Latest news with #Six-DayWar
Irish Examiner
4 days ago
- Irish Examiner
Photojournalist Gilles Caron's life and disappearance, bearing witness to conflict
France was already six years into its war with Algeria when journalist Gilles Caron was drafted into the French army. During his two years serving as a paratrooper in Algeria — from July 1960 to April 1962, two months of which he spent in a military prison for refusing to fight — he wrote daily to his mother Charlotte, whom he affectionately called Mame, often sending several letters in a day. In them, he recounted stories of what he was witnessing and his thoughts about a war to which he was opposed. One line from this cache of letters provides a valuable contextual insight into Caron's future motivations and actions. He writes: 'I can't understand how I'm not hidden away in a department in Algiers. Well yes, I know, I wanted to see…'. Bogside No Entry. Pic: Gilles Caron I wanted to see. Gilles Caron's desire to observe the world and bear witness to what he saw would ultimately define the trajectory of his life. Caron's lens went on to document many of the era-defining conflicts of the 20th century — the Six-Day War, Vietnam, Biafra, The Troubles — as well as the scenes and stars of 1960s Paris, creating a body of photojournalism that comprises a peerless document of social change and historic events. The 100,000 photographs Caron took during this time highlight his incredible talent as a storyteller, an artist and a fearless journalist. It's an extraordinary legacy for someone whose career was so brief. Bogside slingshot man. Pic: Gilles Caron Gilles Caron disappeared while on assignment in Cambodia on April 5, 1970, leaving behind his wife, Marianne, and their two daughters, seven-year-old Marjolaine, and two-year-old Clémentine. He was 30 years old. 'My mother learned about it on the radio. When she turned on the radio in the morning, she learned that Gilles Caron had disappeared,' says Marjolaine Caron when I ask what her memories are of that time. The now 62-year-old visual artist speaks in French; also on our Zoom is Frederique, who translates, and Anne-Laure Buffard, Gilles Caron's gallerist. Marjolaine's father had been staying at The Royal hotel in Phnom Penh, having reluctantly travelled to Cambodia to document the growing unrest in the wake of a March 18 coup deposing head of state Norodom Sihanouk. Soldats britanniques. Pic: Gilles Caron Writing to Marianne during his time in Phnom Penh he said: 'I am all about family life now, and [news agency] Gamma needs to find a replacement for me.' Caron had become increasing conflicted about the role of the photojournalist as bystander, wondering if it was it enough to just bear witness to the horrors of war. Bogside soldiers. Pic: Gilles Caron On Sunday, April 5, Caron, on the hunt for a story about the escalating conflict, was captured, along with three others, on National Road 1 in Cambodia's Parrot's Beak region, which was controlled by Vietnamese communist forces and the Khmer Rouge. 'It was quite a shock for her,' recalls Marjolaine of her mother's reaction to the radio report relaying the news that her husband was missing. 'She was like [she was] frozen.' Caron was one of almost 40 journalists who would disappear during the five years of the Cambodian civil war. His remains have never been found. Marjolaine Caron: 'When my father disappeared, my sister was two years old. She doesn't have those memories.' Marianne was left in limbo, not knowing if her husband was alive, dead, or being subjected to torture. 'My mother was constantly waiting for news,' Marjolaine says, explaining that she would regularly hear false reports Gilles might be on the next plane. 'So she was still waiting for his return. Without knowing if he was dead, if he was a prisoner, if he was going to come back, if he wasn't going to come back.' Some years ago, Marjolaine asked her mother if she recalled how she had reacted to the news of her father's disappearance. 'She told me that I had asked her two or three times, where was my father? When was he going to come back? And she told me that she didn't know.' Seven year-old Marjolaine had 'fits of despair. Two, three fits of despair, where I cried for a very long time, very loudly. And then, it was over. Afterwards, we didn't talk about it anymore… I wasn't going to ask her again when he was coming back, she wasn't going to tell me she didn't know.' Should there be news of her father, the child knew that her mother would tell her and so, she says, 'I didn't ask the question again'. For the family, there would be no funeral, no closure, and, says Marjolaine, very little support, either from Gamma or her father's colleagues, bar from fellow photojournalist Raymond Depardon. Caron was finally declared dead on September 22, 1978. Demonstration of catholics to defend their rights. Pic: Gilles Caron Despite only knowing her father for a few short years, Marjolaine has evocative memories of them together. She recalls accompanying him to a Parisian café near their home — 'I remember the ambience of that café, me in front of my father, the smoke, the atmosphere… it was a special moment, I think, for me' — as well as a trip to the cinema in his red Volkswagen 'which smelled of leather… of Gauloises' to see The Jungle Book, at which she asked her father 'why boys had long hair' (doubtless referencing Mowgli's French-style bob). She feels privileged to have these recollections of her papa. 'When my father disappeared, my sister was two years old. She doesn't have those memories.' Despite the torturous limbo into which the Carons were plunged, not knowing if Gilles was alive or dead, the three of them coped as best they could, with Marjolaine largely continuing to be the 'happy little girl' she'd always been, perhaps trying, she thinks now, to be joyful for her mother's sake. Bogside women group. Pic: Gilles Caron 'I was in symbiosis with my mother', she says, noting that she never saw Marianne 'really depressed or having anxiety attacks, of tears. I never witnessed that. I think she really held on in front of her children.' Marianne held no bitterness towards her husband for the legacy of his life choices, says Marjolaine. 'She adored my father. She wanted him to be able to do what he wanted to do. She especially didn't want to prevent him from doing what he wanted to do. So she never held it against him.' Marjolaine doesn't either. 'What I think is that he was very young when he left for Algeria, and then he started doing his job; he was 25… and everything happened very quickly. Between the trauma of the Algerian War that he experienced and then my birth [nine months] after [he returned from] the Algerian War…Things happened too quickly for him to have time to think and I can't say that I blame him. That doesn't mean I'm not angry [he disappeared]. But I don't blame him [for his choices].' Bogside molotovs. Pic: Gilles Caron Caron's images of war were powerful and influential. If his 1967 photographs of the bloody battle at Vietnam's Dak-To appear familiar, it's perhaps because there are echoes of their essence in Kubrick's Full Metal Jacket and Coppola's Apocalypse Now; both directors collected Caron's work. Similarly, Caron's images of an Orange march from his stint in Derry in August 1969 are said to have inspired the Droogs' attire in A Clockwork Orange. His iconic images of the Battle of the Bogside were given 10 pages in Paris-Match, with a young boy in a gas mask holding a Molotov cocktail making the cover. Bogside Belfast soldiers. Pic: Gilles Caron Afterwards, Gilles Caron said: 'It's quite simple. I was in Ireland before anyone else. The evening before the fighting broke out, I had arrived to cover a march… In Paris, they thought there was no point in sending someone. The demonstrators took the arrival of the British Army to be a victory for the Catholics. I thought it was all over and I was going to leave when things started up again in Belfast. I took a taxi from Derry to Belfast. I worked all day and all night then got on a plane to London and gave my photos to a passenger who was flying on to Paris. That meant that Gamma had the originals the following day before the slow coaches in the English papers. The guys from Paris Match arrived on the Saturday when I was leaving.' Bogside Bradley Sons. Pic: Gilles Caron 'I think he really wanted to be able to tell both sides,' Marjolaine says of those images. 'He was still very sensitive to the revolt and the energy.' Caron's photographs are incredibly dynamic, perfectly framed and, despite featuring events of almost half a century ago, seem somehow timeless. He gets extraordinarily close to his subjects and in doing so he tells their story, giving his images an authenticity and power that is arguably unparalleled in photojournalism. Manifestante republicaine Bogside. Pic: Gilles Caron Marjolaine travelled to Cambodia in 2012. In Phnom Penh, she unveiled a plaque honouring her father. She told The Cambodian Daily: 'When I arrived and the plane landed, I was feeling very oppressed. It was very hard for me. I was crying. I didn't think I could come to this country. Because I didn't think I could do anything to find him. I would like to find some bones or something. I would like it very much, because we have nothing.' Marjolaine, gallerist Anne-Laure points out, has carried 'this very heavy story and heritage' her entire life, while also searching for her own identity as an individual. Of her father's work, Marjolaine says, 'I feel like I've always known these photos. I don't know when I discovered them, but I feel like I've always lived with them, I've always known them somewhere… These photos are part of my life.' The Park Hotel Kenmare is showing a selection of photographic works from its own collection by renowned photojournalist Gilles Caron from July 24 until August 24, for more information, see Read More Discover Ireland's hidden gems with these memorable guided tours
Scoop
13-07-2025
- Business
- Scoop
K-Defense Day: Pimping For The Arms Dealers
Militarism is catching on across the countries of advanced economies and beyond. The sly, disingenuous term of 'defence' is used in this context, encouraging arms manufacturers, contractors and the entire apparatus of the military-industrial complex to fatten for the cause. The European Union huffs and struts towards higher targets of expenditure that will cull projects for peaceful development in favour of a fatuous rearmament agenda. Member countries of the NATO alliance, lent on by the administration of President Donald Trump, are doing the same. The countries of the Middle East continue to add to the numbers, with warring Israel seeing a 65% increase in 2024 to US$46.5 billion, the sharpest annual increase since the Six-Day War in 1967. In East Asia, military contractors are also preening themselves in Tokyo and Seoul, pressing the flesh and pursuing contracts. Japan's military spending rose by a gulping 21% in 2024. The amount of US$55.3 billion is the largest since 1952. In Seoul, on the occasion of K-Defense Day on June 8, President Lee Jae-myung made it clear that he did not want South Korea's own defence industry to miss out on all the fun. In a closed-door discussion held at the Grand Hyatt Seoul hotel organised by the Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA), Lee solemnly promised to 'do my best to push ahead, as long as we don't end up being labelled arms dealers'. This somewhat idiosyncratic caveat is bound to make little difference, given Lee's ambitions to promote the value of South Korea's killing inventory. DAPA, wanting to make the most of its first Defense Industry Day themed 'Remembering the dedication and passion of Korea's Defense Industry', was in a bullish mood to promote Korean military prowess. Some well minted propaganda did the rounds, drawing inspiration on the exploits of Admiral Yi Sun-sin on July 8, 1592, when the turtle ship was committed to the Battle of Sacheon against the Japanese fleet. The turtle ship, in its 'historical significance', symbolised 'Korea's will to protect its territory and its independent technological prowess.' Those in the defence industry had been worried that the new President might give them the cold shoulder on this grand occasion. He had previously attacked the installation of the US Terminal High Altitude Defense system on Korean soil, ostensibly to protect South Korea from North Korean missiles, as needlessly provocative. The militarists need not have worried. All the relevant mandarins were in attendance, including the Minister of National Defense nominee Ahn Gyu-baek and Chairperson of the National Defense Committee, Seong Il-jong. The industry titans were also represented. Numerous awards of merit were also presented. Lee had purportedly told his aides that K-Defense Day, put on the calendar of commemorations by his impeached predecessor Yoon Suk Yeol in 2023, would be a good opportunity to 'highlight our support for defence.' According to Korea JoongAng Daily, Lee outlined his various achievements of late to the closed gathering, including attending the G7 summit held last month in Canada. 'A big reason I went was to showcase the strength of our defence industry and to ask them to buy our submarines.' In May, it was revealed that a trio of South Korean firms – Hyundai Heavy Industries, Hanwha Ocean and Hanwha Aerospace – had made a combined offer to the Canadian armed forces valued between US$14 to 17 billion in submarines, with US$720 million worth of armoured vehicles and artillery systems. It was a good time for the Koreans to strike, given the stated view by newly-elected Canadian Prime Minister Mike Carney that 'the old relationship with the United States based on… tight security and military cooperation is over'. Lee also explained his purpose for seeking an invitation to the latest NATO summit held in The Hague. Despite wanting to avoid accusations of being a grubby arms dealer, the ROK President was clearly placing the ambitions and wallets of arms dealers ahead of the common citizenry. He had become a pimp for arms: 'The biggest reason I wanted to go was to advertise our defence industry and weapons.' Participants at the forum pressed Lee to depart from the view that defence was a matter of procurement and competition between parties rather than a total industry beneficial to the state. The response was suitably patriotic – at least if you are a merchant of death: 'Defence and arms exports are not just a competition between companies; they're a competition between nations. We have to win as 'One Team Korea.'' In public remarks made at the start of the forum, Lee offered the sort of reasoning that launders the military-industrial complex of its stains, concealing its insatiable appetite to stimulate the cause for war. 'I hope the defence industry not only strengthens our security but also becomes one of Korea's future growth engines. The government will continue investing and providing strong support.' In response to 'the rapidly changing security environment', the government would also 'develop state-of-the-art weapon systems using artificial intelligence (AI) and unmanned robots and build a healthy business ecosystem that goes beyond the industrial structure centred on big corporations to allow small and medium enterprises and diverse talent to participate.' Militarism, following this seedy rationale, should not just be for the big corporations and arms manufacturers. In the business of killing, the little guys should also be given a chance.
Straits Times
04-07-2025
- Business
- Straits Times
Israel eyes ties with Syria and Lebanon after Iran war
Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said Israel is keen on establishing formal diplomatic relations with Syria and Lebanon, while safeguarding Israel's interests. JERUSALEM - Israel is interested in establishing formal diplomatic relations with longstanding adversaries Syria and Lebanon, but the status of the Golan Heights is non-negotiable, said Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar on June 30. Israeli leaders argue that with its rival Iran weakened by June's 12-day war , other countries in the region have an opportunity to forge ties with Israel. The Middle East has been upended by nearly two years of war in Gaza, during which Israel also carried out air strikes and ground operations in Lebanon targeting Iran-backed Hezbollah, and by the overthrow of former Syrian leader and Iran ally Bashar al-Assad. In 2020, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco became the first Arab states to establish ties with Israel since Jordan in 1994 and Egypt in 1979. The normalisation agreements with Israel were deeply unpopular in the Arab world. 'We have an interest in adding countries such as Syria and Lebanon, our neighbours, to the circle of peace and normalisation, while safeguarding Israel's essential and security interests,' Mr Saar said at a press conference in Jerusalem. 'The Golan will remain part of the State of Israel,' he said. Israel annexed the Golan Heights in 1981 after capturing the territory from Syria during the 1967 Six-Day War. Top stories Swipe. Select. Stay informed. Singapore PAP has begun search for new candidates; PM Wong hopes to deploy them earlier ahead of next GE Singapore 20 retired MPs spoke up on many issues in Parliament, helped successors prepare for new role: PM Wong Singapore $3b money laundering case: 9 financial institutions handed $27.45m in MAS penalties over breaches Singapore Banks tighten vigilance and processes following $3b money laundering case Asia JB petrol station shooting: Dead man with bullet wounds dumped at hospital Singapore Trilateral work group formed to address allegations of foreigners illegally taking on platform work Singapore Power distribution system in renewal project may be linked to Bukit Panjang LRT disruption: SMRT Singapore Rise in number of scam e-mails claiming to be from Cardinal William Goh: Catholic Church While most of the international community regards the Golan as occupied Syrian land, US President Donald Trump recognised Israeli sovereignty over it during his first term in office. Following Mr Assad's ousting, Israeli forces have moved further into Syrian territory. Palestinian statehood demand A senior Syrian official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Syria would never give up the Golan Heights, describing it as an integral part of Syrian territory. The official also said normalisation efforts with Israel must be part of the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, and not carried out through a separate track. A spokesperson for Syria's Foreign Ministry did not immediately respond to a Reuters request for comment. The 2002 initiative proposed Arab normalisation with Israel in exchange for its withdrawal from occupied territories including the Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza. It also called for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem, which Israel also captured in 1967, as its capital. Throughout the war in Gaza, regional power Saudi Arabia has repeatedly said that establishing ties with Israel was conditional on the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Israel's Mr Saar said it was 'not constructive' for other states to condition normalisation on Palestinian statehood. 'Our view is that a Palestinian state will threaten the security of the State of Israel,' he said. In May, Reuters reported that Israel and Syria's new Islamist rulers had established direct contact and held face-to-face meetings aimed at de-escalating tensions and preventing renewed conflict along their shared border. The same month, President Trump announced that the US would lift sanctions on Syria and met Syria's new President, urging him to normalise ties with Israel. REUTERS
Leaders
03-07-2025
- Politics
- Leaders
Syria Labels Talks of Normalization Deal with Israel as 'Premature'
Syrian state media described the statements about normalizing relations with Israel as 'premature', after an Israeli official welcomed diplomatic ties with Damascus, according to AFP. 'Statements concerning signing a peace agreement with the Israeli occupation at this time are considered premature,' state TV reported an unidentified official source as saying. The source also said that the possibility of negotiations over a new peace deal was not possible until Israel fully adhered to the 1974 disengagement agreement and withdrew from the areas it has penetrated. On Monday, Israel's Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said that his country is 'interested' in establishing diplomatic ties with its neighbors Lebanon and Syria, according to Reuters. 'Israel is interested in expanding the Abraham Accord circle of peace and normalization,' Saar said at a news conference. Crucially, Syria's Interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa confirmed indirect talks with Israel to reduce tensions. Moreover, Al-Sharaa has repeatedly said Damascus does not seek involvement into any conflict with its neighbors. Therefore, he urged the international community to press on Israel to halt its attacks on Syria. In May, US President Donald Trump met Al-Sharaa in Saudi Arabia and urged him to normalize ties with Israel. Saar stressed that the occupied Golan Heights 'will remain part of Israel' under any possible peace agreement with Syria. 'In any peace agreement, the Golan will remain part of the State of Israel,' Saar stated. In 1981, Israel annexed the Golan Heights after taking over most of the area from Syria in the 1967 Six-Day War. Related Topics: Trump Lifts Decades-old US Sanctions on Syria Saudi Arabia Condemns Terrorist Attack on Syria's Mar Elias Church Israeli Military Strikes Syria in Response to Fired Projectiles Short link : Post Views: 33
Middle East Eye
03-07-2025
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
Why western visions for a 'new Middle East' are irrelevant
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, political scientist Francis Fukuyama announced, with unprecedented bravado, 'the end of history' - declaring the victory of not only the United States over the USSR, but also of liberal democracy and capitalist economics. The US reshaped the international order. It took Russia two decades to rebuild its strength, declare wars on Georgia and Ukraine, and witness the rise of an emboldened China. Today, the international system has demonstrated that history did not end at all - and that liberal democracy is in retreat, grappling for its identity and for the global order born out of the Second World War. With the end of the recent war between Israel and Iran, claims have reemerged that this could give rise to a 'new Middle East' - one where Iran's axis of resistance has been weakened, with its influence rolled back in Syria, Lebanon and Gaza. This echoes claims that have been repeated every decade for the past century. Ever since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the partitioning of the Middle East by western interests, the refrain has been the same: after every war, a new era will dawn, and the Middle East will flourish. But every military campaign has only planted the seeds for the next conflict. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Consider the Six-Day War of 1967. Israel defeated three Arab armies and conquered the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, and the rest of historic Palestine. Yet from this victory emerged its biggest long-term challenge: the rise and entrenchment of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). Until then, the PLO had been largely shaped and dominated by Arab regimes, but after the defeat of those regimes, Palestinians asserted their independence within the organisation, aligning it with their own interests rather than those of Arab states that treated Palestine as a political tool. Undermining democracy Similarly, after Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1982, it achieved a remarkable military feat, swiftly reaching Beirut and occupying the country's south. But from that victory emerged Hezbollah, a force that has posed a direct and constant threat to Israel for four decades now. Unlike Arab regimes that often fail to recognise or utilise the strength within their own borders, Israel understands the latent potential of Arab states. The recurring Israeli fantasy of a 'new Middle East' is not only unrealistic; it rests upon demands that no Arab regime can accept At the outset of the Arab Spring, after the fall of Tunisian leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and amid the beginnings of a democratic process in Egypt, Israel acted quickly to undermine that democratic wave, focusing especially on Egypt. The reason was plain: Egyptian public opinion is largely hostile towards the Camp David Accords and normalisation with Israel. So it came as no surprise when Israel leveraged its influence in Washington to legitimise President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi's regime following the 2013 military coup. The recurring Israeli fantasy of a 'new Middle East' is not only unrealistic; it rests upon demands that no Arab regime can accept. Even when states consider making far-reaching compromises, Israel always demands more. Just weeks before 7 October 2023, Saudi Arabia was reportedly ready to join the Abraham Accords - a move that would effectively empty the Palestinian cause of its meaning - without receiving anything substantial in return, other than increased lobbying power in Washington. Constant reinvention After two years of Israeli attacks on Gaza and Lebanon came the unexpected Israeli attack on Iran. The West found itself once again supporting a blatantly illegal campaign that violated international law, risking the lives of millions. The Israeli and US strikes on nuclear installations risked causing a radiological disaster across multiple nations, and flew in the face of intelligence assessments - showing once again that international law applies only when it serves western interests. Western leaders have embraced the mantra of a 'new Middle East' as if it were gospel. In reality, this term is fiction; the Middle East is perhaps the only place in the world that reinvents itself every decade. Vital lessons can be drawn from the recent war between Israel and Iran. There was no decisive victory, but both sides exposed their advanced military and intelligence capabilities, while also revealing vulnerabilities. As Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu grows stronger domestically and the regime of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei endures, tensions and future confrontations will likely continue. Israel-US attack on Iran: The price of Netanyahu's forever wars Read More » Secondly, Arab states proved how exposed and militarily irrelevant they remain. When drones crashed in Jordan and Iran threatened to shut down the Strait of Hormuz, Gulf states could only defend themselves by aligning with Israel and relying on American bases, apparently unable to assert their own role. This confrontation has exposed Arab nations to two profound threats. Iran will likely try to rebuild its 'soft power' across Iraq, Lebanon and Syria, presenting itself as the only force capable of standing up to Israel and the US. Meanwhile, Israel, emboldened by messianic forces within its government, will pursue policies that could forcibly displace Palestinians from Gaza and the occupied West Bank at the expense of Arab states. As Israel and Iran jostle for position in the Middle East, much rests upon neighbouring Arab nations. Two years into the Gaza genocide, in a world that has failed to halt the slaughter and starvation of Palestinians, Arab nations must ask deeper questions about the two prevailing approaches that have shaped their politics for decades: pro-western secularism and Islamism. As proponents of each have clashed, Arab peoples have been left exposed and vulnerable. Perhaps the time has come for Arab nations to pursue a vision for a truly new Middle East: one that serves Arab interests first, and is shaped by Arabs themselves - not by external powers from the West or East. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
