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Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Business
- Hindustan Times
Benefits of economic integration between India and Sri Lanka
This brief examines the importance of economic integration between India and Sri Lanka in fostering both nations' growth as well as regional stability. Their deep cultural, historical, and geographic ties support an evolving economic relationship driven by trade, investment, and connectivity. As Sri Lanka's largest trading partner and investor, India plays a pivotal role in its economic recovery, particularly following Sri Lanka's recent economic crisis. The brief highlights the mutual benefits of integration: Sri Lanka can access India's large and expanding market, attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and leverage India's cost-effective energy solutions. India, for its part, can enhance its regional security, counter rival influences, and strengthen its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean region. Key opportunities include expanding trade agreements, investing in infrastructure and renewable energy ventures, and enhancing maritime connectivity. India and Sri Lanka, neighbouring countries in South Asia, share a unique economic relationship rooted in culture, geography, and history, and which has evolved over the decades. Their economic integration is crucial for both mutual growth and fostering regional cooperation within frameworks like the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). This paper can be accessed here. This paper is authored by Talal Rafi, ORF, New Delhi.
Indian Express
20-05-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
What the India-Pakistan conflict costs South Asia
The long-standing India-Pakistan conflict continues to place a heavy economic burden on both countries. Its impact affects the neighbourhood as well, hindering economic growth, discouraging investment, and diverting valuable resources away from development, towards defence and security instead. According to some estimates, the 87-hour conflict cost both countries nearly $1 billion per hour, amounting to $20 billion each day. If the hostilities had continued for a full month, the cumulative cost could have exceeded five hundred billion dollars, with India absorbing over $400 billion. The fallout has paralysed the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and disrupted economic integration in a region home to 1.8 billion people and 27 per cent of the world's poor. Compared to the EU or ASEAN, South Asia is one of the world's least integrated regions, with intra-regional trade accounting for under 5 per cent of these countries' total trade with the world. Even before the latest conflict, trade ties were fragile, notably between India and Pakistan, whose official bilateral trade plunged from nearly $2.5 billion in 2018 to about $1.2 billion in 2024. The recent crisis has driven this figure effectively to zero as both cut off all remaining trade (including transit and third-country re-exports). This sudden freeze shrinks overall SAARC trade volumes, given that India-Pakistan exchanges, however limited, are also part of the $23 billion intra-SAARC trade, which remains far below an estimated $67 billion potential, according to the World Bank. Other bilateral trade flows (India-Bangladesh, India-Nepal, etc.) continue, but the conflict has injected caution and disruptions region-wide. In short, a region already trading much below its capacity is seeing a further contraction in internal trade. The last SAARC summit was held in 2014, and the 2016 summit in Islamabad was cancelled after the Uri attack, as India and some other members pulled out. Since then, no summit has taken place, and the organisation has remained inactive. A major reason for this deadlock is that all decisions must be unanimous. This allows any disagreement, especially between India and Pakistan, to block progress for the whole group. Despite SAFTA launching 19 years ago to boost trade, intra-SAARC trade stayed under 5 per cent. In comparison, ASEAN reached about 25 per cent. This low trade is due to high tariffs, long sensitive goods lists, and a lack of trust. ASEAN succeeds because it allows flexible cooperation, but SAARC lacks that option. As a result, over one-third of regional trade is excluded from tariff benefits. In response to SAARC's dysfunctionality, India has been promoting BIMSTEC as an alternative, excluding Pakistan and aligning with its 'Act East' policy. Though this move intends to avoid political obstacles, it also weakens regional unity, as not all South Asian nations are its members. Following the terrorist attack in Kashmir in April, Indo-Pak formal trade has collapsed or, in some cases, remains uncertain and disturbed. For instance, India has imposed a blanket ban on all goods from Pakistan, effectively halting bilateral trade. Similarly, due to the ban on routes, logistics networks are paralysed, and informal trade across Punjab and Kashmir has ceased. Consequently, the once-symbolic Wagah-Atari route is now under military oversight. Yet besides India and Pakistan, smaller neighbours also risk facing serious fallout due to their dependence on regional stability. In Bangladesh, disrupted supply chains and waning investor confidence threaten the export-led economy, especially in garments and pharmaceuticals. India has already banned RMG garment imports of Bangladesh via land routes. For landlocked Nepal, disruption of Indian transit routes would choke off essential imports such as fuel, medicine, and building materials. A prolonged crisis would deter foreign investment and derail infrastructure plans. Though Nepal will continue balancing ties with India and China, the unresolved border issues make it prone to Indian pressure. This is especially significant given that many Nepalis work in India. India's ban on transit through Pakistan also blocks Afghan produce from reaching the Indian market. Overall, roughly $640 million per year worth of Afghanistan's fruits, nuts, and other agricultural exports can no longer travel via the Wagah border. While the India-Pakistan conflict may appear localised, in a globalised world, no economy is immune. Similarly, neighbouring countries, often seen as peripheral, are in fact active strategic players that are often impacted by the historically rooted conflict. If this rivalry continues to seep into the region, neighbouring countries will possibly have to abandon SAARC and recalibrate their foreign policies to look beyond South Asia for trade, investment, and economic cooperation. Regionally, South Asia cannot thrive without collective leadership, cross-border trade, and people-to-people exchanges. Although Article 10 of the SAARC charter prohibits raising bilateral disputes, the Indo-Pak conflict casts a long shadow over the forum. For South Asians, they will continue to be deprived of the economic and other benefits that they so rightfully deserve. The writer is Senior Director of the international think tank IPAG India, which also has a presence in Dhaka, Melbourne, Dubai and Vienna
The Print
18-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Peacenik to architect of ‘ghar mein ghus ke marenge'—180-degree turn in Modi's Pakistan policy
This new doctrine is a 180-degree turn from when Modi first came to power in 2014, thinking, as most Indian prime ministers did, that he could achieve the historic task of lasting peace with the fraternal rival. According to the three-point doctrine, India will no longer differentiate between terrorists and governments sponsoring them, not fall for 'nuclear blackmail', and respond to acts of terror on its terms, at a time and place of its choosing. New Delhi: Days after India and Pakistan's agreement to halt all military hostilities, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in a 22-minute address to the nation Monday, delineated a new doctrine towards Pakistan and terrorism, calling Operation Sindoor not a one-off response but 'new normal' for India. His unexpected overtures to Pakistan—inviting ex-Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif, along with the other South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) leaders, for his first swearing-in, or his December 2015 surprise visit to Lahore—were steps in this direction. However, after successive terror attacks—from the January 2016 Pathankot attack and the Uri attack in September the same year to the February 2019 Pulwama attack and the Pahalgam attack this April—Modi's posture towards Pakistan has consistently been getting more aggressive. India's surgical strikes post-Uri attack, which seemingly started as a one-off response, has now been fleshed out into a full-fledged policy doctrine, one gaugeable through Modi's changing responses after the Pakistani establishment-sponsored terrorist attacks. Also Read: Pakistan's power paradox—how army became its 'jugular vein' The unlikely peacemaker In the 2014 elections, Modi, then-prime ministerial candidate of the BJP, raked up Pakistan repeatedly while hitting out at his rivals for political point-scoring in domestic politics. Three 'AK-s' help Pakistan, Modi once said, referring to AK-47 and former defence minister A.K. Antony, as well as an alluded reference to Arvind Kejriwal. This comment was consistent with his stand on Pakistan as an opposition leader. In 2002, during the Gujarat elections, Modi, then the Gujarat chief minister, famously referred to the then Pakistani president, Pervez Musharraf, as 'Mian Musharraf'. But immediately after coming to power at the Centre, his posture changed from belligerent to conciliatory. In 2014, a PM, for the first time, called all SAARC leaders, including Nawaz Sharif, for his swearing-in. Modi called Sharif, weeks later, wishing him for Ramzan and stressing the need for 'peaceful' and 'friendly' bilateral ties. He then pulled off a big surprise by stopping by in Lahore—after a day-long trip to Afghanistan, and a two-day visit to Russia—making him the first PM to visit Pakistan in 10 years. The last PM who visited Pakistan was Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 2004. 'For sure, Modi's first instincts as PM were very much like those of Vajpayee—both started off wanting to intensely engage with Pakistan,' said former high commissioner of India to Pakistan, Ajay Bisaria. 'In the first two years between 2014-15, there was intense diplomatic activity between India and Pakistan. Modi himself met Nawaz Sharif four-five times…We were poised to start a composite dialogue with Pakistan,' Bisaria, who was posted as High Commissioner to Pakistan from 2016-2019, said. However, an attack on the Indian Air Force base on 2 January, 2016, in Pathankot within weeks of Modi's Lahore visit, sought to vitiate the warm bonhomie that the two prime ministers, Narendra Modi and Nawaz Sharif, were developing. The attack was foiled, and Modi's immediate response was simply that the 'enemies of humanity who cannot see India progress' planned the attack. Without any words on retaliation, he said, 'I want to assure our countrymen that our armed forces have the strength to defeat the evil designs of our enemy.' In a reconciliatory gesture, Nawaz Sharif called Modi, and the Indian government statement was that Modi 'strongly emphasised the need for Pakistan to take firm and immediate action against the organisations and individuals, responsible for and linked to the Pathankot terrorist attack'. It added that 'specific and actionable information' had been shared with Pakistan. A multi-agency Pakistani investigation team, including the Inter-Services Intelligence officers, arrived in India to examine the site of the terrorist attack, giving Pakistani authorities unprecedented access to a terror site in India. The decision to invite the Pakistani team reportedly went against the instincts of the defence ministry, as part of 'a larger foreign policy calculation' by Modi. What seems ironic now is that the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party, at the time, accused Modi of going too soft on Pakistan. The investigation team, however, reportedly said that 'the attack was a drama staged to malign Pakistan' and that the Indian authorities had prior information about the terrorists. Some commentators have argued that the Pakistani investigation team's report was a moment of 'epiphany' for Modi. Afterwards, he kept becoming more aggressive in his policy towards Pakistan. However, according to Bisaria, it was the summer of 2016, in which deadly violence rocked the Kashmir valley after militant leader Burhan Wani was killed in a gun battle with government forces, that changed Modi's posture towards Pakistan. 'Even Pathankot didn't dissuade Modi, and we gave them the benefit of doubt,' he said. 'But the summer of 2016 in Kashmir began to change this.' Uri attack: Beginning of the reversal Months after India foiled the Pathankot attack, four Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorists, on 18 September, 2016, successfully attacked the headquarters of an Indian Army brigade near Uri, killing 19 Indian soldiers and injuring many others. This time, Modi immediately promised retaliation. 'Those behind this despicable attack will not go unpunished,' he wrote on 'X'. Yet, he did not launch an all-out rhetorical attack on Pakistan. Instead, he sought to strike a balance by differentiating between the Pakistani establishment and the Pakistani people. Reaching out to the latter, Modi said, 'I want to address the people of Pakistan today … Your rulers are misleading you by singing songs on Kashmir and reading out scripts written by terrorists on Kashmir. You should ask your leaders why India, created along with Pakistan, exports software, and Pakistan exports terror … You should ask them why they were not able to handle East Pakistan, and why they [now] cannot handle PoK [Pakistan-occupied Kashmir], Gilgit, Sindh, Balochistan and 'Pashtunistan (land of the Pashtuns)'?' Modi added that India was ready for a war with Pakistan on poverty, unemployment and illiteracy. 'Let us see who wins'. Days later, India conducted surgical strikes in Pakistan. The Army crossed the Line of Control to destroy terror launchpads in the PoK. Modi did not make a statement immediately after the strikes. However, he did invoke the strikes during the 2017 Uttar Pradesh elections, albeit rhetorically. Speaking of the strikes in an interview in 2019, however, he indicated that military retaliation against terror attacks could become a matter of policy. 'It would be improper to discuss the matter in the public domain…but it would be a big mistake to think that Pakistan will start behaving after one fight. It will take a long time for Pakistan to start behaving,' Modi said, explaining what the surgical strikes achieved. Pulwama: Turning point When terror struck again, in Pulwama on 14 February 2019, targeting a convoy and killing 40 of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel in the vehicles, Modi was unforgiving. 'I want to tell the terror outfits and those aiding and abetting them that they have made a big mistake. They will have to pay quite a heavy price for their actions,' he said in a public address, a day after the attack. 'Let me assure the nation, those behind this attack, the perpetrators of this attack, would be punished.' After 13 days, the Modi government launched air strikes in Pakistan. A dozen Air Force Mirage fighter jets streaked roughly 20 km past the Line of Control into Pakistan territory, targeting Jaish training camps in Balakot. The attack and the retaliation happened close to the 2019 general elections. The air strikes featured extensively in the BJP election campaign. At this time, Modi, for the first time, popularised the 'ghar mein ghus ke marenge' strategy as a response to Pakistan establishment-supported terrorism. At a gathering, a week after the Balakot airstrikes, he vowed to target 'them (terrorists) even if they hide in the bowels of the earth'. 'We would not lag when it comes to taking big and bitter decisions,' Modi said. 'Humara siddhant hai, hum ghar me ghus ke marenge (It is our principle to kill them by barging into their houses).' Since then, the phrase has become emblematic of his counterterrorism policy, one now fully fleshed out and institutionalised with Operation Sindoor. Op Sindoor: From posture to policy After the attack in Pahalgam on 22 April, 2025, Modi's first statement left little to the imagination. 'Our enemies have dared to attack the country's soul. I want to say this clearly—the terrorists behind the killings, along with their backers, will get a punishment bigger than they can imagine,' he said, addressing a gathering in Bihar. India would pursue the attackers to 'the ends of the earth', he further said. On 7 May, India launched Operation Sindoor, targeting terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), leading to a military escalation with Pakistan for three days before a ceasefire announcement on 10 May. Addressing the nation two days later, Modi, for the first time, delineated India's three-point doctrine towards Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. 'We will not differentiate between the government sponsoring terrorism and the masterminds of terrorism,' he said. 'During Operation Sindoor, the world has again seen the ugly face of Pakistan—when top Pakistani army officers came to bid farewell to the slain terrorists. It is strong evidence of state-sponsored terrorism. We will continue our decisive steps to protect India and our citizens from threats.' A day later, in an address to Indian soldiers from the Adampur Air Force Base in Punjab, Modi said, 'After the surgical strike and air strike, now Operation Sindoor is India's policy against terrorism. Operation Sindoor has carved out a new benchmark in our fight against terrorism and set up a new parameter and normal.' 'First, if there is a terrorist attack on India, there will be a fitting reply,' Modi enunciated. 'India's stand is quite clear…Terror and talks cannot go together…Terror and trade cannot go together…Water and blood cannot flow together.' Talks with Pakistan would only be on terrorism and PoK, he added. 'It is fair to say that the security posture after Uri has become a doctrine now,' Bisaria said. 'The view now is clearly that the Pakistan issue is limited to terrorism, and the Pakistan problem has to be dealt with through a counter-terrorism strategy,' he said. 'Both Vajpayee and Modi started with the same peace-driven instincts, but both learnt their lessons after their efforts came to nought.' (Edited by Sanya Mathur) Also Read: IAS, IPS, Oppn & ex-diplomats voice support for Vikram Misri after online abuse over ceasefire announcement
Techday NZ
08-05-2025
- Business
- Techday NZ
Netskope expands in SAARC with leadership promotion & new centres
Netskope has announced the promotion of Ajay Gupta to Vice President and Country Manager for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region. Gupta, who has been with Netskope since 2018 when the company first established operations in India, previously served as Country Manager SAARC. Over the past seven years, he has overseen significant growth for Netskope in the region, with the company expanding its office presence to Bangalore, Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, and, more recently, Hyderabad and Kolkata. During this period, Netskope has substantially increased its local employee base to better serve its customers across India and SAARC. The company now operates its second largest development centre globally within India, highlighting the importance of the region to its worldwide operations. The expansion of Netskope's infrastructure in India has also accelerated, with three new full compute data centres added over the last twelve months. This development brings the total number of Netskope's Indian data centres to eight, located strategically in Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Hyderabad, and Chennai. These centres are designed to enable fully local processing, supporting optimised user experiences as well as network resilience and security. According to Netskope, the continued investment in local NewEdge cloud infrastructure aims to provide Indian organisations with enhanced coverage, consistent end-to-end performance, increased resilience against potential disruptions such as natural disasters, and integrated networking and security services. This approach is intended to support the specific demands of local deployments, including for customers in highly regulated sectors. One recent customer implementation cited by Netskope involved a large IT sector client, where its Security Service Edge (SSE) solutions were provided to 250,000 employees. This underscores the scale Netskope is addressing in the region. Commenting on the company's deployment, Ashwinkuumar Gaikwad, Head of IT Infrastructure, Data Centre, Cloud Journey, Network & Security at Tata Motors Limited, stated: "Deploying Netskope transformed our cloud security and zero trust strategy. Netskope has invested significantly in its NewEdge India infrastructure to enhance user experience, security control, and network performance. The deployment process was smooth, and the support team was exceptional." Tony Burnside, Senior Vice President and Head of APAC at Netskope, said: "Our success in India and SAARC is validation that local organisations and security leaders see Netskope as a relevant value proposition as they seek to modernise and converge their security and networking solutions. Customers are turning to us to drive consolidation within their technology stack, combining market-leading security, networking, and analytics products including unified SD-WAN. Ajay and his team have driven success by building further on solid foundations, and I want to congratulate him on this well-deserved promotion, and the team on their excellent work." Netskope's expansion in SAARC is being supported through new partnerships, with the company adding strategic partners to its channel ecosystem. These partners are helping to advance the availability of modern security technologies in countries with less mature markets across the region. Ashok Prabhu, Chief Executive - Sales at Noventiq ValuePoint, commented: "In a fast-changing world, Indian organisations are recognising an urgent need to modernise their security and networking infrastructure to better serve their goals and challenges. Netskope is a valuable technology partner for us, with a clear vision for the evolution of security and networking, regularly recognised for its technical leadership. Our continued partnership will enable us to further support the region's organisations in staying ahead of threats and maximising corporate outcomes." Netskope's customer base has grown to over 3,900 globally, with more than 30 of the Fortune 100 among its clients. The company provides a platform that seeks to help organisations manage security across cloud services, artificial intelligence, software-as-a-service applications, the web, and private applications while focusing on risk reduction, visibility, and performance.
Hindustan Times
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Barring one, all Pak citizens repatriated from UP: Govt
LUCKNOW All Pakistani nationals, barring one, have been deported from Uttar Pradesh as per the central government's order in wake of the Pahalgam terror attack on April 22. This Pakistani national, on medical visa, is under constant surveillance by the police and intelligence agencies, the state government reiterated on Monday. UP has become the first state in the country to achieve almost 100% repatriation of Pakistani nationals, according to a statement. But no figures were shared by officials on the number of Pakistani nationals who were in UP on different visas and how many had actually been sent back. Some Pakistani citizens left voluntarily, while others were deported as the deadline for exiting India for those holding SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) visas was April 26. 'The April 29 deadline is for those carrying medical visas,' said UP Police and home department officials. After the Pahalgam attack, chief minister Yogi Adityanath had convened a high-level meeting with home department officials and issued strict instructions to send back Pakistani citizens from UP. He asked police teams to escort them to the border to ensure their safe return to Pakistan, the statement said. All 75 districts in Uttar Pradesh were placed on high alert and swift action was taken. DGP Prashant Kumar confirmed that UP emerged as the first state in India to execute such swift and comprehensive action against Pakistan nationals, ensuring their return with full verification at the border. Notably, the 12 categories under which Pakistani nationals were asked to leave India included visa on arrival, business, film, journalist, transit, conference, mountaineering, student, visitor, group tourist, pilgrim and group pilgrim. But those having long-term or official visas are under close observation by local law enforcement agencies. A home department official said a specific guideline has been sought from union government authorities about Pakistan nationals having long-term visas as mostly women are in this category. 'Around 18 Pakistan nationals are still there in Bulandshahr on long-term visas,' confirmed Bulandshahr police officials. Similarly, five Pakistanis, including two Hindu siblings, are staying in Gorakhpur on long-term visas, said Gorakhpur SSP Gaurav Grover. Officials said the process will be initiated as per the guideline as some of the women from Pakistan have got married in India and given birth to children. In such cases, proper guidelines are required regarding their deportation, the officials said. Some of the UP districts where Pakistan nationals visited include Bareilly, Rampur, Bulandshahr, Aligarh, Moradabad, Meerut, Lucknow, Gorakhpur and Varanasi, stated officials. The state machinery documented these individuals amid deportation order from the central government.
