Latest news with #SocioEconomicCasteCensus
The Hindu
17 hours ago
- Health
- The Hindu
Bihar pushes up its Ayushman Bharat health insurance coverage
Bihar is now among the Indian States leading in the enrolment of cardholders under the Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB-PMJAY), with 3.94 crore Ayushman cards created till date, according to data released by the State government. It has also helped beneficiaries save over ₹1,000 crore in out-of-pocket medical expenses within a single year. Bihar is the third most populous State in the country, with about 80% rural population, and a literacy rate of less than 70%. It faces health challenges, including high infant and maternal mortality rates, malnutrition, and limited access to quality healthcare. As part of its drive to ensure maximum coverage, a recent four-day drive, from May 26-30, brought 17.38 lakh more cardholders into the Central government-run cashless health insurance scheme, offering treatment for secondary and tertiary care hospitalisation for the economically weaker sections of society. Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh are the other two States that have recently indicated a high enrolment rate. The flagship health insurance scheme, launched in 2018, offers cashless healthcare treatment of up to ₹5 lakh per family per year. Initially, the State Government had adopted the Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC 2011) data for implementing the AB-PMJAY scheme, Shailesh Chandra Diwakar, Administrative Officer, Bihar Swasthya Suraksha Samiti (Ayushman Bharat), said on the recent focus to expand the coverage of the Ayushman card. In February 2024, the Bihar Government adopted the National Food Security Act (NFSA) database and provided coverage to all NFSA-registered family members. 'This saw many more ration cardholders coming into the AB-PMJAY fold. More than 2.8 crore Ayushman cards were created in 2024,' Mr. Diwakar said. Besides this, the State has launched various measures, including an enhanced cash incentive of ₹15 (from ₹5) to ASHA workers involved in verified enrolments; camps at railway stations to capture those in need when people travel back into the State for festivals; and door-to-door campaigns. 'These extensive mop-up rounds are for individuals who have been left behind,' Shashank Shekhar Sinha, CEO, Ayushman Bharat (PMJAY-Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission), said. The State has also recently registered enrolment of 2.82 lakh persons under the Ayushman Vaya Vandana card (for senior citizens 70 years and above). According to the State government, the total claims paid rose from 3.03 lakh cases in FY 2023-24 to 7.52 lakh cases in FY 2024-25, and more than 2.83 crore Ayushman cards were created in 2024. A first time Ayushman card user, speaking of his enrolment, and experience with availing the treatment, said that he had had his card made only after he reached the hospital to be treated for cataract. 'Though we had heard about the Ayushman card, since we didn't need hospitalisation, we never got the card made,' Lalan Choudhary, a resident of Bihar's Nalanda district, who is now undergoing free treatment at a private healthcare facility in Gaya under the AB-PMJAY, said. 'This is a problem we are facing in the State — though people know about the card, they will enrol under the scheme often only when they seek treatment,' Mr. Diwakar added. The State is now trying to rope in eligible individuals who have not opted for the scheme. Khushi Praveen, 19, who was operated for spinal deformity 10 days ago, speaking about her use of the Ayushman card, said that she had been suffering for a nearly a year without money to secure treatment and surgery. 'Though I needed surgery, without money, there was no access to healthcare. My doctor in the private sector suggested that I get my Ayushman card and get operated. Using the card, I got surgery and am healing well now, and hope to be able to walk soon,' Ms. Praveen said. Parmilla Devi, 50, had her cataract operation performed under the scheme. 'My husband and I work as farmers and couldn't have afforded the surgery otherwise. My husband is also now planning to apply for his card also,' Ms. Devi said. Rajaram Prasad, Chief Surgeon, Gaya district, said that in Gaya district (one of the 38 districts in Bihar), which is seeing robust enrolment and use of the card, in 2024-25, a total of 18,734 people were treated in government hospitals at an expense of about ₹15 crore under the Ayushman scheme. 'Affordable, quality medical care is now no longer a distant dream for the rural population of Bihar,' Dr. Prasad said. Besides the enrolment of more individuals under the scheme, Bihar is also looking at enhancing the number of hospital service providers. Currently, over 1,100 hospitals are empanelled under the scheme in Bihar, 50% of which are private hospitals, a senior Bihar health official.
Indian Express
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Question of caste in free India: 1951 Census to now
On April 30 this year, the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) approved caste enumeration in the forthcoming census. While India last collected caste data during the 1931 and 1941 Census, the latest available data is that of 1931 since the 1941 survey was not released. Similar data was collected during the 2011 Census too — but as a part of a special Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC) to identify households living below poverty line (BPL) as well as caste so that they could get various entitlements. Despite costing nearly Rs 5,000 crore, this countrywide report was never released. In a meeting of Census officials in February 1950, Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who also held the Home Affairs portfolio in the interim government headed by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, had announced categorically, 'Formerly, there used to be elaborate caste tables which were required in India, partly, to satisfy the theory that it was a caste-ridden country and, partly, to meet the needs of administrative measures dependent upon caste division. In the forthcoming Census, this will no longer be a prominent feature.' Hence, the 14 questions in the 1951 Census sought information on 'nationality, religion and special groups', among other information. However, the omission of caste in enumeration and tabulation would prove to be a huge loss for sociologists and anthropologists. As soon as the 1951 Census was completed, the government in January 1953 decided to constitute a commission headed by then Rajya Sabha MP, social reformer and journalist Dattatreya Balkrishna Kalelkar, popularly called Kaka Kalelkar, to look after the demand for reservation and other affirmative actions for the other backward classes (OBCs). On March 18, 1953, then President Rajendra Prasad formally inaugurated the Kalelkar Commission. Speaking on the occasion, both President Prasad and Prime Minister Nehru expressed the hope that the 'labours' of the commission would pave the way for a 'classless' society in India. Nehru, who disliked the term 'backward classes', even remarked that it was wrong to label any section as backward, even if they were so, particularly, when 90% of the people in the country were poor and backward. As the head of the First OBC Commission, Kalelkar's biggest hurdle was the 'lacunae' of caste data, especially of those who claimed to be OBCs. The Registrar General, meanwhile, provided the Commission with separate reports on the 'estimated' population of certain OBC castes for different states. According to the Registrar General's estimates, nearly 11.5 crore Indians belonged to 930 backward castes. A report by the Kalelkar Commission noted that it had prepared a list of 2,399 castes as backward (Total population of the country in 1951 was 36.10 crore). Stating that the Registrar General's estimates had made its task 'extremely difficult', the Kalelkar Commission noted, 'The Census Department has furnished us with approximate population figures for most of the communities, but we assume no responsibility for the reliability or finality of these figures.' The Commission also got estimates from individual communities. However, the Commission added, 'Figures furnished by the various communities were chiefly a matter of guesswork and their numbers were often exaggerated…. The caste-wise statistics in the previous Census reports (of 1941) were not compiled on a uniform basis throughout India and were, therefore, not of much use…We cannot consider this method of compilation either satisfactory or reliable, but we had to utilize whatever materials were made available to us.' Advising that the next Census should 'give all the necessary information about castes and sub castes', the Kalelkar Commission said, 'We would like to record here that the Census of 1961 should collect and tabulate all the essential figures caste-wise. We are also of the opinion that if it is possible, this should be carried out in 1957 instead of in 1961, in view of the importance of the problems affecting backward classes.' Propagating for the caste census, the panel suggested, 'It would certainly be valuable material for sociologists and anthropologists… But a lurking suspicion is asserting itself in my mind: Can we do it?' Though the report of the First OBC Commission, submitted in 1955, was never implemented, its suspicions would prove to be true. There was no caste census till 2011, which was just an SECC exercise and not a part of the 2011 Census. Kalelkar remained in the Rajya Sabha till 1964. Nehru, who constituted the Commission, passed away in May 1964. Till the end, his government was unclear on the final criteria for backwardness — caste or economics. Replying to a question in the Lok Sabha on April 17, 1963, on the criteria, Maragatham Chandrasekar, then Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, had said, 'All that we are doing now is to suggest to the State Governments that they should adopt the economic criterion instead of the caste criteria.' By 1977, the demand to implement the Kalelkar Commission report had gathered steam. The Morarji Desai government then constituted the Second OBC Commission, headed by Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal, the scion of the erstwhile Murho Estate in Bihar who also served as the seventh chief minister of the state. The Mandal Commission's report was submitted after Indira Gandhi stormed back to power in 1980. Its report, which too suggested a caste census, was implemented in parts in 1994 and then in 2009. Its suggestion on the caste census is finally expected to take place now. The writer is Senior Associate Editor, The Indian Express
India Today
30-04-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Centre, Opposition 'war of credits' over cabinet's caste census decision
The centre and the opposition locked horns over the government's decision to include the caste census in the next national census. While the government's supporters hailed it as a landmark move toward social justice, the opposition dubbed the decision a case of "better late than never" and reiterated its long-standing demand for such an the decision taken at a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs on Wednesday, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw slammed the Congress and said the party always opposed the caste census. He also attacked other INDIA bloc parties, accusing them of using the caste-based population count only to gain political pointed out that in 2010, then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had promised to take the matter to the Cabinet, leading to the formation of a group of ministers. "Despite this, the Congress decided to conduct only a survey, known as SECC (Socio Economic Caste Census), instead of a full caste census," he said, adding that opposition parties have used the issue as a political tool. Union Home Minister Amit Shah called the move a testament to the PM Modi government's dedication to social equity. "The Congress and its allies opposed the caste census for decades while in power and played politics over it while in the opposition," Amit Shah wrote on X. He said that the decision would "empower all economically and socially backward classes, promote inclusion, and pave new paths for the progress of the deprived".@narendramodi CCPA ,— Amit Shah (@AmitShah) April 30, 2025advertisementOther BJP leaders also weighed in to hail the decision. West Bengal BJP President Sukanta Majumdar welcomed the move and accused the Congress of opposing the policy. "We welcome this decision. From the beginning, the Congress was against the caste census, but for the last 5–10 years, they have started shouting for this caste-based census. The caste census will help to design the future policies of the government in favour of the downtrodden people," he said while speaking to OPPOSITION SAIDOn the other hand, the opposition slammed the ruling party, with Congress asserting that it had consistently demanded a caste-based chief Mallikarjun Kharge said that his party "had continuously raised the demand for a caste census, whose most vocal supporter was Rahul Gandhi"."I raised this issue several times in Parliament and also wrote a letter to the Prime Minister. The leaders of the INDIA alliance have also demanded caste census several times and this became an important issue in the Lok Sabha elections," he wrote on further wrote that PM Modi kept avoiding this policy and falsely accused the opposition of dividing society., @RahulGandhi Census— Mallikarjun Kharge (@kharge) April 30, 2025Congress general secretary Jairam Ramesh described the move as "better late than never", stressing that the party had raised the demand in its April 9, 2025 resolution on social justice, passed at the AICC session in Ahmedabad. Ramesh also shared a letter dated April 16, 2023, in which Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge had written to Prime Minister Modi demanding that the decennial census include a comprehensive caste April 16 2023 - that is, over two years back - Congress President Shri Mallikarjun Kharge had written this letter to the PM. Need anything more be said? Jairam Ramesh (@Jairam_Ramesh) April 30, 2025The Congress has stated in its Ahmedabad resolution that the constitutionally guaranteed foundation of social justice can only be strengthened through a nationwide caste census. The party has also reiterated its commitment to passing a central law for the SC/ST sub-plan and ensuring reservation in private educational institutions for OBCs, SCs, and leader Tejashwi Yadav, the main opposition in Bihar, which is a critical state in terms of caste, also reacted to the decision and expressed hope that the census would precede the upcoming delimitation exercise."It is a slap on the faces of those who blamed us for spreading casteism," Yadav said while speaking to reporters. "We hope the census will be done before the delimitation exercise. It is a slap on the faces of those who used to blame us for spreading casteism. Until we don't get scientific data, we won't be able to bring the backward classes into the mainstream. Naturally, the people from the BJP will go about taking credit for it. But Modi ji had rejected it many times. The actual fight for the caste census was fought by Lalu ji," ANI quoted Tejashwi Party chief Akhiledsh Yadav also commented on the decision and said that this decision is the 100 per cent victory of the unity of 90 per cent PDA (Pichhde, Dalit and Alpsankhyak community) and that the BJP government has been forced to take this decision."This is a warning to the BJP government to keep its electoral rigging away from the caste census. Only an honest census will ensure that every caste gets its rights and entitlements in proportion to its population, which the dominant castes have been eyeing till now," Akhilesh Yadav wrote on X. advertisementThe caste census has emerged as a focal point of political debate in recent years, with opposition parties making it a key electoral issue and states like Bihar, Telangana, and Karnataka conducting their own caste-based national census, originally scheduled to begin in April 2020, was postponed due to the Covid-19 pandemic. With the Centre now including the caste census in the process, the political significance of the data and its ramifications for policy and electoral politics are expected to grow further in the coming months.(With agencies inputs)
Indian Express
30-04-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Caste census: Adapting to times, puncturing Opposition politics, BJP ready for numbers
On July 20, 2021, responding to a Parliament question, Minister of State (Home Affairs), Nityanand Rai said, 'The Government of India decided it as a matter of policy not to enumerate caste-wise population other than SCs and STs in Census'. In public, the BJP and its leaders more or less chose to remain quiet, often parrying questions or being non-committal on the need for a caste census. They, however, regularly targeted the Congress, accusing it of using caste to divide the society. Its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), however, had a more nuanced view. In September last year, it cautioned against using caste census as a political tool, but noted that the government needs numbers for all welfare activities, particularly those targeting such communities or castes which are lagging behind. The party's stance has remained ambivalent. Just less than a week ago on April 23, the Chhattisgarh BJP X handle put out the pic of the Indian Navy lieutenant killed in Pahalgam, with his wife sitting beside his body, and put a caption, 'Dharm poochha, jaati nahin (the religion was asked, not the caste).' The post seemed intended to send a message that caste can be divisive. Clearly, the tide has turned now, with the BJP-led NDA government, in a surprise move, deciding to cross the rubicon in an effort to puncture the main plank of the Congress and claim ownership on an issue repeatedly pressed by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. Union Minister for Information and Broadcasting Ashwini Vaishnaw sought to frame it as a reversal of the policy of the Congress, which he said, never conducted a caste census since independence and all the years it was in power. He charged the UPA government of conducting a Socio Economic Caste Census and using it as a 'political tool' instead of undertaking a caste census as assured by then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in the Lok Sabha in 2010. Sources in the BJP view this as a thought out and calibrated response, a move that would snuff out the politics of the Opposition parties ahead of the Bihar elections. It could 'steal the thunder' from the opposition which is planning to make the caste census a key issue in Bihar elections, a source said. '(Chief Minister) Nitish Kumar has already conducted a caste survey, but we had criticised it. In the election campaign, the RJD and the Congress would have tried to make the election around it. Now, they don't have much to say,' a BJP MP, who did not wish to be named, told The Indian Express. BJP sources said going forward, the party spokespersons will project the difference between 'a survey and a census' and how the opposition parties in the INDIA bloc, which are claiming victory now, have been using 'caste surveys' as a 'political tool'. 'Opposition-ruled states like Telangana have created doubts in the minds of the people with a caste survey. A proper enumeration along with the census — what the Central government has announced now — would give a clear picture. There will not be any space for ambiguity then,' another source in the BJP said. In fact, there may be some realisation post the 2024 Lok Sabha election outcome too. The Congress and other Opposition parties pushed for caste census in their campaigns, and the BJP suffered in two big states — Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra. The move also reflects the party's urge to force its way ahead in politics of caste, and ability to adapt to change realities, to maximise political gains. Way back in the late 1980s, the BJP was a Hindutva party, and Ram temple was one of its key priorities. It was then that the then Prime Minister VP Singh implemented the Mandal Commission recommendations in December 1990, reserving 27 per cent for the OBCs (Other Backward Classes) in government jobs. The BJP shifted gears soon enough, pushed ahead with social engineering, roping in OBC leaders like Kalyan Singh and Uma Bharti, both OBC Lodhs. Over the next decade, a fresh OBC leadership rung emerged in key BJP states – Modi in Gujarat, Shivraj Singh Chouhan in MP, and Sushil Modi in Bihar. While the rise of Modi to power at the Centre made the BJP shed its image of a 'Bania-Brahmin party', the Opposition decided to revive the Mandal discourse in 2023, with the Congress bringing to spotlight its demand for a caste census and larger representation of OBCs, SCs and STs – something never associated with Congress politics. The Congress had, in fact, not adapted to the Mandal wave well, losing out in UP and Bihar, and had tried to make up for the delay when Arjun Singh in 2006 as HRD minister announced Mandal 2 – the extension of OBC quotas to higher educational institutions. 'In one stroke today, the BJP has taken the sting out of the opposition charge, and made it clear to the OBCs that it cares for their issues,' said a BJP leader who did not wish to be identified. The leader said this would not damage the BJP's standing among the 'upper castes', as these sections were aware that the Congress, once a party favoured by the 'upper castes', was the one to have built the caste census and reservation narrative, thus completely abandoning them. Further, they know that it was the BJP that gave the 10 per cent quota for the Economically Weaker Section, the BJP leader said. Another BJP leader said this move would also end up undoing the north-south divide that INDIA-constituent DMK was trying to whip up sentiments by making delimitation a key political rallying point. 'Once the caste census is done, and numbers are compared with the last caste census of 1931, it will be found that OBC populations in states like UP and Bihar have grown by leaps and bounds, but representation has not kept pace with these. This will change the tone and tenor of the debate on delimitation, making it not merely a concern of southern states but also of OBCs in populous northern states,' the BJP leader, not wishing to be identified, said. However, the RSS had expressed support for a caste census in September 2024, while cautioning that it should not be used as a political tool. 'The RSS thinks that definitely, for all welfare activities, particularly those targeting such communities or castes which are lagging behind…, if sometimes the government needs the numbers, it is a well-established practice. Earlier also, it (the government) has taken (such data), and so it can do it again. But it should be done only for the welfare of those communities and castes. It should not be used as a political tool for elections. So we put this forth with a line of caution for everyone,' RSS publicity in-charge Sunil Ambekar had said at a press conference. Reluctance to give away the entire agenda of caste and caste census to the opposition, repeated demands from the smaller allies and the upcoming Bihar elections seem to have prompted the BJP led Union Government to announce the enumeration of castes along with the next census, whenever it happens. Although the BJP, which with its mobilising strategies and its inclusive Hindutva message had bagged a significant portion of the lower caste groups especially in the Hindi heartlands in the last few elections, was hesitant to go for a caste census, the party has publicly took a stand in support of it and had announced that it would do it at the appropriate time. Its ideological parent RSS also has last year hinted its support to a nationwide caste census as the government needs the numbers for 'all welfare activities, particularly those targeting such communities or castes which are lagging behind – for whom special attention is needed.'
