Latest news with #SoutheastAsiaNuclear-Weapon-FreeZone
The Sun
a day ago
- Politics
- The Sun
Malaysia urges nuclear-weapon states to ratify SEANWFZ protocol
JOHOR BAHRU: Malaysia has called on nuclear-weapon states to sign and ratify the Protocol to the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ) Treaty without delay. Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof stressed that a strong nuclear-weapon-free zone is essential for regional stability and long-term security. 'Malaysia reaffirms its commitment to the SEANWFZ Treaty. We urge nuclear-weapon states to sign and ratify the Protocol without delay,' he said at the 12th ASEANTOM meeting. Fadillah, who is also Energy Transition Minister, highlighted Malaysia's structured assessment of nuclear power as a potential clean energy source. The study aligns with the 13th Malaysia Plan to diversify energy, enhance security, and reduce carbon emissions. The Nuclear Energy Programme Implementing Organisation (NEPIO) is leading preparatory efforts under IAEA guidelines. Fadillah also announced the upcoming launch of the Gamma Spectrometry Water Monitoring System (GSWMS) to detect radiological threats in water. He stressed that nuclear energy adoption must be backed by strong regulations, safety measures, and international cooperation. 'ASEANTOM cooperation is strategic, ensuring atomic energy supports sustainable development and regional stability,' he added. The two-day meeting brings together ASEAN regulators, IAEA, and partners to discuss nuclear safety and security. - Bernama
The Star
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Star
Malaysia urges nuclear-weapon states to sign, ratify SEANWFZ protocol, says DPM Fadillah
JOHOR BARU: Malaysia has urged nuclear-weapon states to sign and ratify the Protocol to the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ) Treaty without delay, calling it a vital pillar of regional peace, mutual trust and long-term security. Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof said a strong and enforceable nuclear-weapon-free zone is crucial to maintaining stability and safeguarding the future of the region. "Malaysia reaffirms its commitment to the SEANWFZ Treaty. We urge nuclear-weapon states to sign and ratify the Protocol without delay," he said when opening the 12th Annual Meeting of the Asean Network of Regulatory Bodies on Atomic Energy (ASEANTOM) here Monday (Aug 11). On nuclear energy, Fadillah, who is also Energy Transition and Water Transformation Minister, said the government is undertaking a structured assessment to examine the role of nuclear power as a potential option for clean, stable and competitive electricity within Malaysia's future energy mix. The assessment, aligned with the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP), is aimed at diversifying energy sources, strengthening long-term energy security, reducing carbon emissions and cutting dependence on fossil fuels. The Nuclear Energy Programme Implementing Organisation (Nepio), under MyPower Corporation, has been tasked with coordinating preparatory efforts in line with guidelines by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). In a related development, Fadillah announced that the Atomic Energy Department of Malaysia will launch the Gamma Spectrometry Water Monitoring System (GSWMS) under the 12th Malaysia Plan, a technology designed to enhance the nation's capacity to detect and respond swiftly to any radiological threats in water sources. He also emphasised that the deployment of nuclear energy and advanced technologies must be supported by strong regulatory frameworks, rigorous safety protocols and transparent international cooperation. "Our cooperation under ASEANTOM is not merely technical, it is deeply strategic. It reflects our shared responsibility to ensure that atomic energy serves sustainable development, strengthens regional stability and secures the well-being of our future generations," he added. The two-day meeting gathers regulators from Asean member states, the IAEA and dialogue partners to discuss regional nuclear safety, security and safeguards. - Bernama
The Diplomat
01-08-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Can the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Bring China and the US Together?
Amid an increasingly tumultuous time of escalating global nuclear tensions, a quiet but potentially significant development emerged in the Southeast Asia region. During the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) Post-Ministerial Conference with China, Beijing reportedly declared its commitment to sign the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ) Treaty 'without reservation.' The Chinese Foreign Ministry confirmed this, expressing China's willingness 'to be the first' in signing the treaty. Russia is expected to sign as well, according to Malaysia's foreign minister. Beijing's longstanding support for the SEANWFZ has been consistent and welcomed by the region and proponents of disarmament. What is more surprising – and arguably more consequential – is that the United States is reportedly reviewing and considering the treaty. This consideration, after years of giving the SEANWFZ a cold shoulder, reflects an unexpected alignment with China and Russia – a rare potential point of convergence between the three nuclear powers on nuclear restraint in the region. This development marks a major turn for the SEANWFZ. Also known as the Treaty of Bangkok, it aims to prohibit the development, stationing, or testing of nuclear weapons in the territories of ASEAN member states. A related protocol within this treaty calls for the five nuclear-weapon states – France, the U.S., the U.K., Russia, and China – to not use or deploy nuclear weapons in the zone. Yet three decades since the treaty's signing by ASEAN states in 1995, none of the nuclear weapons states has signed the protocol. This persistent impasse doesn't stem from outright rejection of the idea of a nuclear weapons-free zone, given that several nuclear weapon states have signed on to similar initiatives in Central Asia as well as Latin America and the Caribbean. Indeed, the reluctance to sign on to the protocol is in large part due to the interpretive uncertainty and ambiguity surrounding the articles of SEANWFZ. Take the issue of transporting nuclear weapons through the region, for example. While Article 3(1)(b) required signatory states to not 'station, or transport nuclear weapons by any means,' Article 7 indicated that it is the prerogative of each state to allow foreign vessels entry or passage through its territorial waters. In both cases, the treaty lacks explicit clauses involving the transit of nuclear weapons by a third-party nation. The ambiguity in terms of strategic assets transiting through the zone could contradict and undermine longstanding commitments to freedom of navigation. While there have been revised protocols brokered between nuclear weapon states and ASEAN to narrow the divide and outline steps toward eventual agreement, disagreements still persist over the vague geographical extent of the treaty and its related transit provisions. From this view, the current convergence on support for the SEANWFZ, however nascent or fragile, offers a valuable and rare opening to reinvigorate stalled and acrimonious strategic relations between the world's top nuclear powers. This can be done by seizing this opportunity in shifting the focus of the dialogue. Rather than debating the merits of the treaty, China, Russia, the United States, and ASEAN can redirect efforts and engage in substantive and productive dialogues to clarify the meaning, scope, and mechanisms underpinning the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. Specifically, to capitalize on this alignment and move the SEANWFZ from a mere concept to actuality, ASEAN should take a more proactive role in convening and leading discussions. Whether in initiating dialogues or establishing multilateral working groups involving the nuclear weapons states, ASEAN's role is imperative in this regard for two reasons. First, it would not only assert the bloc's relevance and leadership – a key feature of ASEAN Centrality – but it could also demonstrate ASEAN's maturity and showcase its capacity for leadership in complex strategic affairs. Second, ASEAN's involvement as an honest broker could also steer the conversation away from geopolitical impasse and toward practical and meaningful dialogues among the participants. Importantly, the goal of discussions and dialogue should not be the immediate ratification of the SEANWFZ by the nuclear weapons states. On the contrary, the focus should be centered on the process that will lead to the ratification. The process of establishing a joint understanding and establishing clarity in the Southeast Asian version of a nuclear weapons-free zone would, by extension, include discussions regarding setting the boundaries of the zone, clarifying the permissibility of transit of nuclear weapons – and if so, what type, under what conditions, and how would it be verified – as well as clarifying issues surrounding stationing of strategic assets. Such dialogue could serve as a low-hanging confidence-building measure that could kickstart strategic dialogues. At the same time, it offers a rare on-ramp to China-U.S. or Russia-U.S. strategic engagement, potentially laying the groundwork for future trilateral discussions and cooperation. In an era of great power rivalry, where formal strategic dialogues have become increasingly hard to come by, dialogues surrounding the technical and legal aspects of ASEAN's nuclear-weapon-free zone offer an invaluable opportunity to develop common points and establish shared understandings. Despite being narrow in scope, it is high in potential as joint technical and legal discussions and consultations on the SEANWFZ can lay the foundation for broader strategic dialogues, particularly at a time of frayed relations. Viewed this way, even if clarifying the terms and meanings of the SEANWFZ will not resolve great power tension, it offers a rare, realistic step forward, while affirming ASEAN's central role in Southeast Asian affairs and creating a pathway for renewed great power strategic dialogue.
New Straits Times
06-07-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
Asean to Review SEANWFZ progress, Myanmar developments at AMM
KUALA LUMPUR: Discussions on the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ), including the potential participation of nuclear-weapon states, are showing signs of progress, said Foreign Ministry secretary-general Datuk Seri Amran Mohamed Zin. Speaking at a curtain-raiser press conference ahead of the 58th Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting (AMM) and related meetings this week, Amran said the SEANWFZ Commission is currently reviewing discussions held at the Executive Committee and senior officials' levels. "The issue of participation by nuclear-weapon states continues to receive attention. "The core matter is whether these nuclear-weapon states are willing to join the SEANWFZ Protocol, with or without making reservations," he said. Amran added that Asean is also taking into account the practices of other nuclear-weapon-free zones in its deliberations. "Asean remains committed to encouraging nuclear-weapon states to sign the SEANWFZ Protocol and support global nuclear non-proliferation efforts," he said. He reaffirmed Southeast Asia's status as a nuclear-weapon-free zone and, while acknowledging the protracted discussions, said Asean remains optimistic. "Talks are ongoing, and important decisions have previously been made on whether nuclear-weapon states can participate with or without reservations. We believe there is progress, even though the matter has taken a long time," he said. The SEANWFZ Treaty, signed in 1995 in Bangkok, commits Asean member states not to develop, manufacture, acquire, possess, or control nuclear weapons. However, the Protocol remains unsigned by the five recognised nuclear-weapon states: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. On Thursday, Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan said China and Russia have agreed to become signatories to the SEANWFZ, while the United States is currently reviewing the treaty before signing. He said the involvement of superpowers in the treaty would help preserve South-East Asia as a region of peace, free of nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, on the AMM, he said, the issue surrounding Myanmar will continue to be an issue of importance in the meeting. "Discussions on this issue have taken place since the 46th ASEAN Summit. "Although the time since then has been relatively short, this remains an important issue for Asean as a whole, including Myanmar. "We will take stock of what has happened since the Summit, during which significant decisions were made particularly regarding the expansion and extension of the ceasefire. "There will be updates on developments in Myanmar, and foreign ministers will certainly discuss the issue," he said. The 58th AMM and related meetings, to be held under Malaysia's 2025 Asean Chairmanship themed 'Inclusivity and Sustainability, will feature 24 ministerial-level meetings, including engagements with Asean Dialogue Partners and Sectoral Dialogue Partners. In conjunction with the meetings, Malaysia will also host the Fourth Conference on Cooperation among East Asian Countries for Palestinian Development (CEAPAD IV). Co-chaired with Japan and Palestine, the conference will discuss initiatives to support the reconstruction and development of Gaza and Palestine. The high-level meetings, to be held at the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre (KLCC) from July 8 to 11, will gather about 1,500 delegates, including foreign ministers from Asean member states, Timor-Leste, Asean Dialogue Partners, Asean Regional Forum (ARF) participating countries, Sectoral Dialogue Partners and senior officials from the Asean Secretariat.
