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Arab News
4 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Libya to hold rare local vote in test for divided nation
TRIPOLI: Libya is set to hold rare municipal elections on Saturday, in a ballot seen as a test of democracy in a nation still plagued by division and instability. Key eastern cities — including Benghazi, Sirte and Tobruk — have rejected the vote, highlighting the deep rifts between rival administrations. The UN mission in Libya, UNSMIL, called the elections 'essential to uphold democratic governance' while warning that recent attacks on electoral offices and ongoing insecurity could undermine the process. 'Libyans need to vote and to have the freedom to choose without fear and without being pressured by anyone,' said Esraa Abdelmonem, a 36-year-old mother of three. 'These elections would allow people to have their say in their day-to-day affairs,' she said, adding that it was 'interesting to see' how the areas affected by the clashes in May would vote. Since the 2011 NATO-backed uprising that toppled longtime leader Muammar Qaddafi, Libya has remained split between Tripoli's UN-recognized government, led by Prime Minister Abdulhamid Dbeibah and its eastern rival administration backed by military strongman Khalifa Haftar. Khaled Al-Montasser, a Tripoli-based international relations professor, called the vote 'decisive,' framing it as a test for whether Libya's factions are ready to accept representatives chosen at the ballot box. 'The elections make it possible to judge whether the eastern and western authorities are truly ready to accept the idea that local representatives are appointed by the vote rather than imposed by intimidation or arms,' he said. Nearly 380,000 Libyans, mostly from western municipalities, are expected to vote. Elections had originally been planned in 63 municipalities nationwide — 41 in the west, 13 in the east, and nine in the south — but the High National Elections Commission (HNEC) suspended 11 constituencies in the east and south due to irregularities, administrative issues and pressure from local authorities. In some areas near Tripoli, voting was also postponed due to problems distributing voter cards. And on Tuesday, the electoral body said a group of armed men attacked its headquarters in Zliten, some 160 kilometers east of Tripoli. No casualty figures were given, although UNSMIL said there were some injuries. UNSMIL said the attack sought to 'intimidate voters, candidates and electoral staff, and to prevent them from exercising their political rights to participate in the elections and the democratic process.' National elections scheduled for December 2021 were postponed indefinitely due to disputes between the two rival powers. Following Qaddafi's death and 42 years of autocratic rule, Libya held its first free vote in 2012 to elect 200 parliament members at the General National Congress. That was followed by the first municipal elections in 2013, and legislative elections in 2014 that saw a low turnout amid renewed violence. In August that year, a coalition of militias seized Tripoli and installed a government with the backing of Misrata — then a politically influential city some 200 kilometers east of Tripoli — forcing the newly elected GNC parliament to relocate to the east. The UN then brokered an agreement in December 2015 that saw the creation of the Government of National Accord, in Tripoli, with Fayez Al-Sarraj as its first premier, but divisions in the country have persisted still. Other municipal elections did take place between 2019 and 2021, but only in a handful of cities.
Times of Oman
10-08-2025
- General
- Times of Oman
What environmental challenges does the Mediterranean face?
Tripoli: In the Libyan coastal city of Sirte, Mokhtar al-Rammash prepares to take his beat-up plastic boat out on another fishing trip. Untangling his worn and fraying nets, he points to the waste-scattered surface of the sea. "These nets now catch only plastic," he said. "It feels like we're cleaning the sea instead of earning a living from it." Plastic trash, which according to the United Nations enters the Mediterranean Sea at a rate of 730 tonnes a day, is not his only concern. After decades of fishing the waters that connect southern Europe and North Africa, he said industrial trawlers that "take everything, even the small, juvenile fish," are sweeping the sea "clean every day." Added to that, he said sewage released by towns near the Libyan capital, Tripoli, is killing fish and sponge populations, while coastal reclamation is disturbing breeding grounds for certain species. "What's happening here isn't normal," said al-Rammash, adding that it sometimes feels as if Libya has no sea on the doorstep. "We have one of the longest coastlines in the region, yet we import fish from abroad." Al-Rammash said he and other fishermen hope the Libyan Environment Ministry will take action to protect the sea and what he describes as "a continuous destruction" of their only source of income. "We've sent letters and demands, but no one replies." Shared struggles Along the coast near the Egyptian city of Alexandria, Haj Abdel Nabi sits on the dock inspecting his own nets. Now in his 60s, he recalls a time when the sea provided a rich catch. "In the past, we used to come back with 100 kilograms of fish, but today we get only 10 and sometimes, we return with nothing at all," he said. He also said the trawlers are at least partly to blame, with a single vessel hauling "more than all the local fishermen combined." Like al-Rammash, he said he has taken his concerns to the municipality and the Environment Ministry, but so far he has not received a reply. Environmental reports from Algeria, which shares a coastline with Libya and Egypt, have shown ongoing depletion of species such as pilchard, which is important for the country's fishing industry. Algerian authorities told DW that 1,300 tons of "sardine seeds" — juvenile fish which are smaller than 11 centimeters (4.3 inches) in length — are caught annually, often illegally. Researchers warn that catching juvenile fish undermines populations and disrupts the marine food chain. What are the solutions? As local fishers like Mokhtar al-Rammash and Haj Abdel Nabi feel the combined weight of the problems facing the Mediterranean, Egypt has presented a national plan to improve its coastal environment. The plan, presented at a conference in July, would to restore two coastal lakes and build around 70 kilometers (about 43 miles) of shoreline protection in the form of sand dune dikes. Cairo is also aiming to reduce plastic use through extended producer responsibility that would impose fees on manufacturers and importers of plastic bags. Environment Minister Yasmine Fouad also announced initiatives to provide additional income for fishermen, involving them in marine waste collection and recycling, as well as monitoring water quality for pollution. "Protecting the Mediterranean is no longer an environmental choice. It's a social and economic necessity," she said. It is also a climate necessity. Scientific studies show that oceans have absorbed about 90% of the excess heat generated by human activity since the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century, placing additional stress on fragile marine ecosystems. And experts say that increasing temperatures, declining rainfall and sea-level rise are among the factors impacting the Mediterranean Sea. Are global ocean protection commitments enough? Algeria recently announced a project that would digitise fishing activity monitoring and connect its ports to electronic tracking systems in cooperation with the Union for the Mediterranean, a 43-state intergovernmental organization. In June, 55 countries signed the High Seas Treaty, which aims to protect 30% of the world's oceans by 2030. This milestone in global ocean governance — which among other things will create protected areas and regulate activities such as fishing, shipping and deep-sea mining — will come into effect once 60 countries have ratified it. This could happen by the end of the year. June also saw 170 countries come together in France to announce the Nice Ocean Action Plan. It calls for involving fishers in environmental data collection, banning deep-sea fishing in fragile ecosystems and supporting blue economy projects as a path to sustainable development. European countries have pledged to invest €1 billion (about $1.2 billion) in ocean protection initiatives over the coming years. This includes support for countries in the Global South, stricter marine conservation, and advanced monitoring of pollution in the Mediterranean. But those who live from the sea are not all convinced by protection promises. "It's hard to believe when some of the biggest funders are also the world's worst polluters," Samir Sheikh al-Zaghnani, a former Tunisian captain and now independent environmental activist, told DW. Fishermen like al-Rammash would like to be more directly involved in protecting the waters around them. "We know the sea, and we can protect it, but we don't have the tools," he said. "If they keep giving us promises while giving others the nets, there'll be nothing left for us."
Asharq Al-Awsat
05-06-2025
- Business
- Asharq Al-Awsat
From Haftar to Dbeibah: The Map of Control and Influence in Libya
Libya, once held together under the iron grip of Muammar Gaddafi, exploded into chaos after his ouster in 2011. Fourteen years later, the country remains fractured, yet a new map of military, political, and territorial control has emerged. It reflects not stability but shifting alliances, entrenched divisions, and the tug-of-war between rival powers vying for supremacy, from Khalifa Haftar in the east to Abdul Hamid Dbeibah in the west. In 2014, General Khalifa Haftar, a former Gaddafi-era officer, launched a campaign to rebuild Libya's disbanded army. As Tripoli and other western cities welcomed Islamist factions and extremist militias, Haftar began consolidating forces under a new banner -the Libyan National Army. Backed by the eastern-based House of Representatives, he was formally appointed commander-in-chief in 2015 by Speaker Aguila Saleh and was promoted to Field Marshal the following year. Haftar's supporters, such as Khaled Al-Turjuman, view this effort as a revival of the national military. What began as a force of just over 300 personnel has reportedly grown to more than 120,000 officers and soldiers. A recent military parade in Benghazi put this strength on full display, showcasing a broad arsenal of advanced weaponry. Haftar took the opportunity to issue a warning to rivals: 'In the critical moment, the army will have the final word.' Haftar's influence extends beyond eastern Libya. His forces have consolidated control from Benghazi through Sirte and Jufra in the center, down to the southern borders with Sudan, Chad, Niger, and Algeria. One of the most strategically vital areas under his command is the oil crescent along the northeastern coast, encompassing Ras Lanuf, Sidra, Brega, and Zueitina, essential hubs for Libya's oil exports. Since 2019, Haftar has shifted his focus further south, targeting key cities such as Sabha, Brak al-Shati, and Ubari, and extending his reach to the far southwest in Ghat. He also controls southeastern border areas like Kufra, Al-Jawf, Al-Uwaynat, and the Tibesti Mountains near Chad. This southern push, some analysts argue, is part of a calculated strategy to project power beyond the traditional east-west divide. While Tripoli remains home to key sovereign institutions such as the Central Bank and National Oil Corporation, Haftar's growing territorial grip has led critics to accuse him of attempting to militarize the state. Military analyst Adel Abdul Kafi notes that most of Libya's southern borders are now under Haftar's effective control. He also points to a US-backed initiative involving joint forces from the east and west to secure Libya's frontiers and coastlines. Control over Libya's energy resources remains a central pillar of Haftar's power. Beyond the oil ports along the coast, he oversees several major oilfields in the south. The Sharara field in Ubari, producing approximately 315,000 barrels per day, and the El Feel (Elephant) field, with around 70,000 barrels daily, are among the most significant. Though these fields are managed by the National Oil Corporation headquartered in Tripoli, protection on the ground often comes from a patchwork of facility guards and local militias -- some loyal to Haftar, others to Dbeibah, and some switching sides as needed. Haftar commands a network of military bases that support his campaigns in the east, center, and south. These include the Jufra Airbase, used as a launchpad during his failed 2019 offensive on Tripoli; Al-Khadim (also known as Al-Kharouba), where drone operations have been reported; Al-Abrag and Gamal Abdel Nasser airbases in the east; the Tamanhent base near Sabha; and Brak Al-Shati, which secures critical southern supply lines. Another strategic base, Ma'tan al-Sarra near Kufra, is rumored to host Russian forces, giving Moscow a potential gateway to the African Sahel. Haftar's military strength is matched by political clout. Though the eastern-based government of Osama Hammad is not internationally recognized, it operates with Haftar's backing and funds development projects through the Libya Development and Reconstruction Fund, headed by Qassem Haftar, the commander's son. Despite their expired mandates, the House of Representatives and the High Council of State continue to pass legislation and negotiate over the formation of a new government—deepening Libya's institutional deadlock. The Presidential Council, headed by Mohamed al-Menfi, was established under the 2020 Geneva agreement and holds formal international legitimacy. However, its actual power is limited. Though it is nominally the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, internal divisions and political agreements strip it of much of its authority. Even in the west, where it is based, the Council is overshadowed by the Government of National Unity under Abdul Hamid Dbeibah. Dbeibah's legitimacy has come under increasing scrutiny, especially after violent clashes erupted in Tripoli in May, sparked by the killing of militia leader Abdul Ghani Al-Kikli (Ghneiwa). These confrontations exposed the fragility of the security landscape in the capital and significantly weakened Dbeibah's position. Though his term officially ended after being appointed in early 2021, he refuses to step down without elections, leaning on continued international support. Despite controlling public spending and state institutions, Dbeibah's grip on security is largely dependent on a volatile network of militias. Previously aligned with powerful groups like the Stability Support Apparatus and the Special Deterrence Force, Dbeibah has since fallen out with many of these factions. Following Ghneiwa's death, he disbanded the SSA and entered into open conflict with Abdul Rauf Kara's Deterrence Force, escalating tensions across Tripoli. Today, Dbeibah relies primarily on the 444th Combat Brigade, led by Major General Mahmoud Hamza, who also heads Military Intelligence in western Libya. He is supported by the Joint Operations Force in Misrata and other militia groups, including Battalion 55 under Muammar Al-Dawi. These forces benefit from extensive support from Türkiye, which provides Bayraktar TB2 drones, limited radar systems, and military training facilities under prior agreements signed with former Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj. Western Libya's military infrastructure includes several important bases. Al-Watiya Airbase, southwest of Tripoli near the Tunisian border, is vital for control over the western region. Mitiga Airbase in Tripoli, currently controlled by the Deterrence Force, serves as a civilian and military airport. Abu Sitta Naval Base in Tripoli functions as the headquarters of the General Staff, with strong Turkish naval ties. Misrata Airbase, among the country's most fortified, hosts Turkish personnel and hardware. Other key sites include Yarmouk Camp in Tripoli -- now reportedly housing Syrian mercenaries --April 7 Camp in Bab Ben Ghashir, and the Khums Naval Base near the city of Khums. Tripoli remains the nerve center of Libya's institutional framework, hosting the Unity Government, the Presidential Council, the High Council of State, the Central Bank, and the National Oil Corporation. Yet, control over western Libya's border regions with Tunisia, Algeria, and Niger remains tenuous. In areas like Ubari, Ghat, and Murzuq -home to Tuareg and Tebu communities - authority shifts frequently among competing forces. The frontline between the rival eastern and western coalitions lies just west of Sirte. Haftar's forces control the city, while Dbeibah's militias are stationed in its outskirts, near Misrata. Buwairat al-Husun marks the main demarcation line. Periodic troop mobilizations and skirmishes in the area fuel ongoing fears of a new confrontation.
