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India Today
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- India Today
Ae Mere Watan ke…: India's favourite I-Day song, the one that made Nehru weep
On every Independence Day and Republic Day, there's a moment you can almost set your watch to. The speeches pause, the crowd shifts, and somewhere a familiar strain begins 'Ae Mere Watan Ke Logon'. The sound drifts from loudspeakers in school grounds, housing society courtyards, and government functions. It doesn't matter if it's coming from a crackling radio or a crystal-clear sound system, the effect is the same. Heads turn, voices lower, and for a few minutes, everyone is pulled into the same hard to imagine now, but there was a time when this song didn't exist, no cue for that collective lump in the throat. That changed on one winter evening in 1963, when Lata Mangeshkar sang it live for the first in the shadow of a bitter war, Ae Mere Watan Ke Logon was more than music; it was a salve for a wounded country. What began as a tribute to fallen soldiers became, over the decades, a kind of national ritual the first song many of us think of when August 15 or January 26 comes OF A WOUND, WRITTEN AS A SALUTE The song's seed was the trauma of the 1962 Sino-Indian War. Poet Kavi Pradeep already beloved for patriotic verse was shaken by newsreels and photographs of soldiers who never returned. He wrote not a victory chant, but a memorial in rhyme: a public act of mourning that asked citizens to stop, remember, and the lyric speaks to the people, not at them. It doesn't lecture; it invites. That inclusive address 'Aye Mere Watan Ke Logo' made every listener, from schoolchild to statesman, feel personally drafted into MELODY THAT MADE SPACE FOR SILENCEComposer C. Ramchandra shaped a tune that moves like a slow march resolute but tender leaving room for breath and pauses. Those small silences are where audiences swallow hard, where memories crowd in. It's music that lets a nation think between notes. When Lata Mangeshkar agreed to sing it, the piece found its voice: crystal, beseeching, and unwavering. She keeps the high notes clean, almost prayerful, so the words do the heavy lifting. The effect is less performance, more collective NIGHT IT BECAME HISTORY (AND COLLECTIVE MEMORY)January 26, 1963. National Stadium, New Delhi. The wounds of 1962 are fresh; families are still counting their missing. In the VIP stands: President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Mangeshkar steps up in a plain saree. No film glamour, no cinematic frills just the lyric, the tune, and a nation. By the time the final refrain lands, there are moist eyes across the stands. Accounts agree on one image: Nehru visibly moved, telling Lata-ji afterward that she had made him weep. In that moment, the song crossed a threshold. It was no longer "new". It felt inevitable as if the country had always carried IT KEEP RETURNING EVERY 15TH AUGUST AND 26TH JANUARY It names the sacrifice without spectacle. There's no swagger, no drumbeat of triumph. The song holds space for grief and gratitude together exactly the emotional register we seek on national not partisan. No party lines, no policy boasts, no finger-pointing just the soldier and the citizen. That neutrality makes it welcome in schools, cantonments, housing societies, and state functions is communal ritual in three minutes. The opening bars are a cue: stand a little straighter, remember a little deeper. We know when to join the refrain, when to fall quiet. Over decades, this shared choreography has become muscle memory. The perfect companion to the anthem. Where the anthem exalts the idea of India, 'Ae Mere Watan Ke Logon' humanizes it, reminding us who keeps the idea A FILM SONG YET BIGGER THAN CINEMAUnlike many patriotic staples, this isn't from a movie. That matters. Unmoored from plot and character, the lyric belongs directly to the public square. It debuted live, for the nation, and was later recorded; in that order. The street, the stadium, the school assembly these became its natural MAKING: A FEW HUMAN DETAILSA poet's promise: Kavi Pradeep pledged the song's royalties to the welfare of soldiers' families a gesture that matched the lyric's spirit.A singer's hesitation, then conviction: Lata Mangeshkar reportedly hesitated at first unsure if she could hold her composure but once she stepped up, she never allowed theatrics to overshadow the arranger's restraint: C. Ramchandra's orchestration avoids bombast. Harmonium, strings, and a measured beat keep the focus on words and IT BECAME "FIRST ON THE PLAYLISTEvery editor who has cut a school or community I-Day/R-Day program knows the quiet pressure: start strong, set the tone. Over the 1960s and 70s, All India Radio and Doordarshan reinforced the association airing the song around commemorations, memorial days, and defense choirs, NCC units, and school music teachers adapted it, millions learned the contours by heart. That's why when someone compiles "patriotic songs for Independence Day," this one naturally goes first. It doesn't just celebrate India; it explains the cost of keeping AFTERLIFE: FROM CEREMONY TO LIVING ROOMDecades later, the song turns up everywhere: in commemorations for martyrs, at felicitation events, on WhatsApp forwards every August, at candlelight vigils when tragedy strikes. Covers multiply choral, orchestral, children's choirs, military bands yet the default memory is always that 1963 evening: a single voice, a nation IT STILL FEELS NECESSARY Every Independence Day or Republic Day has two halves: the flag we raise, and the cost we remember. The anthem handles the first. Ae Mere Watan Ke Logon tends to the second. That is why committees still put it at the top of their lists, why anchors lower their voices to introduce it, why senior citizens close their eyes when it plays, and why children some not yet born when the singer left us still know the contour of its does what the best national songs do: it turns history into empathy. And empathy, refreshed, becomes resolve.(Picture credit : Generative AI by Vani Gupta)- Ends
Time of India
6 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
12,800 enemy properties in India; Bandi seeks full details of progress of such cases in Telangana
Hyderabad: India currently has 12,800 enemy properties across the country, of which the govt has resolved disputes related to 1,427 and brought them under its control. Over 1,300 properties are in Uttar Pradesh, officials informed Union minister for home Bandi Sanjay Kumar during a review meeting on enemy properties. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now 'Enemy property' includes assets such as land, buildings, and other possessions left behind by individuals who migrated to Pakistan or China after the 1965 and 1971 wars, as well as the 1962 Sino-Indian War. The Indian govt confiscated these properties, which are now managed by the Custodian of Enemy Property for India. Officials informed Sanjay Kumar that auctions were held for 616 enemy properties, with the process completed for 313 of them, generating revenue of 107 crore for the govt. There are over 3,300 cases related to enemy properties in courts, with surveys completed for 440 properties. The minister urged officials to focus on quickly resolving disputes related to enemy properties. He instructed them to ensure that surveys and boundary determinations are completed on a war footing. He requested full details on the progress of enemy property cases in Telangana. For states with a large number of enemy properties, he suggested sending letters and conducting meetings on high priority. The minister announced plans to personally visit CEPI offices next month to review the progress. The meeting was attended by officials from India's Custodian of Enemy Property. Sanjay Kumar commended the actions taken by officials in resolving freedom fighters' and enemy properties cases. He instructed that pending pension applications be expedited and resolved by Aug 31. As some cases are pending due to lack of documents from state govts, the minister ordered letters to be sent to states immediately. He also requested for special teams to be sent to states to gather documents and expedite pension approvals.
Time of India
08-08-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Tekdi road war memorial gets administrative nod
1 2 Nagpur: In a tribute to the indomitable courage of India's soldiers, the Nagpur Municipal Corporation (NMC) got administrative approval to build a grand war memorial on Tekdi Road, on defence ministry-owned land. The monument will honour those who fought valiantly and laid down their lives in five major post-Independence wars — the 1948 Indo-Pak War, the 1962 Sino-Indian War, the 1965 Indo-Pak War, the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, and the 1999 Kargil conflict. The project, initiated by municipal commissioner and administrator Abhijeet Chaudhari as part of NMC's Amrit Mahotsav celebrations, aims to inspire patriotism among youth and future generations by showcasing the stories of bravery and sacrifice. The defence ministry agreed to allot a 29,000sqft plot free for the memorial. The design proposal came from a city-based NGO, Nagpur 2025. Following correspondence between Chaudhari and Major General SK Vidyarthi, the defence ministry issued a formal no-objection certificate. NMC has earmarked Rs10 crore for the project, ensuring it reflects public sentiments while avoiding any element that may hurt community sensitivities. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like The Safest Cities Where People can Live in Peace Undo Two Memorandums of Understanding are planned — one with the defence department (for the land), and another with Nagpur 2025 (for the design). The memorial will be designed to avoid overcrowding while allowing visitors a clear view of the displays and narratives. It will chronicle acts of heroism — from soldiers who repelled enemy advances to those who made the supreme sacrifice — making it an educational and emotionally stirring landmark for Nagpur. Chaudhari said the war memorial would serve as "a source of inspiration for children and youth to understand the value of courage and sacrifice in nation-building". Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Raksha Bandhan wishes , messages and quotes !
Indian Express
07-08-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
How India's nuclear vision supports a sustainable tomorrow
— Renuka For over a century, fossil fuels have powered progress. However, this progress has come at the cost of climate change. Our dependence on coal, oil and gas has unleashed a sobering reality of crisis related to rising sea levels, erratic weather patterns, and heat waves. In this background, energy independence has become a question of survival for us. Energy independence means making our development and economic growth free from fossil fuels. India's renewable energy sector has made significant strides in recent years. Its renewable energy capacity crossed the 200 GW milestone as of October 2024, representing a 13.5 per cent year-on-year increase. This includes 92 GW of solar power, 52 GW of Hydro power, 48 GW of wind energy and 11 GW of bio-energy. This achievement aligns with India's broader climate and energy security goals. However, it is also increasingly evident that solar and wind energy alone may not suffice to meet India's ever-increasing energy needs. These sources are inherently intermittent and seasonal and have spatial restrictions. In this context, nuclear energy emerges as a critical complement to renewable energy in ensuring long-term energy security. Nuclear power provides high-capacity, base-load electricity with minimal carbon emissions, operating independently of weather and seasonal fluctuation. India has set an ambitious target to increase nuclear capacity to 22,800 MW by 2031-32 and 100 GW by 2047. A diversified energy portfolio is a strategic necessity for India's development and energy independence. The nuclear journey of India began with a vision of self-reliance and peaceful use of nuclear technology. The foundation of nuclear research and development was laid with the establishment of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in 1945, and of the Department of Atomic Energy and the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre in 1954. In the 1960s, India's nuclear power stations began operations in Tarapur and Rajasthan with the help of the US and Canada. However, the 1962 Sino-Indian War, followed by China's testing of its first atomic bomb in 1964, served as a wake-up call for India, prompting a shift in its nuclear policy. In 1968, India refused to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) on the grounds that it was discriminatory to countries except the P-5. India's first nuclear test in 1974, Pokhran I, was a turning point. It drew significant criticism from many countries, and led to the formation of the 48-nation Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) to restrict nuclear trade. India, being outside the NPT, was denied access to nuclear technology for decades. However, India continued to develop its indigenous nuclear technology and maintained a consistent policy of nuclear responsibility. In 1996, India refused to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) on the grounds that its being largely focused on horizontal non-proliferation rather than on disarmament. The Pokhran II nuclear test in 1998, alongside its refusal to sign the CTBT, isolated India. But to meet its growing energy demand, it needed to increase its nuclear capacity. After Pokhran II, India declared its 'No-First-Use' policy along with Non-Use against Non-Nuclear Weapons States and Minimum Nuclear Deterrence. India also established the Nuclear Command Authority and the Strategic Forces Command, which institutionalised nuclear control in India. This helped India to build trust in its nuclear policy and diplomacy. A major turning point came with the India-US Civil Nuclear agreement (123 Agreement) in 2005. It is a bilateral accord on civil nuclear co-operation between India and the US under Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act, 1954 of the US. This acknowledged India's non-proliferation record, and following this NSG granted India a waiver in 2008 allowing it to engage in civil nuclear trade without signing the NPT. To meet the NSG waiver conditions, India voluntarily separated its civilian and military nuclear programmes and signed an agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to place its civilian reactors (those using imported uranium for civilian purposes) under international safeguards. The agreement allows the agency to inspect and verify the peaceful use of nuclear material in designated facilities. Following this, India has joined three major export control regimes- the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. However, its bid for NSG membership remains inconclusive, with countries like China insisting that only NPT signatories should be considered for NSG membership. India currently has 24 nuclear reactors in operation, most of which use the pressurised Heavy Water reactor (PHWR) design, with a total generation of around 8180 megawatts of electricity. These reactors are largely run by the government-owned Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL). In the union budget of 2025-2026, the government launched 'Nuclear Energy Mission (NEM) for Viksit Bharat' with a target of achieving 100 GW nuclear capacity by 2047. It has been envisioned with the purpose of achieving energy independence, and helping India to meet its climate targets by developing indigenous capabilities, public-private partnership, and Small Modular Reactors (SMRs). A budget of Rs 20,000 crores has been allocated to develop SMRs. Moreover, a combination of indigenous pressurised heavy water reactors, fast breeder reactors, and the exploration of SMR nuclear energy would help India bridge the gap left by renewables and support its transition to a stable, low-carbon economy. Currently, India's nuclear aspirations face challenges, both global and domestic. One of the most crucial challenges is the membership of the NSG, limiting its access to advanced nuclear technology. Domestically, the nuclear sector continues to attract very limited private and foreign investment. The foremost reason has been the regulatory and legal bar under India's nuclear laws. The Atomic Energy Act, 1962, grants the Indian government exclusive power over nuclear power generation and control, leaving no room for private or foreign players. Apart from this, the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010, imposed supplier liability in case of a nuclear accident, diverging from global norms. This has deterred major foreign suppliers and investors who view the risk exposures as too high. To overcome this, the Government has expressed its intention to amend the nuclear law and relax the regulations. Incorporating nuclear energy into India's clean energy mix not only supports decarbonisation goals but also reduces dependence on imported fossil fuels. This is particularly significant in view of the country's growing industrial and urban energy needs. With required reforms and technological advancement, nuclear energy is emerging as a reliable, low-carbon pillar of India's energy security. If managed wisely, it will not only support the vision of Viksit Bharat but also position India as a global leader in sustainable nuclear technology, steering the country towards a cleaner, self-reliant future. Why is the nuclear agreement between India and the US called the 123 Agreement? Discuss the benefits India gained from doing this agreement. How does India's nuclear vision support the dual objectives of decarbonisation and energy security in the context of Viksit Bharat? How can India leverage technological innovation, such as Small Modular Reactors (SMRs), to overcome spatial and financial constraints in nuclear deployment? Evaluate the role of indigenous technologies like Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs) and Fast Breeder Reactors in India's nuclear roadmap. In addition to supporting the vision of Viksit Bharat, nuclear energy has the potential to position India as a global leader in sustainable nuclear technology and steer it towards a cleaner, self-reliant future. Evaluate. (Renuka is a Doctoral researcher at Himachal Pradesh National law university, Shimla.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
Indian Express
06-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Indian Express
Fresh trouble for Saif Ali Khan: How the Nawab of Pataudi also inherited Nawab of Bhopal's properties, what court has said about it
Actor Saif Ali Khan recently faced a legal setback, after the Madhya Pradesh High Court on June 30 set aside a trial court order that had made him, his sisters and mother the sole legal heirs of the Nawab of Bhopal. While Saif and his kin have not yet lost all rights over these properties, their legal fight is now harder. Importantly, this case is separate from the Enemy Properties case which Saif is also fighting over these properties. Saif Ali Khan is also the Nawab of Pataudi. What is this case, what does Saif stand to lose, and how did the Nawab of Pataudi inherit the Nawab of Bhopal's properties in the first place? We explain. What is this case? Saif Ali Khan inherited the Bhopal properties from his father's mother, Sajida Begum. Sajida's father, Hamidullah Khan, was the last ruling Nawab of Bhopal, holding the title till his death in 1960. His heir apparent had been his eldest daughter Abida Begum, but she migrated to Pakistan in 1950. Abida's younger sister Sajida then inherited the title, along with properties estimated to be worth over Rs 15,000 crore. Sajida Begum was married to Iftikhar Ali Khan Pataudi, the Nawab of Pataudi. Iftikhar and Sajida's son was Mansoor Ali Khan 'Tiger Pataudi', the famous cricketer who married actor Sharmila Tagore. The couple's children are Saif, Soha, and Saba Ali Khan. The current case was filed 25 years ago by other family members of Hamidullah Khan, including his brother Obaidullah Khan and the third daughter Rabia Begum, who wanted a share of the Nawab's personal properties. They are seeking partition and succession of the Nawab's private properties as per Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Act, 1937, and first moved a trial court in this regard in 1999. A year later, they approached the Jabalpur bench of the Madhya Pradesh HC against the trial court's order. The appellant heirs contended that the trial court erroneously assumed that the private properties of the Nawab are part of the throne and will thus automatically pass on to the successor to the throne. The HC has now set aside the 1999 order and sent the matter back, directing that 'the trial Court shall make all possible efforts to conclude and decide it expeditiously, preferably within a period of one year.' This involves some prime real estate in and near Bhopal, including the Flag Staff House, where Saif spent his childhood, the luxury hotel Noor-Us-Sabah Palace, Dar-Us-Salam, Bungalow of Habibi, Ahmedabad Palace, and Kohefiza Property. After Abida Begum, the Nawab's heir apparent, went to Pakistan, these were declared 'enemy property'. Enemy property refers to the assets left behind in India by individuals who migrated to 'enemy nations'. Following the wars between India and Pakistan in 1965 and 1971, and the Sino-Indian War in 1962, the Indian government assumed control of properties and businesses owned by those who adopted the nationality of Pakistan or China. These properties were vested with the Custodian of Enemy Property for India. In January, the Madhya Pradesh High Court asked Saif Ali Khan to approach the appellate authority against the government's 'enemy property' order. It is not clear whether Saif, who was then recuperating from a knife attack by an intruder inside his home, moved the tribunal by January 12. Nawab Hamidullah Khan was the first man to rule Bhopal in five generations, only to be succeeded by his daughter again. Bhopal has had an interesting history of women Nawabs since 1819, when Begum Qudsia prevailed upon the British to allow daughters to inherit the throne. After Qudsia came the Begums Sikandar, Shahjahan, and Sultan Jahan. Begum Sultan Jahan, Hamidullah Khan's mother, was the first chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University. Abida Begum's son, Shaharyar Khan, eventually became Pakistan's foreign secretary. He has authored a book called The Begums of Bhopal.
