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Time of India
13 hours ago
- Time of India
Man gets 20 years' jail for raping girl in 2017
Noida: The additional sessions cum special Pocso court on Monday sentenced a Jewar man to 20 years' imprisonment and imposed a fine of Rs 50,000 for raping a seven-year-old girl in 2017. The convict was found guilty under Section 5 (m)/6 of the Pocso Act. The incident occurred on May 21, 2017, and the girl's father registered a complaint on the same day. Appearing before the court, the girl's father, prosecution witness 1 (PW1), said that a co-villager took his daughter to Bitoura (a closed place made of cow dung cakes) on his agricultural field and raped her. His nephew caught the act and raised an alarm, after which the accused fled. The prosecution presented eight witnesses. The court noted that the girl corroborated the prosecution's narrative thoroughly, wherein clarified the events that occurred before the act. You Can Also Check: Noida AQI | Weather in Noida | Bank Holidays in Noida | Public Holidays in Noida "She stated that when she went to answer nature's call for defecation, the accused scolded her and thereafter asked her to clean the stool and committed this act with the girl inside 'Bitaura'," the judge noted. An eyewitness, a co-villager and distant cousin of the girl, revealed that when he was looking for the girl, he saw the accused assaulting the girl, and when he raised an alarm, the accused threw a sickle and injured him. Special public prosecutor Jai Prakash Bhati sought the strictest punishment for the convict. Defence counsel Sanjay Singh argued that there was rivalry between the complainant side and the accused side, and so a false case was registered. He also argued that the medical examination did not prove rape. Special Pocso judge Vikas Nagar said that in the opinion of this court, the attempt of the defence is not sufficient to disprove the version established by a minor of age below 12 years. "This is worth mentioning that rivalry is a double-edged sword, which may create a defence for the accused and may also create a ground in favour of the prosecution to establish that because of rivalry such offences were committed," the judge noted. He further said that in the offence of rape, corroboration of oral evidence by the medical evidence is not mandatory, as held by the Hon'ble Apex Court in Radhu Vs. State of Madhya Pradesh, 2007 CrLJ 4704.
Mint
3 days ago
- Business
- Mint
Low pay, poor work culture: Why women in blue- and grey-collar jobs are struggling
Across India's factories, kitchens, warehouses, service counters and construction sites, nearly 3.9 million women form a vital part of the blue-and-grey-collar workforce. Yet, their participation remains fragile and often short-lived, despite their growing numbers. The State of Women in the Blue-Grey Collar Workforce 2025 report, released by the Udaiti Foundation and Quess Corp Ltd, shows that 52% of women in the blue and grey workforce intend to stay in their jobs for less than a year. The findings are from a survey of 10,620 current and 1,575 former women workers employed through Quess Corp and highlight several challenges faced by the women employed in the blue/grey collar workforce. The report, using the Periodic Labour Force Survey data, showed that the total number of women in blue/grey collar jobs has doubled in the last four years—from 1.94 million in 2020–21 to 3.88 million in 2023–24— their share in the workforce has increased only marginally, from 16% to 19%. While this may still seem like progress, there is a complex reality that women face in the workforce: the lack of a proper environment to build a sustainable career. Exit echoes The report highlighted that a majority of women who have been working for less than a year did not intend to stay in the workforce for less than a year. Interestingly, those who make it beyond the first year show a higher appetite for staying in the workforce longer. The challenges driving this attrition are persistent and structural. Low income remains the most cited reason (54%) by most of the respondents surveyed, followed by poor work culture (28%), safety concerns (22%), and limited career growth (21%). Mobility and safety For many women in blue- and grey-collar roles, getting to work is one of the biggest barriers to staying employed. It's not just about reaching the place of work; it is also about getting there safely, affordably, and on time. According to the report, nearly one in five women face mobility-related challenges, including long travel time (27%), high commuting costs (19%). Women have also voiced concerns over unsafe or unavailable public transport. These issues are especially pronounced for women working early or late shifts and those commuting from poorly connected areas. Public transport remains the most common mode of commute for both unmarried women (63%) and married women (59%). Yet persistent issues like harassment, overcrowding, and poor connectivity make daily travel difficult, the report noted. With few reliable alternatives, many women are forced to spend more or travel longer to reach their workplace. Pay, proximity, and perception For those who are still employed, workplace culture is a silent strain. Rigid schedules emerged as the most common concern across all age groups. Rigid schedules emerged as the most common concern across all age groups. Other issues included a lack of respect and unsupportive managers, pointing to long-standing gaps in how value and voice are acknowledged at work. Over one in three women across all ages report a lack of flexibility as a big issue. For women older than 33 years of age, lack of respect and unsupportive managers are bigger issues compared to younger ones. Women who have quit the workforce, returning is not simply about finding an opportunity, but also about having better work conditions. Better pay remains the top motivator, with 42% of former employees saying it would encourage them to rejoin. Other key factors include proximity to home (20%), access to training and skilling (18%), and greater workplace flexibility (17%). With millions employed in the blue/grey collar workforce, and millions more expected to join in the coming years as the Indian economy progresses, addressing the challenges faced by the current employees may help bridge the gap between the need for a job and the desire to build a career. As India hopes to achieve a higher female labour force participation rate from the current 41.7%, enhancing the quality of work and enabling job satisfaction in the blue/grey collar segment will be crucial.
News18
19-07-2025
- Entertainment
- News18
Janaki V Vs State Of Kerala Review: Suresh Gopi's Legal Drama Falters With Inconsistency
Last Updated: Janaki V Vs State Of Kerala fails to deliver shock value and drama. Suresh Gopi's larger-than-life persona clashes with the realistic setting, resulting in a convoluted screenplay. Janaki V Vs State Of Kerala movie review out. Janaki V Vs State Of Kerala Movie Review: Abel Donovan (Suresh Gopi) asks the victim of a brutal sexual assault, Janaki V (Anupama Parameswaran), 'Do you watch porn?" Almost everyone in the court and in the theatre is supposed to be shocked by that question, which seems to be the point of it. The idea here is to invoke a similar dramatic intrigue as in a scene from Pink, where Deepak Sehgal (Amitabh Bachchan) asks Minal Arora, 'Are you a virgin?" The question in Pink is justified, as Deepak intends to bring about the irrelevance of it in the context of consent. However, here the scene is exactly for all the wrong reasons. Debutant director Pravin Narayanath, who has also written the film, has intended to create an enigmatic protagonist and a sense of shock value by having a protagonist saving the wrong person in Janaki V Vs State Of Kerala. To put it more precisely, David Abel Donovan is the Devil's advocate, literally! While it sounds like a brilliant idea, the film fails to bring it to fruition. As far as the story goes, Janaki V vs State of Kerala is about an IT employee from Bengaluru who gets sexually assaulted by an unknown criminal during her visit to her hometown in Kerala. Since the victim was unconscious during the assault, the investigation turns out to be hard. Meanwhile, Janaki is found to be pregnant and she starts her crusade to live her life with dignity and seeks justice. Now, it doesn't become clear what the intention of the film is until the very end. One expects it to be an investigative thriller about nabbing the real culprit of the crime. But the film quickly finds a generic answer to it, and it moves on to another problem about abortion, which never was set up to be a conflict in the first place. The convoluted story has led to a patchy screenplay, and in the end, it leaves you wondering if Pravin Narayanath made the film he set out to make. The biggest problem of the film is Suresh Gopi. While the actor is effective in his performance and his trademark heroism, the problem is that his larger-than-life persona is incongruous with the realistic setting of the film. Before the film gets into the actual conflict, it meanders around another case of David Abel Donovan taking on the Church to bring a man of faith to justice. This and many other portions of the film that involve Suresh Gopi spitting fiery dialogues about government, women empowerment, corruption, and more don't really sit well with the rest of the movie. We also have a fight sequence that sticks out as a sore thumb in an otherwise sober movie. The film also reminded us of Rajinikanth's Vettaiyan, which pretty much has a similar arc of a well-intentioned man of action committing a blunder and fixing it. Both Janaki V vs State of Kerala and Vettaiyan suffer from the same problem of having a superstar for the protagonist when the script only demands an actor who can be flawed. Since Suresh Gopi cannot be fallible, the film ends up being a generic and illogical legal drama, which gives room for the hero to deliver monologues in a courtroom where he is neither a prosecutor nor the defender. First Published: Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
IOL News
06-07-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The Legacy of State Capture: ANC's Struggle with Corruption and Trust
Former Chief Justice and State Capture Commission Chair Raymond Zondo hands over the Commission's final report report to President Cyril Ramaphosa on June 22, 2022. The Phala Phala matter made a mockery of the President's promise to end corruption, says the writer. Image: Oupa Mokoena/African News Agency(ANA) Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu Advocate Thuli Madonsela made history when she penned report No. 6 of 2016/17 titled 'The state of capture', which has since been referred to as 'State Capture'. This was an investigation into alleged improper and unethical conduct by then-President Jacob Zuma and other state functionaries relating to what was said to be improper involvement of the Gupta family in the removal and appointment of Ministers and Directors of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). Penning the Executive Summary, Madonsela stated that 'State of Capture' is my report in terms of section 182(1)(b) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, and section 3(1) of the Executive Members Ethics Act and section 8(1) of the Public Protector Act, 1994.' The sections cited by Madonsela were relevant. They demonstrated her understanding of the Constitutional imperative which guided her in executing her mandate. However, there was a concern that section 84(f) of the Constitution was flouted when Madonsela recommended that the Chairperson of the commission should be appointed by the Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court, not the sitting President. Section 84 talks about the powers and functions of a sitting President. Section 84(f) states that the President is responsible for 'appointing commissions of inquiry.' It does not envisage a situation whereby the chairperson of the commission should be appointed by someone else. Anyway, that is a discussion for the legal fraternity, especially those who specialise in Constitutional Law. What is of interest in this article is to reflect on the report. Madonsela submitted it, yet not all her recommendations have been implemented. The question is, why? Almost ten years down the line, a few questions arise which might shed light on the question above. Firstly, was there the capture of the state by then President Zuma and other functionaries, or was this a political ploy to hide the reality by tarnishing his public image? Secondly, did the Gupta family come into the picture only in 2009 when Zuma ascended to the Presidency of the country? If they were already there, what role did they play in the ANC, in government and SOEs? Thirdly, with the Guptas having left the country, did corruption end in South Africa, in the ANC and government? Fourthly, if there was a 'state of capture', why has prosecution taken a snail's pace, and what role does the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) play? Fifthly and lastly, will the ANC succeed in ridding itself of the impact of corruption and trust deficit between itself and the electorate as discussed in Madonsela's report? Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Regarding the first question, it depends on who provides the answer. To some, the answer is in the affirmative. They usually cite incidents such as the Nkandla gate. However, they fail to acknowledge that Zuma was already renovating his home using Minenhle Makhanya as his architect. They also overlook the role played by the security cluster, which was responsible for installing security features at Zuma's home. Fikile Mbalula, the current Secretary-General of the ANC, is on record saying that the ANC deliberately lied to the nation when it instructed Nathi Nhleko to state that the swimming pool at Zuma's homestead was a fire pool. The question is: how many other lies were manufactured behind closed doors? Did the Guptas have anything to do with that? These questions lead to the view shared by some that there was never any capture of the state by a few. There was corruption then as there is corruption now! On the second question, there is no debate that Zuma found the Guptas already embedded in the ANC. His predecessors interacted with this family in different contexts. Perhaps what changed under Zuma is that the Gupta brothers were more influential in making certain decisions. Surely, some of the allegations made against them remain just that – allegations, because they never presented their side of the story. The answer to the third question is an emphatic no! South Africa is not free from corruption, long after Madonsela's report was submitted. Even President Cyril Ramaphosa promised 'The New Dawn' and to correct the wrongs of the so-called 'nine wasted years' under Zuma, whom he deputised both in the ANC and in government. The Phala Phala matter made a mockery of the President's promise to end corruption. Although state institutions cleared him of any wrongdoing, the stigma remains. Nationally, statistics paint a bleak picture about ending corruption. The fourth question is even more important. Some money has been recovered, which is good. The NPA has understandably claimed victories. But it would be foolhardy to praise the fish for swimming. The NPA staff did what is expected of them. There is still more work to be done. Sadly, in some instances, the accusations do not seem to stick. This raises questions on whether there were cases against certain individuals in the first place or if there was character assassination for political expediency. The last question talks to the ANC, which has been the governing party since 1994 until May 2024. Historically, it is in the culture of the ANC to embrace 'collective responsibility'. It was intriguing when, suddenly, some ANC members (including those in leadership positions) claimed innocence or told the Zondo Commission that they were scared to stop corruption. This was a lame excuse.
Sydney Morning Herald
05-07-2025
- Business
- Sydney Morning Herald
Why your dream holiday could become a financial nightmare
When looking into the rising travel trend, McKinsey found that this cohort, known as 'aspiring luxury travellers', are happy to spend like millionaires when they go on holiday, despite having relatively modest amounts to their name when they're at home. Loading But unlike those in the ultra-high net worth bracket, aspiring luxury travellers tend to splurge when it's a special occasion like a honeymoon or milestone birthday. They also demand value for their money, the report found, and tend to spend big on specific experiences or sections of the trip, rather than the whole thing. As the report notes, unlike the ultrarich, 'aspiring luxury travellers often rely on branding to validate their sense that an experience is luxurious.' That's likely in no small part down to the role that social media plays in our lives, and the comparison culture it can spark in us. Being able to post a photo of you dining at a restaurant visited by Kylie and Kendall Jenner, or staying at the Thai resort where season three of White Lotus was filmed, for example, offers a certain appeal that's understandable in the age of Instagram. Not included on the holiday highlight reel, though, might be the on-sale economy Jetstar flights. Another misconception about those living a life of luxury travel is their age. While most of us would assume they're grey nomads and retirees, it turns out that 80 per cent are actually aged under 60, with younger people and families with young children among major growth demographics. By 2028, people aged between 30-40 will spend $82 billion, while those aged 40-50 will part with $241 billion. At this point, you might be thinking, what's the big deal? If people want to take a nice holiday with their hard-earned cash, let them. And here's the thing, I'm all for rest and relaxation. But this rise of luxury travel comes with the kind of financial risk that isn't present with more traditional luxury spending habits. While wanting to treat ourselves in good times isn't new, historically, luxury purchasing has been on tangible items that can either be classed as assets, or at least hold some value – like designer watches or handbags. Recently, though, the luxury fashion sector has struggled as people have massively pulled back spending, largely in part due to global economic uncertainty. According to the 2025 State of Fashion report, the market is predicted to grow by just 1 to 3 per cent between 2024 and 2027. And unlike a designer watch or handbag, a holiday – no matter how amazing the memories may be – is not an asset. Of course, the luxury goods market is not fail-safe. Like any investment, not everything is guaranteed to retain its worth or grow in value over time, and there's still a risk that you'll lose money. But even if you do, there's a pretty good chance that if you were to resell a $25,000 watch or handbag, you'd get something for it. A $25,000 holiday, though – not so much. Once that money is spent, it's well and truly gone for good. When you combine that with the facts that so many of those spending big are still relatively young, have families, and that we're far from out of the recession risk woods, it's seriously worrying that so many people are spending with so much carefree abandon. Don't get me wrong - if you're able to celebrate important moments in your life, I'm all for it. Go on the babymoon holiday! Buy the watch to celebrate a promotion! Order the most expensive bottle of wine at your anniversary dinner! But whatever you do, don't do it solely to post about it on social media. Because while living like a super rich celebrity in the short term might give you a serotonin hit, the long-term impact of spending so much money on relatively short moments in our lives has the very real potential of making it less of a dream, and more of a nightmare.
