Latest news with #Slavic
Yahoo
10 hours ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Ukraine war briefing: Flood of North Korean arms to Russia, say US, Japan and others
North Korea has supplied to Russia as many as nine million rounds of artillery and rocket launcher ammunition, as well as at least 100 ballistic missiles along with self-propelled artillery guns and long-range multiple rocket launchers, according to the Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team, a group comprising 11 UN members. The shipments have enabled Russia to increase attacks against civilian targets, and there have been 20,000 containers of the gear transferred by Russian cargo ships, in violation of UN sanctions. The monitoring group comprises the US, South Korea, Japan, and eight other UN member states. It was set up after Russia and China cooperated to scrap an official security council panel that did the job. The multilateral group has said in its first ever report that Russia is helping North Korea improve its missiles' guidance systems by sending back data from the battlefield. Moscow also provided air defence equipment, anti-aircraft missiles and electronic warfare systems to North Korea. 'At least for the foreseeable future, North Korea and Russia intend to continue and further deepen their military cooperation in contravention of relevant UN security council resolutions.' After months of silence, North Korea and Russia confirmed in April that North Korean troops have been fighting on the Russian side in the Ukraine war. Russia's SVR intelligence service has complained about Serbian ammunition ending up in Ukrainian hands via other countries when Moscow expects Belgrade's 'fraternal Slavic' obedience. The SVR alleges the trail leads to Ukraine through the Czech Republic, Poland and Bulgaria. Serbia's president, Aleksandar Vucic, told RTS television that he had discussed the exports with Vladimir Putin and the two countries would form a 'working group' about it. But Vucic added that Serbia was criticised by both the east and west 'because it leads autonomous and independent policies … Our factories must live and work. About 24,000 people work directly in the defence industry, and they depend on this industry.' Vucic has previously said that once the ammunition is sold to another country, he does not care where it goes next. At the United Nations, the US told the security council on Thursday that its proposal for a 30-day comprehensive ceasefire was 'Russia's best possible outcome' and Vladimir Putin should take it. 'We want to work with Russia, including on this peace initiative and an economic package. There is no military solution to this conflict,' acting US ambassador John Kelley told the council. Russia is supposed to put forward a memorandum of its terms for peace but is refusing to do hand it over – demanding a further meeting with Ukraine, which says it has already sent its conditions. Kelley condemned Russia's recent attacks on Ukraine as not demonstrating 'a desire for peace'. 'We will judge Russia's seriousness towards ending the war, not only by the contents of that term sheet, but more importantly, by Russia's actions … Additional sanctions on Russia are still on the table.' Ukraine's president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said Russia was engaging in 'yet another deception' by failing to hand over its peace settlement proposal ahead of their potential next meeting in Turkey on 2 June. 'Even the so-called memorandum they promised and seemingly prepared for more than a week has still not been seen by anyone … despite promises to the contrary, first and foremost to the United States of America, to President Trump. Yet another Russian deception.' Ukraine's foreign ministry spokesperson Heorhii Tykhyi said that without being able to review Russia's memorandum, Kyiv would conclude 'it is likely filled with unrealistic ultimatums, and they are afraid of revealing that they are stalling the peace process'. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan – president of Turkey which would again host the talks – called on Russia and Ukraine not to 'shut the door' on dialogue. 'The road to a resolution goes through more dialogue, more diplomacy. We are using all our diplomatic power and potential for peace,' he said, according to his office.
Asia Times
2 days ago
- Politics
- Asia Times
Soldiers have a huge stake in Ukraine-Russia drone-tech arms race
Ukrainian drone warfare has evolved from improvisation to a high‑volume, precision‑strike ecosystem that Russia often struggles to match. With some operators flying up to 15 missions a day and factories now producing millions of drones, Ukraine's domestic drone production has reached an unprecedented scale. These drones have become central to Ukraine's battlefield strategy – pinpointing, punishing and relentlessly pushing back Russian forces – even as some analysts question how long Ukraine can hold its technological advantage. Russian troops, by contrast, are often starved for drones. Some battalions receive just 10 to 15 FPV (first-person view) drones per week. 'We know where they are flying from, but there is nothing to kill with,' lamented one Russian operator. A Russian drone developer recently admitted, 'Modern combat realities prompt us to modernize and iterate on drones practically every month.' Regulatory bottlenecks have made matters worse. 'Heavy drones now require state approval,' wrote a Russian blogger, noting that units have begun constructing their own drones to fill the vacuum left by the faltering domestic drone industry. An FPV drone is being prepared for combat operations in Eastern Ukraine. Photo: David Kirichenko One of the standout innovations has been Ukraine's development of the Vampire – a heavy multirotor drone the Russians have nicknamed Baba Yaga after a mythical Slavic witch. Russian forces have attempted crude countermeasures, attaching long sticks to their FPV drones to intercept Ukraine's bulky bombers. Russian soldiers, when the Baba Yaga drone flies overhead, are terrified of the resulting impact. While Ukraine continues to develop newer platforms, it has also refined older systems to enhance their impact on the battlefield. Mavic drones pioneered the use of light bombing in Ukraine, serving as lethal anti-personnel systems early in the war. But FPVs have since taken over the role, offering greater payload capacity and flexibility. Some FPV drones now carry up to six VOG high-explosive grenade bombs – compared with the two typically deployed by Mavics – allowing for more impactful strikes with greater reach and frequency. Ukrainian drone operators are loading T-62 anti-tank mines onto a heavy bomber drone. Photo: David Kirichenko One of the more recent innovations pushing that edge is the emergence of mothership drones. Ukraine is using mothership drones – large unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) capable of carrying and launching multiple FPV drones – to conduct long-range strikes behind enemy lines. In the (translated) words of one Russian commentator, FPV drones are about tactical dominance. They bring chaos, fear and uncertainty to close combat. They are not feared, they are hated. They are cheap, massive and deadly effective. And their potential grows with each passing day: AI guidance, automated launches, swarms. These are no longer makeshift weapons, but new close-combat artillery. FPV drones have emerged as a key interceptor weapon to target Russian reconnaissance drones for the Ukrainian military. The Russians use the FPV drones to target Ukrainian Baba Yaga drones. Yurii, a drone pilot in Ukraine's 23rd Mechanized Brigade, has been fighting since 2014 and is regarded as one of the best pilots in the unit. Photo: David Kirichenko Much of Ukraine's operational drone success stems from specialized units. The Birds of Magyar, one of Ukraine's most prolific drone units, released some data from the outfit's drone operations. In March 2025 alone, the unit executed more than 11,600 sorties, hitting over 5,300 targets. Most of these were achieved with FPV drones (67%) and heavy bombers (31%). While viral FPV strike videos captivate online audiences, the less glamorous Baba Yaga night bombers may in fact inflict the bulk of real-world damage. These UAVs specialize in demolishing infrastructure and personnel shelters, not just enemy armour. The March tally: 1,701 strikes on Russian infantry, resulting in 1,002 confirmed kills, and dozens of bunker-busting missions. Furthermore, in April, Ukrainian drone brigades reported striking 83,000 Russian targets – marking a 5 percent increase compared to March. Dmytro Lysenko, a drone pilot with the 109th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade, before he was killed in combat in 2024 stated: 'Even when we drop explosives from drones on Russians, I sometimes shiver and feel discomfort because I remember all those times I was sitting in a trench.' He added, 'The Russians would shoot at us with everything possible. But the drone was the scariest. A shell can fly and miss and that's it. But a drone pilot aims and will be very accurate when they drop an explosive.' Russian milblogger 'Vault 8' highlighted how Ukrainian FPV and reconnaissance drones dominate territory up to 25 kilometers behind the front line, making road travel highly dangerous and turning rear areas into what he calls a 'highway of death,' where even vehicles far from the front are frequently destroyed. Both sides are having to adapt to this reality. In 2024, one drone pilot told me that at some point in the near future, heavy armor won't be able to get within 10km (six miles) of the front and that 'Autonomous drones will patrol the skies and will be taking out all the heavy armor.' Now, Ukraine is using these drones to build a 'drone wall' along the front line, extending the no-man's land for dozens of kilometers and deterring Russian advances through constant aerial threat. Russia, for months, has been using motorcycles to spearhead its suicidal offensives, mainly due to a shortage of armored vehicles because of Ukrainian drones. Ukraine's 425th Skala Assault Regiment recently established its own motorcycle assault company. With FPV drones acting as the new artillery of modern warfare, motorcycles now offer one of the best chances for assault units to quickly break through. A Ukrainian FPV drone loaded with small explosives in Chasiv Yar. Photo: David Kirichenko Beyond direct attacks, the unit also lays mines, conducts drone reconnaissance (more than 10,000 missions to date) and is testing jamming-resistant drones. With national production surging to 200,000 drones a month, the kill rate of Birds of Magyar has soared, from under 300 targets a year ago to over 5,000 now. The drone unit is now averaging one Russian killed every 6.5 minutes. Even Ukraine's logistics have gone airborne. 'Vampire drones have now started to be used as logistics drones in some directions,' said Oleksii, a drone unit commander in the 108th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade. (The Ukrainian military protocol is for active duty personnel to provide only their given names.) They carry food and ammunition to frontline units, flying at low altitudes to avoid detection. 'FPVs ranging from 10 to 15 inches are being used,' Oleksii said. 'Unlike the Vampire, the FPV crew is much more mobile.' And while bombers must drop payloads from high altitudes to avoid small arms fire, FPVs can dive directly into a one-meter target. 'They're both effective, but each has its nuances,' said Danilo, a drone pilot for the 108th. 'FPVs are more effective against pinpoint targets, where the scale of damage doesn't matter but accuracy does.' For hardened positions, Danilo adds, FPVs fall short: 'A Vampire drone can drop a couple of TM-62 mines and take care of it. But it's a big drone, bulky, and requires a crew. It's harder to work with.' Oleksii further described the challenge: 'With a Vampire, you still need to transport it by vehicle. That means you either have to get close to the position or fly it from a long distance. At long range, it's very visible in thermal cameras and can be intercepted, even shot down by another FPV, before it even crosses the line of contact.' In some cases, however, FPVs outperform the Baba Yaga. 'FPVs, even with an effectiveness rate of 30-40%, cause more damage than the Vampire,' said Andrii of the 59th Brigade (Da Vinci Wolves). That's because Russian vehicles often stay far from the frontline. 'Not every Vampire can reach that far, but most FPVs can.' Moreover, FPVs fare better under Russian jamming, as they can switch control frequencies mid-flight, something the Vampire cannot do. One Russian reported that Ukraine's heavy drone bombers – targeting artillery crews, tanks, and command posts – offer a major strategic advantage due to Ukraine's systematic development and deployment methods. Ukraine also recently recorded its first confirmed kill using a drone-mounted grenade launcher, highlighting how the technological drone race continues to evolve. Even Ukraine's logistics have gone airborne. 'Vampires have now started to be used as logistics drones in some directions,' said Oleksii. They carry food and ammunition to frontline units, flying at low altitudes to avoid detection. 'FPVs ranging from 10 to 15 inches are being used. Unlike the Vampire, the FPV crew is much more mobile.' And while bombers must drop payloads from high altitudes to avoid small arms fire, FPVs can dive directly into a one-meter target. Soldiers from Ukraine's 23rd Mechanized Brigade are setting up a heavy bomber drone to conduct operations in Chasiv Yar. Photo David Kirichenko Russia, meanwhile, is still scrambling to respond. It lacks anything comparable to the Vampire/Baba Yaga. 'Ukraine invested in its fleet of larger, long-range drones as a response to Russia's investment in Shahed/Geran drones,' observed Samuel Bendett, an adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security. 'Russia seems to be satisfied with Geran performance to date, has invested heavily in their mass production (many thousands to date) and seems to be content with their relatively low cost,' said Bendett. However, he also noted that 'since these drones have different ranges and different missions, they should not be compared to smaller FPVs, which have a different range and different tactical applications.' 'Ukrainian Vampire-type heavy drones have a complementary role to FPVs,' explained Roy Gardiner, an open-source weapons researcher and former Canadian officer. 'While FPVs attack Russian logistics vehicles during the day, heavy drones attack the same vehicles at night by precision mining Russian roads. The Russians complain the Ukrainian Baba Yagas have significantly increased in numbers, sometimes attacking several at a time and increasingly during the day.' 'There have been indications that Russian drone units have been forbidden to make direct purchases without permission from above,' said Gardiner. In the meantime, Russian units have resorted to bizarre improvisations, including the 'Vobla,' a jerry-rigged drone with four quadcopters connected to a single flight controller. 'Russia has made a lot of noise about developing a domestic drone industry, which of course has failed to deliver,' wrote Gardiner. With its drone innovation, Ukraine is positioning itself as a future defense hub for Europe. 'Ukrainians are training NATO in Poland and the UK, and have consulted with the Pentagon about their innovative use of US equipment,' said Branislav Slantchev, a political science professor at UC San Diego. 'Ukraine's defense industry will be massive,' he added. Ukraine 'was a critical hub in Soviet production and will now be part of Europe's.' Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine's former commander-in-chief, said, 'Europe needs Ukraine as a shield. We have the biggest army on the continent. We are the only one with an army that knows how to contain Russia.' Zaluzhnyi added, 'The only one with an army that knows how to wage modern, high-tech warfare.' An associate research fellow of the London-based Henry Jackson Society think tank, David Kirichenko is a Ukrainian-American freelance journalist, activist and security engineer who, multiple times during the Ukraine War, has traveled to and worked in the areas being fought over. He can be found on the social media platform X @DVKirichenko
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
How Brexit helped Poland become a European superpower
For Natalia Muszynska, the daughter of a Polish supermarket worker in Scotland, the journey home began with an internet search. Despite studying business management at college in Aberdeen, she was finding it almost impossible to line up an internship. Then inspiration struck. 'I switched to a Polish advertising site, typed in 'internships', and thousands of options came up, including paid ones,' said Ms Muszynska, who moved to Britain with her mother shortly after Poland joined the EU in 2004, along with around a million other Poles seeking higher wages in the UK. Curious about whether life in Poland now had more to offer, she relocated to Warsaw, joining hundreds of thousands of Poles who have moved back to their home country as it emerges on the world stage as an economic juggernaut and Slavic superpower. After decades of suffering under communism, its economy is booming. It boasts a bigger army than Britain, France or Germany, and Donald Tusk, its centrist prime minister, is a former EU Council president who wields immense influence in Brussels. At the same time, a metro ticket costs as little as 60p, a pint of beer will set you back less than £3, and the overall cost of living remains low in European league tables. Britain – or perhaps, the decline of Britain, in the eyes of some Poles – has played a role in this success story. The number of Poles in the UK has fallen from a peak of around a million to 700,000 in the wake of Brexit, and Poland is reaping the reward. Ms Muszynska says she is a 'prime example of this'. Not long after returning home, she started her own property business and was living in a flat with underfloor heating that she could only dream of having in Aberdeen. 'There are so many opportunities here – it's the fastest growing place in Europe,' she said. 'My mum moved to the UK because she couldn't find a job in Poland. I came back to Poland because I thought: this is the biggest opportunity ever.' This Sunday, Poles face a choice that will define their country's place in Europe as they head to the polls for presidential elections. Rafal Trzaskowski, the liberal mayor of Warsaw and Mr Tusk's preferred candidate, is in a neck-and-neck race with the hardline conservative Karol Nawrocki. Experts say membership of the European Union is by far the biggest contributor to the country's triumph, opening up free movement for Polish workers across the continent and full access to the EU's lucrative single market. Since joining the bloc in 2004, the country is yet to experience recession, excluding a blip at the height of the Covid pandemic, while GDP has risen by four per cent on average each year. This year alone, a 3.3 per cent increase in GDP is expected, compared to just one per cent in the UK. But with hundreds of thousands of young workers being lured back by the promise of a better life, Poland has also benefited from Britain's struggles. Aleks Szczerbiak, a Polish politics expert and professor at Sussex University, said the return of Poles could also be linked to a sense that 2004's mass exodus was doing more harm than good in the long run. 'Access to western labour markets was one of the reasons EU membership was, and still is, so popular,' he said. 'But that quickly went from being the greatest achievement to being seen as a kind of sign of failure. Poles felt that in order to earn a decent salary they had to go abroad, and work at a level way below their qualifications. 'You had Poles with PhDs serving coffee in Starbucks because it paid more in the UK than Poland, and so there has been an effort to get people back.' After two decades of EU free movement, the Polish government is posting adverts online urging citizens to return home: 'New Year's resolution to make: come back to Poland!' states one recent advert, which promises 'a flourishing economy, attractive salaries and a safe environment'. One of the main draws is Warsaw itself, a city of 1.8 million people where skyscrapers, tech start-ups and trendy cafes serving French toast have replaced the old, urban sprawl of Soviet buildings. Warsaw's most famous landmark used to be the Palace of Culture and Science, an imposing high-rise built in the Stalinist style in 1955. After the fall of Communism in 1989, its dedications to Stalin were scrubbed from the colonnade and lobby, while a new skyscraper – Varso Tower, the tallest in the EU – now rises above the city. Middle-class neighbourhoods are also springing up in Warsaw, offering a Slavic version of Notting Hill or Knightsbridge to successful Poles heeding the government's call to return home. In Zoliborz, northern Warsaw, gleaming white new-build apartment blocks have risen over flagstone courtyards and water fountains, with flat prices ranging from 600,000 to 1.9 million Polish zloty (£120,000-£375,000). BMWs fill many parking spaces. Robert, a construction firm owner and resident of Zoliborz, described the transition of Warsaw over the past two decades as 'shocking to witness'. 'Our parents had, let's say, a mid-range quality of life, but we are an extremely hard-working nation and we have earned what we have now,' he said. 'You can see that we're building a lot in Warsaw, and there is more to do.' Robert, 35, who did not wish to share his last name, added that when he started his construction firm a decade ago, he struggled to find workers – they had all moved to Britain and Germany. Now the reverse is the case – he is the one taking phone calls from Poles who have returned and are seeking work from him. 'And when the Germans visit, they are impressed by the phone signal,' he jokes, alluding to Berlin's outdated telecoms infrastructure. The famously fierce Polish work ethic still has its admirers in Britain, such as Daniel Kawczynski, the former Conservative MP, who viewed Brexit as an opportunity to deepen British-Polish relations. 'I remember going back to Poland in 1983, when martial law was lifted, to see my beloved grandfather,' said Mr Kawczynski, who was born in Warsaw and served as the MP for Shrewsbury and Atcham from 2005 to 2024. 'At that time there was nothing in the shops, petrol was rationed and the Communist system was politically Orwellian and economically illiterate. Now Poland is set to overtake the United Kingdom as an economy, and it's down to the fundamental principle that Polish people are driven to work hard, as hard as they can, and put into the system.' No account of Poland's rise can overlook the moment when Vladimir Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine on Feb 24 2022. Poland immediately opened its border to nine million refugees, and that was only the beginning of its support for Kyiv. When Volodymyr Zelensky, the Ukrainian president, told Western allies, 'I don't need a ride [out of Ukraine] – I need ammunition,' Poland was among the first to step forward. To date, Poland has provided 47 military support packages to Kyiv's forces, ranging from hundreds of T-72 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles, to combat helicopters, artillery systems and vast amounts of ammunition. Whichever candidate is elected, Poland's role as a leading EU supporter of Ukraine is set to continue, due to widespread public support for arming Kyiv against Russian invaders. But the invasion also prompted massive rearmament of Poland's own armed forces: Poland's annual defence spending stood at 2.7 per cent of GDP in 2022 but is set to reach 4.7 per cent later this year – tantalisingly close to the new 5 per cent Nato target, which prior to Putin's invasion was considered a mere pipe dream. That rapid increase of military spending began under the Right-wing Law and Justice leader Mateusz Morawiecki, and continues under Mr Tusk, who came to power in 2023, in a country where there is near-universal consensus for giving significant military support to Ukraine. That sentiment is largely fuelled by geography, with Poland sharing a long border with both Ukraine and close Putin ally Belarus, but also by a historical revulsion towards Russian authoritarianism. Mr Tusk himself is a former president of the European Council of EU national leaders in Brussels. His critics in Poland, who tend to be Eurosceptic, though not to the extent of wanting to see a 'Polexit,' say this makes him too close to the Brussels elite – perhaps so close that he no longer represents Polish national interests. But Mr Tusk's supporters argue that this deep knowledge of the EU and its institutions makes him the right leader to hold maximum leverage over the bloc, particularly when it comes to contentious issues such as mass migration or farming subsidies. Not everyone in Poland feels comfortable with its nascent superpower status, as reflected in an Economist editorial this week hailing its 'remarkable rise'. One Polish industry source, who did not wish to be named, said that behind the effusive headlines about his country there lurked deep concerns about the economic future. They cited as one example the significant decline in birth rates since 2017, from 1.48 to 1.26, as a sign that there could be a missing generation of workers in two decades. There are also concerns on the Eurosceptic wings of Polish politics that too much sovereignty has been ceded to Brussels. Poland – which since joining the EU in 2004 has received €246 billion (£200 billion) from the EU budget – is set to become a net contributor to that budget in future, rather than a recipient. That could create a dynamic where Poles feel they are putting far more value into the EU than what they receive in return, similar to sentiment in pre-Brexit Britain and in Germany, the biggest net contributor to EU funds. 'You can't really say everything is perfect when nearly half the country is set to vote for Karol Nawrocki', the Polish industry source said, referring to the Right-wing, Trump-esque candidate in Sunday's presidential elections. Opinion polls suggest the result will be extremely close, with 46 per cent backing Mr Nawrocki against 47 per cent for Mr Trzaskowski. Beyond economics, politics and the military, Poland is also gaining significant soft power in the arts world. The fantasy role-playing video game The Witcher 3, one of the most critically acclaimed and lucrative worldwide, was developed in Warsaw. The fame of CD Projekt Red, the studio behind The Witcher 3, is so widespread that fans travel from across the world to pay homage at its offices, tucked away on an industrial estate in the north-east of the capital. Inside, a statue of The Witcher's silver-haired protagonist, Geralt of Rivia, greets visitors who have flown in to experience the country that produced their favourite video game. 'It's amazing to see fans from around the world come to Warsaw just to visit our studio,' said Jan Rosner, its vice-president of business development. 'The fact that our office has become a destination for them is a testament to the passion our community brings. It truly means the world to us.' The $5.1 billion studio is now working on a sequel, The Witcher 4, already one of the most hotly anticipated game releases worldwide. And the games have also raised the profile of Polish culture, as they are based on local folklore and the fantasy novels of Andrzej Sapkowski, the Polish author, who was virtually unknown outside of the country prior to the release of The Witcher 3. Now he is widely considered as the Slavic successor to JRR Tolkien. As a result, the studio is among the most striking examples of Poland's rise on the world stage. Two decades ago, when Poland joined the EU, some young Britons would have moaned that the plumbers of Poland were taking their jobs. Now they are getting on planes to Warsaw so they can pose for selfies with a statue of a Polish monster-slayer. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Hindustan Times
2 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Behind Putin's Back, Serbia Armed Russia's Biggest Enemy with $900 Million in Missiles? Moscow Fumes
Russia has accused its traditional Slavic ally Serbia of betraying their relationship by supplying over $900 million worth of missiles and arms to Ukraine. According to the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR), at least seven major Serbian defense companies have covertly sent hundreds of thousands of rockets and millions of small arms cartridges to Ukraine, often using fake end-user certificates and routing shipments through NATO intermediaries such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Bulgaria. Russia described these transfers as a "stab in the back," but Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić has denied these allegations.
Time Business News
2 days ago
- Health
- Time Business News
Ukrainian Egg Donors: A Comprehensive Guide
Introduction The demand for egg donation has grown significantly in recent years, with many intended parents seeking high-quality donor eggs to fulfill their dreams of having a child. Among the top destinations for egg donation, Ukraine has emerged as a leading choice due to its favorable legal framework, high medical standards, and a large pool of genetically diverse and healthy donors. In this comprehensive guide, we will explore: The reasons behind Ukraine's popularity for egg donation The legal and ethical aspects of egg donation in Ukraine The profile of Ukrainian egg donors The medical process involved Success rates and costs Personal stories from donors and recipients Whether you're an intended parent considering egg donation or simply curious about the process, this article will provide valuable insights. Why Choose Ukrainian Egg Donors? Ukraine has become a hub for international fertility treatments, particularly egg donation. Here's why: 1. High-Quality Donors Ukrainian egg donors are known for their: Genetic diversity – A mix of Slavic, Caucasian, and European heritage. – A mix of Slavic, Caucasian, and European heritage. Health and fertility – Strict medical and psychological screenings ensure only the best candidates are selected. – Strict medical and psychological screenings ensure only the best candidates are selected. Young age – Most donors are between 18 and 28, ensuring optimal egg quality. 2. Affordable Costs Compared to the US or Western Europe, egg donation in Ukraine is significantly more affordable without compromising quality. 3. Favorable Legal Framework Ukraine has clear laws supporting egg donation, protecting both donors and recipients. Compensation for donors is legal and regulated. 4. Advanced Medical Facilities Ukrainian fertility clinics use cutting-edge technology and adhere to international standards, ensuring high success rates. The Legal and Ethical Landscape of Egg Donation in Ukraine Legal Regulations Egg donation is permitted by law (Order of the Ministry of Health No. 787). Donors remain anonymous unless both parties agree otherwise. Compensation is legal but regulated to prevent exploitation. Ethical Considerations Donors undergo psychological evaluations to ensure they understand the process. Clinics follow strict confidentiality protocols. No discrimination based on marital status or sexual orientation for recipients. Profile of Ukrainian Egg Donors Ukrainian egg donors are carefully selected based on: Physical and Genetic Health Age: 18-28 years old BMI within healthy range No genetic disorders or chronic illnesses Non-smokers, no drug use Psychological Screening Mental health assessments Motivation evaluation (altruistic vs. financial) Appearance and Education Many donors have higher education. Physical traits (hair color, eye color, height) are documented for matching. The Egg Donation Process: Step by Step 1. Donor Selection Intended parents can choose a donor from a clinic's database based on: Physical characteristics Medical history Educational background 2. Medical Screening Hormonal tests Ultrasound scans Genetic testing 3. Ovarian Stimulation Donors receive hormone injections for 10-12 days to stimulate egg production. 4. Egg Retrieval A minor surgical procedure under sedation (takes 20-30 minutes). 5. Fertilization and Embryo Transfer Eggs are fertilized in the lab (IVF/ICSI). Embryos are transferred to the recipient or frozen for future use. Success Rates and Costs Success Rates Ukrainian clinics report 60-70% success rates per embryo transfer. per embryo transfer. Higher success with younger donors. Cost Breakdown Service Approximate Cost (USD) Donor Compensation $1,500 – $3,000 Medical Screening $500 – $1,000 IVF Procedure $4,000 – $7,000 Medication $1,000 – $2,000 Total $7,000 – $13,000 *(Compared to $25,000-$40,000 in the US.)* Stories from Donors and Recipients A Donor's Perspective 'I wanted to help a family have a child while also supporting my education. The process was smooth, and the clinic took great care of me.' – Anna, 24 A Recipient's Journey 'After years of infertility, we found our perfect donor in Ukraine. Now we have a beautiful daughter!' – Sarah & Mark, UK Conclusion Ukraine offers a reliable, ethical, and cost-effective solution for egg donation. With high-quality donors, advanced medical facilities, and clear legal protections, it's no wonder many intended parents turn to Ukrainian clinics. If you're considering egg donation, thorough research and choosing a reputable clinic are key to a successful journey. Would you like recommendations for top Ukrainian fertility clinics? Let us know in the comments! TIME BUSINESS NEWS
