Sindhi Hindu who migrated from Karachi to Hyderabad following the partition of India in 1947. He named the bakery as a homage to his hometown. Over the years, Karachi Bakery has become a part of the culinary fabric of Hyderabad, famed for its biscuits, especially the Osmania Biscuit. It has also emerged as a pan Indian brand, with branches in various cities across the country. Multiple attacks on Karachi Bakery over the years In the past few years, Karachi Bakery has had to face multiple attacks and protests from right wing forces only because of its name. In 2019, in the aftermath of the Pulwama terror attack, the shop was vandalised. Both in 2019 and 2025, one of the owners had to come and clarify that they have no links to Pakistan. Moreover, in 2019, a group of people claiming to be from a human rights organisation covered the bakery's name in one of its branches in Ahmedabad. In 2021 the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) led a protest outside the bakery's Bandra outlet in Mumbai to demand that its name be changed, which eventually led to the outlet's shutting down. Every time there is a conflict with Pakistan, Karachi bakery has to pay the price. 'We request the Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy and senior officers of administration to support to prevent any change in the name. People are putting up Tricolour in the outlets of the bakery across the city, kindly support us as we are an Indian brand and not a Pakistani brand,' the owners issued a statement after the latest incident last month. Despite the repeated attacks over years, the owners have continued to stay in the business and even expanded to the quick commerce platforms such as Zepto and Blinkit. The owner of a general store in Mumbai's Chembur says that there has been no change in the demand for Karachi Bakery products, especially the Osmania and fruit biscuits. A screengrab showing people vandalising the Karachi Bakery. Photo: X/@anusharavi10. So, if consumers are not hesitant in buying their products, it begs the question that who really has a problem with them and why? Why is it that a well known beloved Indian bakery is associated with Pakistan and consequently portrayed as a villain? This is not the only instance of food being weaponised in the backdrop of Operation Sindoor in the past few weeks. In an attempt to contribute to the patriotic fervour, Tyohaar sweets and Bombay Mishtan Bhandar of Jaipur declared that they are dropping the word 'Pak' from all their sweets like Mysore Pak and Moti Pak, assuming it stems from 'Pakistan'. Tyohaar Sweets declared they will replace it with the word 'shree'. 'People who think that pak is somehow related to Pakistan are so ignorant. It shows that they have no awareness about south Indian culture, language and practices. Paaka in Kannada means the sticky, sweet syrupy base that holds the sweet together, sometimes soft, sometimes chewy, sometimes hard, based on what people prefer. There are thousands of words with pak in them. Are all these names going to change and are those changes going to make one more nationalistic or ensure the security of the country?' Dr. Sylvia Karpagam, a renowned public health doctor and researcher who has worked extensively on the intersections of food and politics, told The Wire in an interview. Whenever there is a conflict with Pakistan we see how restaurants and food are targeted. Vandalising Indian restaurants and changing names of Indian dishes become the easiest way of portraying a shallow form of patriotism. It amounts to nothing but political narrative setting. 'Food is an easy way to divide communities' Karpagam feels that it is 'not surprising' such attacks happen, in fact it would be surprising if they didn't. ' These attacks are not unusual. the culture of extra-judicial actions, rakshaks of various objects and spaces, encounter killings etc. are valorised. Mainstream media and even so called leaders – political and religious – participate in this valorisation. People don't seem to find it ridiculous to target people who have nothing to do with terrorism or war or inter-country issues,' she added. These attacks and protests could be seen in the larger context of weaponising food to create political narratives. Food has always been politicised and used as a tool to discriminate and conduct violence. Recently there has been discourse about challenging the perceived supremacy of vegetarianism and beef eating practices. 'Food is an easy way to divide communities depending on who owns them and who eats there. Even though only 20% Indians identify as vegetarian, they dictate which foods are considered as pure/touchable and which are untouchable and impure. If there are attacks on Muslim or Dalit communities, there is a tacit support, silence and collusion by the larger society,' said Karpagam. This leads to a lot of impunity among people who are actually anti-social elements who are valorised as heros. When brutal murders happen by the so-called vigilantes , they are celebrated. This is a violation of the Constitution and rule of law. Now the Muslim community is being targeted for occupying a space that was left empty because of caste prejudices against meat,' she added. Therefore, such instances when a karachi bakery is vandalised, a Mysore Pak is renamed, a Sabir Malik is lynched to death on suspicion of eating beef, or when a Dalit man is denied entry in a restaurant in Bellari, they are just manifestations of caste and class supremacy through food. Deciding the narratives on who can eat what and where and to decide what is acceptable is a power wielded by the privileged. Such manifestations go against the ethos of our constitution and shows how food can be used to otherise identities and remains a deeply political subject. The author is an intern at The Wire. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
Time of India
01-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Pak Hindu refugees in Delhi discuss future as eviction looms
New Delhi: Pakistani Hindu refugees from various Delhi settlements, fearing eviction, held a large panchayat to discuss their future. These Sindhi Hindu families, who fled religious persecution in Pakistan and were granted Indian citizenship last year, now feel betrayed. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now They live in five camps across Delhi, including part of Majnu Ka Tila near the Yamuna floodplain. Though no eviction notices have been issued by DDA, the community learned through the media about a recent high court ruling allowing the clearance of the Majnu Ka Tila settlement. "Where will we go? We were running, fleeing for our lives, and India is the only nation where we, as Hindus, could find safety. Now, even if we won't find a place to live here, where are we supposed to go? We don't have much education, cannot afford a lawyer, and were living off the help of our Hindu brothers here. Somehow, we managed to earn a living here, managed to send our children to school, to give them a life that we could never dream of. Now, this decision of the court has come as a knife to our hearts," said Sukhnandan, pradhan of Majnu Ka Tila, who came to India in 2012 and settled on vacant land next to a gurdwara. At the meeting, and a heated one, held at another settlement on the Yamuna floodplain near Signature Bridge, high-pitched discussions were on. Representatives from all six settlement camps in Delhi — Majnu Ka Tila, Signature Bridge, Adarsh Nagar, Bhatti Mines, Rohini Sector 11 and Rohini Sector 25 — had gathered there to discuss future action. They plan to meet chief minister Rekha Gupta to explore resettlement options. Last year, the community secured a temporary stay from the high court when eviction notices were first served, but the court recently upheld the DDA's eviction order. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now "The new reports say that we will be evicted from the floodplain. That's two of our camps. It does not talk about our rehabilitation. We will seek time from Delhi's CM tomorrow, if required, even hold protests," said Dharamveer Bagri, another settler at Majnu Ka Tila, who hailed from Hyderabad in Sindh, Pakistan. Last July, days after some of them were granted citizenship, Delhi Development Authority issued the camp dwellers a notice, asking them to vacate their houses in 24 hours, pending a demolition drive scheduled for July 13 and 14. DDA's notice stated that the land was part of the Yamuna floodplain and all encroachments on river land adjacent to the gurudwara were ordered to be cleared by the National Green Tribunal. In an order dated May 30 by Justice Dharmesh Sharma, the court observed that it had earlier asked the Union of India, DDA, etc., to relocate and rehabilitate refugees on Yamuna floodplain. The court, however, noted that the effort bore no fruit. It also said that the court cannot undertake the exercise of framing a policy to ameliorate the plight of refugees.
Express Tribune
26-05-2025
- General
- Express Tribune
Power lines threaten Mukhi House
A month after a formal request was made, no action has yet been taken to remove hazardous electrical wires hanging from the historic Mukhi House Museum in Hyderabad. The museum's curator and administrator, Naeem Ahmed Khan, submitted a letter to the Chief Executive Officer of the Hyderabad Electric Supply Company (HESCO) on April 21, 2025, requesting the relocation of electric wires entangled with the museum's structure. The letter highlighted the architectural and cultural significance of Mukhi House, which was declared protected heritage under the Sindh Cultural Heritage (Preservation) Act, 1994, in 2018. Mukhi House was later converted into a museum and opened to the public in 2021. Located in a densely populated residential area, it now faces a serious preservation challenge: electricity to nearby homes is supplied via cables that run across and hang from the museum's outer walls, some even strung across windows and fastened to its original iron grills. The letter warned that these power lines not only compromise the visual integrity of the site but also pose a serious threat to the building's structure - particularly its wooden doors and windows - in the event of an electrical malfunction. Copies of the letter were also sent to the Deputy Commissioner of Hyderabad, the Deputy Director (Heritage/Admin), and the PS to the Director General of the Sindh Culture, Tourism, Antiquities, and Archives Department. Yet, despite the passage of a full month, officials have taken no action. Restoration work is currently underway at Mukhi House after years of delay. Museum staff caution that if the hanging wires are not removed soon, a large portion of the museum's outer wall may remain unrestored and unpainted, defeating the purpose of ongoing renovation efforts. Window to past Also known as Mukhi Mahal, the building was constructed in 1920 by Mukhi Jeth Anand, a prominent member of Hyderabad's Sindhi Hindu community. The architecture of the mansion combines Renaissance, Art Deco, and Art Nouveau styles, featuring stained glass windows, intricately carved wooden details by Indian artisans, and marble accents. The house comprises 12 rooms, two grand halls, and a spacious central courtyard along with a smaller rear courtyard. In a notable moment of pre-Partition history, India's future Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru stayed at Mukhi House with his family - a visit now commemorated with a rare photograph on display at the museum. After Partition, the Mukhi family remained in Hyderabad until 1957 before migrating to India. The building was subsequently occupied by various government departments, including the Settlement Office and a girls' school. It also suffered damage during periods of political unrest in the city. It was not until the tenure of former District Nazim Kanwar Naveed Jamil that a decision was made to preserve the site. In 2008, the Mukhi family relinquished formal ownership under the condition that it would be preserved and opened as a public museum. Restoration began in 2009 under the Sindh Government's Department of Archaeology, and by 2013 the museum opened its doors to the public. Mukhi House today hosts a collection of personal memorabilia, historical photographs, and cultural artifacts donated by the Mukhi family - an effort to preserve not only their legacy but the broader cultural history of Hyderabad. The building, located near Chaari at Homestead Hall, remains a popular attraction for both local and visiting tourists. However, the entangled power cables, particularly at the rear of the building, continue to mar the structure's historic charm and pose an ongoing threat to its preservation. Unless immediate steps are taken to address the issue, a vital piece of Sindh's heritage may face further degradation.
New Indian Express
12-05-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
BJP activists booked for attacking Karachi Bakery at Shamshabad
HYDERABAD: At least 10 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) supporters were booked for allegedly attacking Karachi Bakery at Shamshabad on Saturday around 3 pm. The RGI Airport police registered a case under Section 126(2) (wrongful restraint, referring to the act of intentionally obstructing a person) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) against the workers. RGI Airport Inspector K Balaraju said that the case was registered against 10 persons, including BJP town president Vamshi. The protesters did not enter the bakery but damaged its signboard. 'They protested outside the bakery demanding a change of its name from Karachi,' he said. Videos of the protest and vandalism went viral on social media on Sunday. In the videos, the protesters were seen carrying Indian flags and raising slogans like 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai,' 'Jai Jawan,' and 'Pakistan Murdabad.' This incident occurred a few days after the bakery's owners spoke to the media, clarifying that Karachi Bakery is a 100 percent Indian brand, founded in 1953 by their grandfather. 'We are requesting the chief minister, the director general of police (DGP), and the Hyderabad police commissioner to support us. We request the government not to force a change in our brand name, Karachi Bakery,' the owners said. Karachi Bakery was founded in 1953 by Khanchand Ramnani, a Sindhi Hindu migrant who moved to Hyderabad during the partition of India in 1947. The bakery specializes in a wide range of products, including biscuits, cakes, pastries, chocolates, macarons and several other items.
Time of India
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
India vs Pakistan—now on the menu: Diaspora divided over fake 'Indian' restaurants abroad
As political unease brews between India and Pakistan, a different kind of dispute is stirring online—one centered not around borders, but buffet tables. Social media platforms have become battlegrounds for a new identity debate: how many restaurants claiming to be 'Indian' abroad are actually owned and operated by Pakistanis representing themselves under an Indian label? #Operation Sindoor India-Pakistan Clash Live Updates| Missiles, shelling, and attacks — here's all that's happening Pakistani Air Force jet shot down in Pathankot by Indian Air Defence: Sources India on high alert: What's shut, who's on leave, and state-wise emergency measures The controversy gained momentum after demonstrations erupted in Hyderabad against the iconic Karachi Bakery . Despite bearing the name of Pakistan's bustling port city, the bakery is rooted firmly in Indian soil. Its owner, Rajesh Ramnani, issued a clarification through a PTI report, explaining that the bakery was established in 1953 by his grandfather, Khanchand Ramnani—a Sindhi Hindu who migrated from Karachi during the traumatic Partition of 1947. — PTI_News (@PTI_News) This episode reignited a broader digital conversation. One particularly viral post raised a pointed question: 'How many restaurants in the UK branding themselves as Indian are actually run by Pakistanis pretending to be Indian? And why does this happen?' This sentiment touched a nerve, prompting thousands to weigh in on the authenticity—or lack thereof—of diaspora dining. Some netizens expressed frustration about the murky ownership of these eateries. 'Hold actually adds up,' commented one user. 'But how do we verify which restaurants are truly Indian?' Another suggested a radical idea: 'All Indian restaurants abroad should be mandated to showcase an NRI or OCI certificate from the Indian embassy as proof of identity.' A clip circulating from a popular podcast added fuel to the fire. A speaker claimed that many Pakistanis in cities like London misrepresent themselves as Indian to avoid stigma. Another contributor in the same podcast alleged that nearly every Pakistani restaurant outside South Asia presents itself as Indian to attract a wider customer base. This claim sparked waves of agreement from members of the Indian diaspora and international travelers, who began recounting their own observations. One Indian user in the U.S. remarked, 'We discovered a few restaurants here posing as Indian but run by Pakistanis.' Another user recounted visiting a restaurant in Tokyo: 'The place had an Indian map—but it left out PoK. That's when I realized it was Pakistani-run. I left without eating—not out of hatred, but because I don't support deception.' Currently, there's no global database that tracks the nationality or ethnic ownership of restaurants overseas. In a reflective essay for Bittman, writer Maryam Jillani noted that Pakistani-owned restaurants abroad frequently adopt 'Indian' branding to appeal to broader audiences. As a result, menus are often packed with Indian classics like butter chicken and chana masala, while distinctly Pakistani flavors—such as haleem, kabuli pulao, or Lahori fish—remain noticeably absent.
