Latest news with #Socio-EconomicCasteCensus
News18
6 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Acceptance Of Caste Census Not Necessarily A Defeat Of BJP's Hindutva Agenda
Last Updated: Hindutva needs the support of the OBCs, including the marginalised castes within the group, and the government realises that The Narendra Modi-led NDA government has finally agreed to conduct the caste census. This will be the first such exercise in independent India as the last caste census was done in 1931 when the country was a colony of the British. Though the previous Congress-led UPA government tried to count caste in its Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) in the last census of 2011, the data on caste population was never published as the UPA lost power in 2014 to the BJP-led NDA whose government, citing anomalies, withheld the data on caste population. While the populations of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) were counted in the past censuses, the new caste census will count the populations of Other Backward Castes (OBCs) and the general castes (so-called upper castes). OBCs are the biggest caste bloc, which is a collection of many different castes and sub-castes. The OBCs, who are given 27 per cent reservation in Union government jobs and central educational institutions, believe that they are denied their proper share as their population is much higher than the reservation quota given to them. A caste census will give the population of the OBCs as well details of the many castes and sub-castes within the OBC bloc. It is this reason that the OBCs have been vocal supporters of the caste census. Now that BJP has agreed for caste census, after being initially reluctant to the idea, the opposition INDIA bloc has claimed credit for this. Additionally, there has been commentary to conclude this as the victory of social justice over BJP's Hindutva agenda. While it can't be denied that the BJP's central leadership had to agree with the caste census after witnessing INDIA bloc's pitch getting traction on the ground, particularly in the most politically significant state of Uttar Pradesh, the commentary that BJP's Hindutva agenda has been overpowered by the agenda of social justice, advocated by the socialist, Bahujan parties and now by Congress also, is based on simplistic arguments. The BJP came to power in 2014 by securing a majority of its own for the first time and was able to repeat this feat, with a bigger mandate, in 2019. One of the main factors behind these achievements was, undoubtedly, the agenda of Hindutva. While Hindutva helped the saffron party, if one watched closely, one will realise that these victories also had the caste factor, which was shrewdly exploited while being kept under the Hindutva carpet. In 2014, while the BJP projected its then prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, an OBC, as a Hindutva face, he was also projected as a representative of the OBCs. This was done after getting support from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, BJP's ideological parent, and its associated fronts on the ground. To be fair, this strategy to weave caste equations within the Hindutva umbrella by the saffron party and the Sangh Parivar dates back to the 1990s when then party's general secretary KN Govindacharya first implemented social engineering—mixing Hindutva (Kamandal) with caste politics (Mandal). This Kamandal-Mandal strategy brought OBC leaders like Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharti, Vinay Katiyar to prominence in the saffron party. This strategy helped the saffron party to come to power for the first time in Uttar Pradesh in 1993 and Kalyan Singh became the chief minister. However, the strategy later failed to move forward with the sidelining of OBC faces like Kalyan and Uma Bharti, who led the party to a gigantic victory in Madhya Pradesh in the 2003 elections, within the party with Govindacharya himself being sidelined in the early 2000s by the saffron party then led by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-Lal Krishna Advani duo. After facing back-to-back electoral setbacks in 2004 and 2009, the saffron party returned to the formula of social engineering and this helped it return to power in 2014 and then in 2019 and 2024. The party particularly targeted the non-Yadav OBCs, which otherwise aren't politically dominant, unlike the Yadavs. But the reduced mandate in 2024 elections once again served as a reality check to the BJP regarding its social engineering project. It was because the OBCs, who started to rally towards the saffron party from 2014, felt they weren't given the proper representation when it came to power sharing. These were legitimate concerns. Despite OBCs being the dominant group in BJP's tally in the 17th Lok Sabha, they lagged behind the 'upper castes" in Modi 2.0, even after increasing OBC representation after reshuffling of council of ministers in 2021. This was reflected at the state level too. Take the example of Uttar Pradesh, where upper castes are over-represented in the BJP's power structure in terms of legislators and ministers. It was only after the setback in 2024 that the BJP made more ministers from the OBCs in the third term of the Modi-led government, surpassing the 'upper castes" who had a majority in the first and second terms of the Modi government. This was a significant change, reflecting the efforts of the Sangh Parivar to accept the concerns and aspirations of the OBCs, who remained the largest caste bloc in the country. Later, in the national conclave of the RSS held from August 31 to September 2 in Palakkad last year, the organisation announced its support for the caste census, arguing its importance for various government-sponsored welfare schemes. Before this, it had announced support for the caste census in 2023, when the Opposition started pitching for the idea. No one can deny that caste is a reality. The BJP and the Sangh Parivar are also aware of this bitter truth. Hindutva needs the support of the OBCs, including the marginalised castes within the group. For that, the saffron party needs to accommodate the aspirations of the OBCs—and to do this, it had no other option but to accept the caste census. The announcement of the caste census by the Modi government reflects this thinking. top videos View all As of now, it is futile to draw the exact consequences post-the caste census, which is yet to be conducted, but the conclusion that the caste census is necessarily a defeat of BJP's Hindutva is based on simplistic and hollow arguments. The author is a political commentator. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. First Published: May 29, 2025, 14:37 IST
Mint
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Mint
Himanshu: India's caste census must serve its purpose
The recent Cabinet decision to include caste as a category in India's upcoming population census is an important milestone in the quest for social justice. But it is also relevant for multiple other reasons. While the push for a caste census, or inclusion of caste in the national headcount, gathered pace on the back of a spirited campaign run by the opposition Congress party and its leader, a near consensus on its necessity has always existed among political parties. Still, there has never been a serious attempt to carry out the exercise. It was this frustration that led states to conduct their own caste counts. While these are called 'surveys' for legal reasons, for all practical purposes and statistically, the caste surveys of Bihar, Telangana and Karnataka qualify as caste censuses. But only partial information is available from these surveys and the absence of detailed data defeats their very purpose. Also Read: Caste census? Okay, but we must handle it with care A national caste census is likely to put an end to the multiple caste surveys done by states with varying methodologies, questionnaires and time-frames. A common methodology will allow comparisons across states on the basis of publicly available information. The decision, however, is only a statement of intent. While it puts an end to speculation over a caste census, no details have been made available on its questionnaire, design and methodology. Introducing caste as a category is not just an academic exercise. It flows from an essential requirement under Article 340 of the Constitution, which mandates the government to analyse the socioeconomic conditions of various castes, primarily those classified as 'backward.' This has been reiterated by all backward class commissions set up by states and the Centre. A natural corollary of this is that the caste census is not just a count of the population; it should also allow a proper analysis of the socioeconomic and educational deprivations of various classes/castes. Also Read: We need a reformation: Caste salience must fall for India's social capital to rise In fact, this was the intention behind collecting caste data under the Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) of 2011. While the data so collected allowed such an analysis, it was never attempted in a serious manner. Part of the reason was the way the SECC's caste data was collected, which allowed castes to be reported by individuals in whatever manner they felt appropriate. On the other hand, this learning proved useful in the cases of Bihar and Telangana, where caste categories were pre-decided and left no space for ambiguity. Since caste data is already part of the census exercise for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), it can easily be done for Other Backward Classes (OBCs), for which such a list exists at both the state and central levels. The only ambiguity would be for the rest of the caste groups, but even these can be classified based on a general understanding of which major groups live in each state. The foremost task before the Registrar General of India (RGI), who must carry out the caste census, will be to reach a consensus on the list of castes. Since most data collection by statistical agencies is now done through digital devices such as computer tablets, pre-filled caste lists will allow quick data generation and analysis. Also Read: The Bihar caste survey marks a big step towards a reality check The use of tablets for data entry also allows a larger number of questions to be asked than paper-based canvassing would allow. The old paper-based questionnaire limited the number of questions to only two pages. Both the Bihar and Telangana surveys use a much larger set of questions. For an all-India caste census to stay true to the spirit in which it was sought, it should feature a large and detailed set of questions that can enable a meaningful understanding of caste-wise deprivation. While the classification of castes based on relative deprivation will remain the primary objective of such an exercise, expanding the set of questions is also important for other purposes. A well-designed set of questions will yield granular data that could be used for policymaking. Given that the Census is our only source of data on district and sub-district level measures, this data would be an asset for regional planning and policymaking in assorted local contexts. Despite the challenges of such an exercise, the benefits of an expanded census exercise far outweigh the costs. While the much-delayed population Census may or may not resolve the vexed issue of how castes should be classified and categorized, it will offer us an opportunity to use its findings as an essential input for evidence-based policymaking, given the complexity of all the social, economic, educational and other related deprivations in a diverse country like ours. The author is associate professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University and visiting fellow at the Centre de Sciences Humaines, New Delhi.
Indian Express
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Opinion Yogendra Yadav writes: Caste census announcement is an opportunity to fine-tune reservation policy
The announcement of the caste census signals a new phase in the policies and politics of social justice. As the dust kicked by the government's dramatic announcement settles down, new contours should emerge in the debates on caste. Now that the supreme leader has changed his tune, the smokescreen of lies, half-truths and alibis that have distorted this straightforward idea should wane away. A three-decade-long absurdity of providing legal protection to OBCs without counting them would come to an end. The conversation now shifts from why caste census to when, how and what next. Debates on affirmative action will never be the same again. The ongoing discussion on the motives of the Narendra Modi government should not detain us too long. It is a political decision, as most major decisions — good or bad — by governments in electoral democracies are. This is a pre-emptive move by the Prime Minister, who saw Rahul Gandhi 's pitch for the caste census as a long-term threat to the BJP 's large but vulnerable non-savarna vote base. Nor should we pay much attention to the blame game started by Ashwini Vaishnaw, holding Congress responsible for stalling the caste census. The move has already boomeranged. If anything, the 'original sin' of burying the proposal for a caste census was committed by the Vajpayee government in 2000. If the Congress-led government was responsible for detaching caste count from the Census in 2011, the BJP government was responsible for suppressing the data of the Socio-Economic Caste Census. Similarly, the dispute over credit will also soon fade away. For those who are historically minded, the principal credit goes to the social justice movement, specifically, to Rammanohar Lohia, or to its persistent advocates like Karpoori Thakur or Madhu Limaye, or to Sharad Yadav, who made the caste census his life's mission. To the policy minded, the credit for making this idea viable should go to the previous RJD-JDU Bihar government and the present Telangana government. At the same time, for the politically minded, the credit would go to Rahul Gandhi. The history of social justice movements and state-level precedents would not have yielded anything if he had not made the caste census his personal mission and pushed Congress to make the issue its flagship demand. As the Leader of Opposition, this is undoubtedly his first major policy victory. Once the debate shifts to the real issue of how, the first task would be to be vigilant about three matters, so that the caste census happens quickly, and as per the announcement. One, the sabotage of 2011 alerts us to guard against bureaucratic machinations: Caste enumeration must happen as an integral part of the next Census, not as a parallel exercise. Two, caste enumeration should have full, and not partial, coverage. It must not be limited to the 'reserved categories' — SC, ST and now OBCs. Each of the castes under the 'general' category must also be enumerated so that we can uncover the full profile of caste privileges. Three, there must be no attempt to tie the Census to the National Population Register, or any such trick that might derail the whole exercise. The more serious demand should be to expand the scope of the Census to do a comprehensive caste-wise profile of resources and opportunities. So far, the Census has captured some basic data for every person (age, gender, education, occupation) and some data for every household (house type, basic amenities and a few assets) besides language, religion and caste category. The announcement of caste enumeration would mean that the Census will record the exact jati of each person (not just of SC and ST, as has been the case so far). Yet, the Census does not record some key data necessary for a socio-economic and educational profile of each caste — ownership of land, ownership of economic enterprise, government job, profession, etc. Fortunately, all these questions were asked in the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) held in 2011. The Census Household Schedule should now be modified and all these key variables from SECC should now form a part of the new Census. This will still leave the issue of mapping tiny but critical islands of high-worth resources and key positions in the most happening sites that cannot be captured by any Census — ownership and directorship of high-worth companies or commercial enterprises, high-level government jobs, top jobs in the private sector, admissions to the top higher educational institutions and positions of political leadership. That would require supplementary data collection to create a national caste-wise inventory of assets, facilities, resources, opportunities and positions. It would also require inserting the caste question into several other census-like data collection exercises, most of which already ask a question on broad caste category. These include the Indian Economic Census, the Agricultural Census, the All India Survey on Higher Education, the Household Consumer Expenditure Survey and Periodic Labour Force Survey by NSSO and the list of directors of registered companies, besides a survey of all public sector employees and all elected political representatives. The final step would be improving the existing architecture of affirmative action. The caste census is only a diagnostic exercise. It is of no use if the data is not used to treat the disease. Caste census data should settle the debate on the rationale for the 10 per cent EWS quota. Besides, this may require some jatis to be excluded and others to be included in the list of OBCs. Caste census data should also help in making informed decisions about whether a sub-quota is needed for some castes or communities from within SC, ST and OBCs. The judiciary has always demanded evidence-based formulation of reservation policies. The caste census should provide the gold standard of evidence. Besides such fine-tuning, the caste census can open the gates for two major policy shifts. Assuming that it shows significant disparities in resources and opportunities across caste groups and across different jatis within these groups, the existing reservation policy must be fine-tuned. This would almost certainly indicate an enhancement in the 27 per cent quota for OBCs since their population is likely to be upwards of 45 per cent. That would require going beyond the 50 per cent ceiling set by the apex court for all reservation policies, although the same court ignored this in the case of EWS reservation. Also, assuming that the mapping shows ever-greater disparities in the private sector, there would be a demand for extending affirmative action to private sector jobs, universities and colleges. Now that the BJP claims to be more pro-social justice than anyone else, it has to respond to the question posed by Congress: Is the government ready to do away with the 50 per cent ceiling on reservation, to extend affirmative action to the private sector and to apply existing legal provisions for reservation in the private universities and colleges? For nearly two decades, policies and politics of social justice were at a dead end. The social justice movement has suffered from stagnation, fragmentation, subversion, defensiveness and has lived in denial of the challenges from within. The announcement of the caste census is an opportunity to begin afresh by expanding the scope of affirmative action beyond the public sector, widening the instruments beyond reservation and fine-tuning the criteria beyond a one-dimensional focus on caste.
Time of India
05-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
UP plans to build 60 lakh houses under PM Awas Yojana-Rural
Lucknow: UP plans to construct over 60 lakh houses under the Centre's ambitious PM Awas Yojana-Rural in the 2025-26 fiscal year. Once approved by the Centre, this will be almost twice what the UP govt constructed in 2024-25 financial year—around 37 lakh houses. The fresh projection comes amid the Centre's decision to extend the deadline for the assessment of housing units until May 15. The survey to assess the housing requirement started in Dec 2024 and ended in April 2025. During this period, the department received applications for over 54 lakh houses. Experts said the scheme was being leveraged by the Yogi Adityanath govt to bolster its footprint in rural areas, which are electorally crucial. Launched in Nov 2016, the PMAY-Rural scheme aims to provide housing for the poorest segments of society. Beneficiaries are selected through a three-stage validation process that includes Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC-2011) and Awas Plus (2018) surveys, Gram Sabha approvals and geo-tagging. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like The Most Remarkable Oscar Outfits Ever Interesticle Undo At least 60% of the target is earmarked for SC and ST households. Officials said the scheme has contributed to reducing poverty, improving living standards and fostering socio-economic development. During a recent review meeting, Deputy CM Keshav Prasad Maurya, who holds the portfolio of rural development , emphasised the need for the govt to conduct a door-to-door survey to identify eligible families. The fresh data includes over 16 lakh beneficiaries who conducted a self-survey. Officials said surveyors have been told to conduct thorough verification to ensure that no eligible person is left out. Sources said rural development commissioner GS Priyadarshi sent a letter in this regard to all the DMs and chief development officers, instructing them to complete the survey work by May 15. Regarding the Awas Plus survey, instructions have been given for extensive publicity so that all people living in rural areas are aware of it. The process is being reviewed daily at the headquarters level, and instructions are being given to all CDOs and project directors of the district rural development agency from time to time.
NDTV
05-05-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Why A Robust Caste Census Matters
On the birth anniversary of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reaffirmed his government's unwavering commitment to the ideals of social justice and equity. In line with this vision, the decision to undertake a caste census represents yet another historic step towards empowering India's underprivileged communities. The Congress party, by contrast, has a long and troubled history of treating caste not as a tool for empowerment but as a vehicle for short-term electoral gains. Indira Gandhi, despite projecting slogans like " Na jaat par na paat par, mohar lagegi haath par" staunchly opposed a caste census. Her successor, Rajiv Gandhi, delayed the implementation of the Mandal Commission report for years and, more significantly, failed to grant constitutional status to the OBC Commission - a status later conferred under Prime Minister Modi's leadership. Notably, Rajiv Gandhi's longest speech in Parliament was not in support of social justice but in opposition to the Mandal recommendations. Today, Rahul Gandhi and his supporters attempt to claim credit for the Modi government's decision to conduct a caste census. A closer examination of history, however, tells a different story. The practice of caste enumeration in India began in 1881 and continued until 1931. Although caste data was collected in 1941, it was never published. After Independence, from 1951 to 2011, census exercises recorded data only for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, systematically excluding Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Congress's ambiguous stance on reservation has surfaced repeatedly throughout history. A former Congress Prime Minister reportedly referred to reservation beneficiaries as "fools", underlining the party's dismissive attitude towards genuine empowerment. The UPA government, led by Manmohan Singh, promised a caste census in 2011 but failed to deliver. Instead, it carried out the Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) - a diluted effort more concerned with political optics than delivering social justice. The SECC was riddled with errors; over eight crore mistakes were reported. Despite significant expenditure, the caste data collected was never released to the public. Operational inefficiencies and the scale of inaccuracies rendered the entire exercise futile. Congress's attempts at caste surveys at the state level have fared no better. In Telangana, a recent caste census was marred by glaring irregularities. Forms meant for data collection were found discarded on roads and picked up by ragpickers. Many citizens reported that enumerators never visited their homes, while others cited a lack of trust in the government as a reason for refusing to provide information. Consequently, the OBC population was grossly underreported. The Karnataka experience under Congress was similarly chaotic. In Siddaramaiah's first term as Chief Minister, a caste survey led by H. Kantharaj, then chairman of the Backward Classes Commission, cost the exchequer ₹165 crore. Yet, the findings - leaked in 2016 - sparked panic within the Congress leadership. The data upset established political assumptions: Lingayats were found to be far fewer than previously estimated, and Vokkaligas also registered lower numbers. The final report was placed before the Karnataka Cabinet only in April 2025 - nearly a decade after the survey - and was conveniently withdrawn by the Congress government at the last minute. In contrast, the BJP has consistently advocated for genuine social justice. In 2010, it supported the idea of a caste census, recognising its necessity for equitable policymaking. Unfortunately, the then Congress-led UPA government lacked the political will to carry out a credible exercise. Prime Minister Modi's decision to integrate the caste census with the decadal population census is a strategic masterstroke. Conducted under the constitutional framework of Article 246, the census will carry the force of law, ensuring robustness, scientific rigour, and credibility - qualities absent in state-level surveys driven by political expediency. The aim is not to divide Hindus into narrower vote banks, as the opposition has often attempted, but to ensure caste representation without promoting caste domination. It is about identifying and uplifting communities that have remained marginalised despite constitutional promises. By bringing them into the mainstream, the caste census will strengthen the social fabric of the Hindu community, not weaken it. In an era where social justice must be defined by empowerment and opportunity rather than tokenism, Prime Minister Modi's caste census initiative represents a major leap forward. It is a move rooted not in electoral calculation, but in the spirit of Dr Ambedkar's vision: that true social justice can only be realised when opportunity is extended to every citizen, regardless of their social origins. The BJP's approach reaffirms this commitment - shifting the narrative from caste as an instrument of division to caste as a means of genuine upliftment. India's future lies not in fragmented identities, but in the creation of a more equitable society, built on the firm foundations of accurate data, sound policymaking, and resolute political will.
