Latest news with #SriHarmandirSahib
India Today
24-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
AAP government under fire over AI image of Golden Temple, Sikh body seeks apology
The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) President, Advocate Harjinder Singh Dhami, has sharply criticised the Punjab Government for publishing a distorted, AI-generated image of Sri Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple) in an advertisement is about inviting suggestions for upcoming Sikh centenary celebrations. Dhami described the move as a grave insult to Sikh sentiments and a violation of the sanctity of the revered emphasised that Sri Darbar Sahib is the spiritual nucleus of Sikhism and is revered by Sikhs worldwide. SGPC chief emphasised that altering its appearance using computer techniques is not only disrespectful but desecrates its spiritual aura, which resides in the soul of every he stressed that the Punjab Government should have consulted the SGPC before using any religious also stated that it is painful to see that, despite the availability of hundreds of authentic images of Sri Harmandir Sahib on the internet, the government resorted to deliberately altering the image using computer techniques. SGPC chief asked the government to clarify its stance on the issue and issue an immediate Dhami reiterated that organising events related to Sikh centenaries is the SGPC's exclusive urged the state government to concentrate instead on civic development in cities associated with Sikh Gurus and to collaborate with the SGPC on meaningful Watch
Indian Express
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
How caste permeated the Sikh community
In the heart of India's national capital, Gurdwara Bangla Sahib, draws a diverse crowd — the devoted, the distressed, and the day tripper. Piety, peace, and the absence of prejudice are aspects that bring them here. When Guru Gobind Singh, the 10th Guru of Sikhism, created the Khalsa (pure) in 1699, he envisioned something similar. Having selected a Brahmin, a Kshatriya, and three lower castes, whom he called the Panj Pyare (Five Beloved), Guru Gobind Singh baptised them. Part of the process included a promise to observe the five Ks: kesh (unshorn hair), kangha (comb), kachha (shorts), kara (steel bangle), and kirpan (sword). 'At the end of the ceremony, he hailed the five with the new greeting- 'Wah guru ji da Khalsa – Wah guru ji di Fateh' (the Khalsa are the chosen of God -victory be to our God),' notes author and lawyer Khushwant Singh, in A History of Sikhs. Sikhism, although a synthesis of Hinduism and Islam, has since its inception denounced the caste system. Yet caste, as a social category, remains predominant among Sikhs. Thirty-nine castes in Punjab are officially listed as Scheduled Castes (SC). According to author Harnik Deol, in Religion and Nationalism in India: The case of Punjab, however, caste among Sikhs has no 'doctrinal injunction,' and is merely a 'cultural construction.' This raises some questions: how deeply has a 'cultural construct' influenced both public opinion and policy in Punjab? And, to what extent has caste permeated the Sikh community? Sikhism, founded by Guru Nanak in the fifteenth century, is often considered one of the youngest religions in the world. After renouncing family life and pursuing asceticism, Guru Nanak took a low-caste Hindu and a Muslim musician as his companions to preach his experience to the masses. Not only did he reject caste distinction, but also the idolatry of Hinduism. For Guru Nanak, writes Deol, 'The Supreme Being was formless (nirankar) and reveals itself through its creation.' Guru Nanak's successors propagated his message. The fifth Guru, Guru Arjan Dev, built a gurdwara in Amritsar, Sri Harmandir Sahib, also known as Sri Darbar Sahib or Golden Temple. It was designed to have four doors, instead of one, as observed in Hindu temples, to signal that the shrine was open to people from all castes. While Hinduism institutionalised the four-fold Varna and jati system, Sikhism rejected such hierarchies. Sikh Gurus preached anti-caste messages, and Sikh scriptures included writings of saints and poets who were formerly 'untouchables' in Hindu society. By the time of the ninth guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur, congregational worship (sangat), eating together (langars), and setting up large-scale pilgrim centres had become common practices which defied brahmanical ritual hierarchy and established Sikhism as distinct from Hinduism. 'The rise of Sikhism… was a 'political revolt' against the prevailing social order based on hierarchy and humiliation,' writes sociologist and professor Surinder S Jodhka in his journal article Sikh Religion and Contentions around Caste. Citing the Sikh dictum, Sikh Studies specialist Eleanor Nesbitt in Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction, writes: 'A Sikh should be a Brahmin in piety, a Kshatriya in defence of truth and the oppressed, a Vaishya in business acumen and hard work, and a Shudra in serving humanity…' In an interview with Jodhka, however, argues: 'Caste is definitely there in Punjab. It's there among Sikhs, it's there in Sikh institutions. It is not absent.' Khushwant Singh wrote, 'Although… it was closer to Islam than Hinduism, in practice, in ritual, and above all in social affinities, [Sikhism] never quite succeeded in freeing itself of Hindu influence.' The Sikhs emerged as a powerful political and military force by the late eighteenth century. By the first quarter of the nineteenth century, a Sikh empire with an efficient army was formed under the leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. However, caste too had a place in the empire. Deol argues in his book that under Sikh rule, 'a body of guru lineages and other holy men — the Sanatan Sikhs' were tasked by the aristocracy and landed classes to perform rituals. This group, unlike the Khalsa Sikhs, not only controlled Sikh shrines but also kept unshorn hair, believed in idol worship and considered the caste system central to the Sikh faith. 'Gurudwara priests [mahants] were accused of committing sacrilege by instating Hindu idols in the precincts of the Golden Temple, the premier Sikh shrine,' notes Deol. In British Punjab (annexed in 1849), caste and religion were employed not just as markers of identity but also as the tools of administration. The ten-yearly census, requiring inhabitants to identify their caste and religion, made Sikhs extremely conscious of their minority status as compared to the Muslim and Hindu communities. The rapidly increasing missionary activity in the region, which successfully 'converted' the untouchable castes in Punjab, further triggered anxiety among upper caste Sikhs. The colonial education and employment policies also favoured one section of subjects by labelling them as 'Martial Races,' indicating their suitability for the colonial army, while marginalising the others. The newly introduced British land revenue policies worsened the emerging caste division in Punjab. While agrarian communities, such as the Jats, were given ownership rights of agricultural lands, Dalits, traders, and moneylenders were excluded and classified as non-agriculturalists. The Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1900 further prohibited the sale and transfer of land from the agriculturalist castes to non-agriculturalists. 'The colonial policies thus worked towards reinforcing the prevailing divisions of castes in Punjabi,' says Jodhka. The early twentieth century also saw the rise of Sikh reformers who sought to rescue Sikhism from the tyranny of priestly mahants. Not only did they revolt to eliminate mahants from gurdwaras, but they also formed the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) in November 1920 to manage the gurdwaras and, a month later, the Akali Dal as its task force. Notably, Dalits were now granted entry into the Golden Temple in Amritsar, a practice previously restricted under the rule of mahants. 'After the formation of SGPC, the reformist leadership made conscious efforts to recruit 'low-caste' Sikhs as religious functionaries in the Gurdwaras and perform the duties of pathis, ragis, and sewadars,' writes Jodhka. The presence of casteism within the community, however, was publicly acknowledged on the eve of Indian Independence. The Sikh representatives in the committee in charge of drafting a Constitution for independent India insisted that the 'untouchable' castes within the Sikhs be included in the list of Scheduled Castes (SCs). This recognition, they argued, would help Sikh untouchables pursue higher education and secure government jobs. The SGPC, too, reserved 20 out of 170 seats for the SC Sikhs. Several anthropologists conducting fieldwork in Punjab around the mid-twentieth century, cited by Jodhka, found that caste was deeply integrated with the agrarian economy. Tom Kessinger was one such scholar whose 1974 study, Vilyatpur (1848–1968): Social and Economic Change in a North Indian Village, established that the landowning castes of Sahota Jats were the dominant group controlling the village economy and subjugating the tenant, labour, and artisan classes. Anthropologist IP Singh's fieldwork (1950), in a village in Amritsar, revealed similar results. He found that the village was divided into two groups: the 'touchable' Sardars and the 'untouchables.' The latter comprised nearly half the village population, with the 'Mazhbis' being ranked the lowest. Singh found that they fetched their drinking water from a separate well, meant exclusively for their use. At marriages and social gatherings of the Sardars, they were made to sit in separate queues. Food, too, was only served to them at the end. 'The landowning Jats occasionally visited the houses of their Mazhbi labourers as they needed them for work in their fields. However, they did so as a gesture of patronage,' writes Jodhka. However, on festivals like Lohri and Holi, and at gurdwaras, Singh did not find the observance of untouchability. The caste landscape of the Sikhs can thus be divided into three broad categories: the Dalits (SCs), the Backwards (OBCs), and the upper castes. Thirty-nine communities are listed as Scheduled Castes, while other groups such as Ramgarhias, Labanas, Kambojs, Jhinwars, and Gujjars are among the 70 communities listed as OBCs, and a majority of whom identify as Sikhs. The third cluster of caste groups, as listed by Jodhka, is the upper castes. The most prominent among these are the Jats, Khatris, and Aroras. 'When it comes to questions of institutional power, the ones who have political power, the ones who have economic power, are the Jats,' says Jodhka. Yet, Jodhka cautions, 'Although caste is very much present in Sikhism, one must not conclude that it's a Brahmanical hierarchy system. There are no Brahmins among Sikhs, and Sikh institutions are proactively anti-exclusion and anti-hierarchy. Sikhism is a non-sectarian religion.' It is kinship practices, marriage alliances, and electoral politics that characterise contemporary Punjab as a caste-based society. Arranged marriage alliances are in strict accordance with caste norms, and with a few exceptions, chief ministers of Punjab have all been Sikh Jats. WH McLeod, Western historian of Sikhism, in his study, The Evolution of the Sikh Community: Five Essays, remarked: 'A reasonable conclusion appears to be that whereas they [Sikhs] were vigorously opposed to the vertical distinction of caste, they were content to accept it in terms of its horizontal linkages.' While Khuswant Singh argued that 'Sikhism did not succeed in breaking the caste system,' Jodhka suggests: 'Sikhism has the resources to deal with casteism and has also been doing it.' Further reading Sikh Religion and Contentions around Caste by Surinder S. Jodhka Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction by Eleanor Nesbitt Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of Punjab by Harnik Deol A History of the Sikhs (Volume I: 1469-1839) by Khushwant Singh
India.com
02-05-2025
- India.com
Only train in India that serves free breakfast, lunch and dinner to all passengers, the train is..., it operates between...
Every day, Indian Railways carries nearly 2.5 crore passengers across the country using over 13,000 trains, including express, mail, and luxury services. But out of this massive network, there's just one train that stands out by offering something truly special — free meals to all its travelers. This one-of-a-kind train is the Sachkhand Express (Train No. 12715), which travels between Nanded in Maharashtra and Amritsar in Punjab — two important cities for the Sikh community. The route connects Sri Hazur Sahib Gurudwara in Nanded, where the 10th Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh Ji, took his last breath in 1708, to the holy Sri Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple) in Amritsar. While most trains require travelers to buy food onboard or carry their own, Sachkhand Express passengers are served wholesome, home-style meals completely free of charge. This has been a proud tradition for the past 29 years. This train has been serving free food breakfast, lunch, and dinner to its passengers during the long 33-hour journey that spans almost 2,000 kilometers and stops at 39 stations. Unlike other trains where food has to be purchased, on the Sachkhand Express, volunteers from Gurudwaras serve langar, a traditional community meal, at six major stations: New Delhi, Bhopal, Parbhani, Jalna, Aurangabad, and Marathwada. These meals are simple, home-style dishes such as kadhi-chawal, chole, dal, khichdi, and vegetable curries like aloo-patta gobhi. Passengers are often advised to carry their own plates or containers, as the food is served at designated stops and must be consumed onboard. The meals are completely free of cost, thanks to generous donations made to the Gurudwaras that organize the service. From sleeper class to AC coaches, all passengers are treated equally. Travelers are kindly advised to bring their own plates or bowls to enjoy the langar during the trip. The Sachkhand Express isn't just a mode of transport — it's a moving example of faith, service, and community spirit on wheels.
