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US citizen among eight Druze family members executed in Syria's sectarian violence
US citizen among eight Druze family members executed in Syria's sectarian violence

CNN

time22-07-2025

  • CNN

US citizen among eight Druze family members executed in Syria's sectarian violence

An American citizen from Oklahoma was among eight men, all family members, rounded up and killed in an execution-style attack during the sectarian violence that flared in Syria last week. Hosam Saraya, a 35-year-old Syrian-American, was identified by friend Bahaa Imad and a US relative as one of eight men whose killing was captured on a video that circulated on social media over the weekend. The video, which has been geolocated by CNN, shows a group of armed men wearing military uniforms and face masks firing on eight captives while shouting 'God is great.' CNN cannot independently verify the identify of the gunmen in the video. It has reached out to the Syrian government for comment. Saraya's brother Kareem and other family members were also executed, according to the US relative, who asked not to be named for her safety. She spoke directly with relatives in Syria who said the family's male members had all been killed – leaving only their wives and daughters. The killings occurred on July 17 amid an outbreak of sectarian violence between Syrian Druze groups and Bedouin tribes in the Druze-majority Suwayda province. Saraya, who had studied in Oklahoma before returning to Syria, belonged to the Druze community, an Arab religious group of roughly one million people who primarily live in Syria, Lebanon and Israel. He had gone to Syria to care for his father who was ill, the US relative said. The relative said female family members who survived the massacre recalled how militants had stormed the family's multi-story home early in the morning, prompting the residents to fight back in defense. After one of the family members was wounded, the rest surrendered their weapons, she said, and the men were taken outside. Bahaa Imad, a 20-year-old friend of the Saraya family, corroborated these details, saying he witnessed the militants storm the home and forcibly remove eight men, while leaving female family members inside. The US relative first learned of the attack when one of the female survivors sent her a desperate message: 'Pray for us, they kidnapped the boys, they shot the house, they stole stuff'. Twelve hours passed as the family desperately waited for news, hoping their relatives would return safely. It wasn't until another overseas relative saw the videos circulating of their execution that they realized the eight men had been killed. Imad said relatives later told him the captives were marched 200 meters to Tishreen Square, where they were lined up and executed. One of the men had sent a final message to friends that read, 'Come and help us if you can. They surrounded us,' Imad said. Imad identified Hosam Saraya's body after watching the video. 'I don't know how monsters can do that,' the US relative told CNN. Asked about Saraya, the US State Department confirmed Monday that an American citizen had died in Suwayda. It did not offer details about the death but said it was 'greatly concerned when any US citizen is harmed overseas, wherever they are' and called 'for accountability in all cases where US citizens are harmed abroad.' Oklahoma Sens. James Lankford and Markwayne Mullin also confirmed the killing of an American from the state in Syria. 'Hosam was an Oklahoman and member of the Druze community who was tragically executed alongside other members of his family in Syria,' Lankford wrote on X. 'We are praying for his family, friends, and the entire community as they grieve this senseless loss.' Mullin wrote on X that an 'American citizen from Oklahoma' was 'brutally executed alongside his family members in Syria,' adding he was working with partners in the region to learn more. His tweet did not name the Saraya family. Widespread violence between the Druze minority and Bedouin tribes in southern Syria erupted on July 13 and has left hundreds dead in the latest explosion of sectarian bloodletting since the authoritarian rule of Bashar al-Assad was toppled by a coalition of Islamist rebels. The violence drew Israeli intervention in support of the Druze, as well as US condemnation and an international scramble to stop the fighting spiraling further. The Syrian government said over the weekend that clashes in Suwayda had stopped after a ceasefire agreement was reached between the government, Druze groups, and Bedouin tribes. A separate ceasefire was agreed between Syria and Israel. The deal was announced by US Ambassador to Turkey Tom Barrack, who said it was 'embraced' by Turkey, Jordan and other neighboring countries.

US citizen among eight Druze family members executed in Syria's sectarian violence
US citizen among eight Druze family members executed in Syria's sectarian violence

CNN

time22-07-2025

  • CNN

US citizen among eight Druze family members executed in Syria's sectarian violence

An American citizen from Oklahoma was among eight men, all family members, rounded up and killed in an execution-style attack during the sectarian violence that flared in Syria last week. Hosam Saraya, a 35-year-old Syrian-American, was identified by friend Bahaa Imad and a US relative as one of eight men whose killing was captured on a video that circulated on social media over the weekend. The video, which has been geolocated by CNN, shows a group of armed men wearing military uniforms and face masks firing on eight captives while shouting 'God is great.' CNN cannot independently verify the identify of the gunmen in the video. It has reached out to the Syrian government for comment. Saraya's brother Kareem and other family members were also executed, according to the US relative, who asked not to be named for her safety. She spoke directly with relatives in Syria who said the family's male members had all been killed – leaving only their wives and daughters. The killings occurred on July 17 amid an outbreak of sectarian violence between Syrian Druze groups and Bedouin tribes in the Druze-majority Suwayda province. Saraya, who had studied in Oklahoma before returning to Syria, belonged to the Druze community, an Arab religious group of roughly one million people who primarily live in Syria, Lebanon and Israel. He had gone to Syria to care for his father who was ill, the US relative said. The relative said female family members who survived the massacre recalled how militants had stormed the family's multi-story home early in the morning, prompting the residents to fight back in defense. After one of the family members was wounded, the rest surrendered their weapons, she said, and the men were taken outside. Bahaa Imad, a 20-year-old friend of the Saraya family, corroborated these details, saying he witnessed the militants storm the home and forcibly remove eight men, while leaving female family members inside. The US relative first learned of the attack when one of the female survivors sent her a desperate message: 'Pray for us, they kidnapped the boys, they shot the house, they stole stuff'. Twelve hours passed as the family desperately waited for news, hoping their relatives would return safely. It wasn't until another overseas relative saw the videos circulating of their execution that they realized the eight men had been killed. Imad said relatives later told him the captives were marched 200 meters to Tishreen Square, where they were lined up and executed. One of the men had sent a final message to friends that read, 'Come and help us if you can. They surrounded us,' Imad said. Imad identified Hosam Saraya's body after watching the video. 'I don't know how monsters can do that,' the US relative told CNN. Asked about Saraya, the US State Department confirmed Monday that an American citizen had died in Suwayda. It did not offer details about the death but said it was 'greatly concerned when any US citizen is harmed overseas, wherever they are' and called 'for accountability in all cases where US citizens are harmed abroad.' Oklahoma Sens. James Lankford and Markwayne Mullin also confirmed the killing of an American from the state in Syria. 'Hosam was an Oklahoman and member of the Druze community who was tragically executed alongside other members of his family in Syria,' Lankford wrote on X. 'We are praying for his family, friends, and the entire community as they grieve this senseless loss.' Mullin wrote on X that an 'American citizen from Oklahoma' was 'brutally executed alongside his family members in Syria,' adding he was working with partners in the region to learn more. His tweet did not name the Saraya family. Widespread violence between the Druze minority and Bedouin tribes in southern Syria erupted on July 13 and has left hundreds dead in the latest explosion of sectarian bloodletting since the authoritarian rule of Bashar al-Assad was toppled by a coalition of Islamist rebels. The violence drew Israeli intervention in support of the Druze, as well as US condemnation and an international scramble to stop the fighting spiraling further. The Syrian government said over the weekend that clashes in Suwayda had stopped after a ceasefire agreement was reached between the government, Druze groups, and Bedouin tribes. A separate ceasefire was agreed between Syria and Israel. The deal was announced by US Ambassador to Turkey Tom Barrack, who said it was 'embraced' by Turkey, Jordan and other neighboring countries.

Damascus between the Druze, Alawites, and Kurds
Damascus between the Druze, Alawites, and Kurds

Al Arabiya

time21-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Al Arabiya

Damascus between the Druze, Alawites, and Kurds

It's true that Bashar al-Assad left the palace on the evening of Saturday, December 7, and that Ahmad al-Shara entered it the next day without a single shot being fired in the capital. It's a rare occurrence in history. Even so, the road ahead for the new leadership is neither paved nor smooth. For all the latest headlines follow our Google News channel online or via the app. The road to change from Idlib to Damascus was open because most Syrians – as well as regional and global actors – truly wanted change. But the actual uprooting of the al-Assad regime was a long and bloody process – perhaps one of the most complex transitions in the region. From this standpoint, we must interpret the current events within this context, rather than as a mere 'moment of victory.' Optimism, enthusiasm, and widespread support did not prevent political unrest: Confrontations on the coast with Alawites, the bombing of a Christian church in Damascus, disputes with the Druze of Sweida, and with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Raqqa. The crises that have already occurred – and those that may still come – are expected. The domestic consensus to remove al-Assad means the alternative system will need time to build trust. There's also a troubled regional environment with actors harmed by the transition who will need time to test the waters, accept the new reality, and choose to cooperate. Amid these local confrontations, two dangerous factions threaten the new order. The first is overtly hostile – such as remnants of the old regime, forces in Iran, and local gangs like drug cartels. These groups will repeatedly try to create a confrontational climate that escalates over time. They aim to shrink Syria, entangle Damascus in a prolonged battle, and encourage the emergence of independent regions. The second faction comes from within the system – or considers itself part of it – and plays a role in fueling crises. It has its own views on how the country should be governed and how it should engage with the world. Though loyal, this faction is no less dangerous than the hostile one, because it ignites conflicts and deepens divisions. Its threat lies in dragging the Syrian authority into a confrontation with the regional order and inviting foreign powers to invest in a local civil war. These traps require wisdom in handling so that they don't distract the government from its most difficult task: building a new state that most Syrians are waiting for – one that improves living standards and transitions into a modern nation. Al-Sharaa has domestic popularity that he must strengthen, lest it erode under the weight of looming challenges – most notably, bread shortages, inflation, low wages, and delays in foreign aid. These are challenges unrelated to Iran or regime remnants. They're compounded by the need to extinguish growing social strife, which risks becoming a civil war. Those engaged in this strife – whether in the name of freedoms or defending (or opposing) the regime – are stoking tensions among Syria's deeply anxious and mistrustful communities. The international community wants a civil state that manages a disciplined security and military apparatus. The new Damascus regime needs time to organize itself and win over Syria's diverse groups. Let us remember that Hafez al-Assad, while presenting himself as a protector of minorities, placed Abdel Halim Khaddam and Mustafa Tlass at his right and left. There are also forces in the region that have failed to establish extremist regimes – and now want Syria to become another Gaza or Afghanistan. Upon entering the capital, al-Sharaa immediately announced his openness to all, stressing that his concern is Syrian – not international. He displayed a moderation that surprised many, and he has managed his relationships pragmatically, consistent with his promises. That's why Syria will not become the Iranian model – which is now nearing its end – nor should it fight on behalf of others, whether against Israel or Iran. Nor should it allow others to bring their wars onto Syrian soil. Amid these ethnic, sectarian, and regional tensions, the road will remain difficult. The regime has inherited a devastated country violated by both domestic and foreign forces. Fixing it will require political skill – not brute force – and a sixth sense that can anticipate crises and contain them.

Children play among bones as Syria faces ‘enormous challenge' of what to do about mass graves
Children play among bones as Syria faces ‘enormous challenge' of what to do about mass graves

Irish Times

time14-06-2025

  • Irish Times

Children play among bones as Syria faces ‘enormous challenge' of what to do about mass graves

Yusuf is small because he is malnourished, the 12-year-old says. His hands are black from engine oil: he has been working as a mechanic since he left school, when third grade finished. He comes from a poor background, where people do what they can to get by. Now he has a new side hustle: being a 'tour guide' of the mass grave he lives next to. Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime six months ago, visitors regularly turn up to Tadamon, the Damascus neighbourhood that was the site of one publicised massacre, and many more that went undocumented, according to locals. The killing of 41 people there, in April 2013, became widely known when a video of the incident was leaked in 2022. It showed blindfolded and handcuffed civilians being shot dead after their executioner taunted them or told them to run, their bodies falling into a pre-prepared pit. Their killers – who were affiliated with the Syrian regime – then set the bodies on fire using burning tyres. Yet, six months after the fall of the regime, the easily accessible site has still not been cordoned off or protected. Human bones are visible on the ground: though specialists came and took remains away, others keep being unearthed, locals say. Children even offer to dig new ones up for a price. Standing beside Yusuf, 11-year-old Sham says she is 'famous' because she also showed bones to journalists (I declined). A British reporter paid Yusuf $200 to dig up a whole body, he claims ('liar,' other children around him interject). 'If you dig now here and remove this debris you would find five or six bodies,' Yusuf says, though he finds it upsetting and 'haram' [forbidden] that some people walk and drive over them. 'I was crying recently because I dug a lot of bodies and because of the smell,' he says, adding that he would like to see the remains removed and an 'amusement park' built instead: 'a place to play'. READ MORE Yusuf points out one long bone lying on the side of a road through this urban area, still filled with decimated buildings. I later send a photo to an Irish doctor who tells me it is a femur. The children lead us to another part of the neighbourhood, where dozens more bones lie in a shallow pit. Yusuf (12) holds up what he says is a human bone in Tadamon A boy in a tank top approaches to say his uncle, Hani, was killed here. During the regime's rule, residents were not able to approach the area where massacres happened, knowing 'if someone went to the checkpoint it was the end', the boy says. Another boy says killing was 'entertainment' for the regime. Tadamon used to be a 'fancy' area before the nearly 14-year war, his friend chimes in. The dead included Muslims the regime militants found praying, and a man whose car they wanted to steal, he adds. Children at a shallow pit containing dozens of bones. Tadamon was the site of a publicised massacre in April 2013 and many more killings, locals say, that went undocumented Three men, including an estate agent, have come to look at what was left of one building. Usama Scuri wants to see if he can sell what remains of his flat – he is in need of money. Mohammed Hazime thinks he could get as much as $20,000 for it. He says people will be encouraged to move back on to the street again if someone else does it before them, despite this being the site of a mass grave. There are other pressing concerns for local residents, though. They explain that there are no services – sewage, water supplies and schools are all needed. Men sit and chat in Tadamon, Damascus Murders, enforced disappearances and detention in horrific conditions were tools used to instil fear and control Syrians over the more than half a century that Assad and his father, Hafez, ruled the country. Across Syria, as mass graves are searched for and found, concerns have repeatedly been raised that evidence is being lost amid a failure to preserve them. What will happen to the sites in the future is still not fully clear. The necessary skills and resources will need to be built up before grave sites are opened … The ICRC has offered its support to ensure that these sites are managed appropriately. We know that the scale of the challenge they are facing is enormous — ICRC spokeswoman More than 177,000 people remain 'forcibly disappeared', according to the well-respected Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR). It revised its number upwards in March this year to include more than 160,100 people disappeared by the Assad regime, saying thousands of new reports and disclosures had been made, while new official records were uncovered after the regime fell. The SNHR says more than 202,000 people were killed by Assad regime forces between March 2011 and March 2025, along with upwards of 32,100 civilians by other parties to the conflict. A bone lies on the ground in Tadamon More than 45,000 people died from torture under the Assad regime, and they 'remain classified as forcibly disappeared as long as their bodies are not returned to their families. They are identified as victims who died due to torture based on testimonies from survivors, leaked security documents, and statements from families,' SNHR said. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has more than 30,000 open cases of people missing in Syria, a spokeswoman says, adding that they believe the real number to be much higher. In an August 2024 report, the SNHR said 2,684 people were also under arbitrary arrest, detention or disappearance by Hay'at Tahri al-Sham, the Islamist group that led the rebel coalition that ousted the Assad regime last year. The new Syrian government recently established national commissions focused on missing persons and transitional justice, though there is concern that the latter will only deal with crimes committed by the Assad regime. On a recent evening at a public square in central Damascus, family members of the disappeared held a vigil, holding up pictures of their missing loved ones and calling for all perpetrators to face justice. Mohammed Hassan worries about the impact on his children of what they witnessed. He says at least 35 people from his family were killed in Tadamon. Photograph: Sally Hayden An ICRC spokeswoman says international humanitarian law requires the remains of those who die in conflict to be handled respectfully and with dignity. 'This includes recovering, analysing, and identifying remains, when possible, to provide families with answers.' But the responsibility for managing grave sites lies with the new Syrian authorities, she says. 'Here in Syria, the necessary skills and resources will need to be built up before grave sites are opened … The ICRC has offered them its support to ensure that these sites are managed appropriately. We know that the scale of the challenge they are facing is enormous.' Syria does not currently have a functioning DNA laboratory, the spokeswoman added. Alternative methods they could use instead include forensic anthropological and odontological methods. [ Exhibitions open in Damascus remembering suffering and sacrifice under Syrian regime Opens in new window ] Efforts are also complicated by the fact that bones from many different people are often mixed up together. The ICRC is supporting a forensic identification centre in Damascus, which is operating under the Syrian ministry of health. Speaking through WhatsApp messages, Dr Anas al-Hourani, the head of the centre, says they have four specialised doctors and have received more than 250 cases so far. He says the financial cost of the work is 'very large' and support will be needed for many years to come. 'We need material support and some equipment and to increase the number of doctors and workers,' he says. 'We need to prepare DNA laboratories in all governorates … and need to equip these centres with specialised staff and equipment and necessary materials due to the large size of work.' Tracing the families of anyone found will also be a challenge. Al-Hourani says relatives would be reached through 'various media' after work on each mass grave is finished. 'Of course, it is difficult to open all the graves in one time and work on them. It is work that needs huge capabilities and a long time that extends for years. These sites must be protected so that they are not tampered with and gradual recovery must be done according to the existing capabilities.' Twelve-year-old Yusuf says he finds it upsetting that some people walk and drive over Tadamon's mass graves Veteran Argentinian forensic anthropologist Luis Fondebrider travelled to Syria as an external consultant following the regime's fall last December. Speaking on a WhatsApp call in May, he called the situation 'chaotic,' but said it had been in many of the other roughly 60 countries he had worked in too. When it comes to investigating missing people and mass graves, Fondebrider said the reality is vastly more complicated than just pulling out a body and using a machine to test it – there are a 'lot of things to do before opening any grave'. For example, he said, there needs to be political willingness to create permanent institutions which have the co-operation of other institutions, and a centralised organisation of information. 'After a period of extreme violence … missing people are a critical issue and every society responds in different ways. The most important thing is to think of it as something that is not going to be solved in one, two or three years. This could take decades,' he said. Syrians have to lead the process themselves. 'We cannot impose from outside our priorities.' But 'in my experience … the process to open the graves, to investigate, to identify the bodies, to reach some justice, is beneficial not only for the families, but also for the society.' [ Climate change adds to Syria's problems as Damask rose harvests fade Opens in new window ] The biggest consequence of not progressing these efforts is 'impunity' – perpetrators will remain free to keep killing – plus a wider risk, that 'a society who doesn't remember the past is going to repeat that past'. In Syria, a lack of faith in official processes initially spilt over into a desire for what many saw as community-directed justice, and revenge killings continue to be reported. In the first week after the regime fell, I stood in a huge, excited crowd in nearby Damascus neighbourhood Midan after word went around that the public execution of one of the men responsible for the Tadamon massacres would take place. The rumoured execution never went ahead, and it was not completely clear if the new authorities stopped it at the last minute or whether it had ever been scheduled at all. Syrian authorities say they have arrested multiple people involved in the massacres. But public anger was provoked in February, when Fadi Saqr, a former leader of the regime-affiliated National Defense Forces, which was accused of carrying out the Tadamon massacre, visited the mass grave site accompanied by security forces from the new administration. That anger increased when it became apparent that he has continued to work with the new government since. Over tea in his home in Tadamon, one grandfather worries that the 'criminals' responsible are still walking freely. Down the road, men chat in the street beside a hardware store. Seeing foreign journalists approaching, they also proffer memories. One says he personally discovered the dead body of a woman beside that of a young child. 'The militants' methods of killing included throwing people off high floors of a building beside us.' Photograph: Sally Hayden Mohammed Hassan (53) says at least 35 people from his own family were killed in Tadamon, including his brother, who had simply gone out to buy bread. Hassan believes hundreds of people of a Turkmen Syrian background were among the dead, murdered because the regime accused them of being backed by Turkey and wanted them to leave the area completely. The militants' methods of killing included throwing people off high floors of a building beside us, Hassan says – the stairs were later destroyed, he points out, saying no one has since been up there. This whole area was inaccessible for local residents but 'after the regime fell we came and we found so many bodies here. Immediately the kids came here and played with the skulls ... No one came to protect it.' He first gives a nickname, then says it is fine to publish his real name, saying he does not want to be afraid any more. Syrians need an 'international court of justice' to help them in their quest for accountability, he adds. Hassan has five children – two boys, three girls. He worries about the impact of everything they witnessed during the years of war and dictatorship. 'They're playing, growing here. They've seen a lot. The Syrian people have seen a lot and it affects their psychological wellbeing. But for these kids it's better now compared to what they saw in the war. Generation by generation will get better.' Now, he says, everyone wants peace above almost everything, though many Syrians caveat that by saying true peace requires justice. – Hani Alagbar assisted with this reporting.

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