Latest news with #TaiwanPeople'sParty
South China Morning Post
22-05-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Why did Taiwan's William Lai tone down his rhetoric on mainland China?
In his address on Tuesday, Lai – the man Beijing brands as a troublemaker – made no mention of mainland China or cross-strait relations, an omission that observers saw as a calculated departure from his typically assertive rhetoric on Beijing and Taiwan's self-governing status. Lai also extended an olive branch to the island's opposition parties – the Beijing-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) and the smaller opposition Taiwan People's Party – by offering to brief their leaders on national security matters. It was a noticeable shift in tone. Since taking office on May 20 last year, Lai has regularly used major public addresses to assert that Taiwan and the mainland ' are not subordinate to each other ' and described Beijing as a 'hostile foreign force'. But on Tuesday, Lai only mentioned Beijing when asked by reporters.
ABC News
09-05-2025
- Politics
- ABC News
Political parties in Taiwan recall dozens of MPs just one year after election
A controversial campaign to prematurely unseat dozens of opposition members of parliament has polarised Taiwan, triggering competing rallies and fierce debate over the future of its democracy. Supporters say it's about breaking political deadlock. Opponents say it's a dangerous power grab by the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Tens of thousands of protesters gathered in central Taipei on April 26, just outside the Presidential Office building, to "stand up and fight the dictator". The "dictator" in question was President Lai Ching-te of the DPP, who was democratically elected just over a year ago. The rally marked the most high-profile response yet to a nationwide campaign targeting opposition MPs known as a recall. "Disagreement is normal in a democracy," said Stacey Chen, a supporter of the opposition Taiwan People's Party. So, exactly who is being targeted by the recall? What do voters think? And where does it leave Taiwan in the face of threats from Beijing? Taiwan is a self-governing island of 23 million people with a vibrant, if often polarised, democracy. Its political system allows voters to remove their elected representatives before the end of their term through a legal process known as a recall. "He absolutely does not qualify as [a dictator]," said Tang Ching-ping from National Chengchi University about Mr Lai. But recalls are rare — and they've never been used on this scale before. The current wave of recall motions began after the DPP lost its majority in parliament during the 2024 elections. Although it held on to the presidency, it won just 51 out of 113 seats in the legislature — one seat short of its main rival, the Kuomintang, a party often accused by the DPP as being pro-Beijing. The Taiwan People's Party won eight seats, and two independents hold the balance of power. The Kuomintang and Taiwan People's Party have since formed a coalition, giving them control of parliament. The DPP has accused them of blocking legislation, cutting budgets, and paralysing the government. In January, the opposition coalition pushed through major funding cuts — slashing about 7 per cent of the annual budget and freezing billions more. "Hostile China will be very pleased," Taiwan's Premier Cho Jung-tai warned at the time, suggesting the cuts could weaken the island's defences. The stand-off triggered the launch of the Great Recall campaign. Supporters say it's about protecting national security and democracy from an obstructionist opposition. Critics say it's a dangerous attempt to silence dissent and tilt the political playing field. To win back control of parliament, the DPP needs to remove at least six district-level opposition politicians and replace them with its own candidates. But not all are vulnerable. Taiwan's parliament includes two types of legislators: district representatives, who are elected by local voters, and "at-large" members, who are chosen based on party vote share. Only district MPs can be recalled. It means that 13 Kuomintang legislators and all eight Taiwan People's Party legislators — who hold at-large seats — are safe. So far, pro-DPP groups have filed recall motions against 34 Kuomintang politicians and one independent aligned with the Kuomintang. The Kuomintang has denounced the effort as a "witch hunt" and an attempt by the DPP to establish one-party rule. It has launched a counter-campaign targeting 15 DPP legislators. Kuomintang chair Eric Chu has accused Mr Lai of launching "a cultural revolution in Taiwan", referencing the bloody purges in China under Mao Zedong. He also threatened to initiate a recall motion against Mr Lai himself as soon as it becomes legally possible, on May 20 — one year after Mr Lai took office. For his part, Mr Lai has rejected characterisations as a dictator. "You can't only oppose the DPP but stay silent on the Chinese Communist Party," he said. The Great Recall campaign has struck a nerve in Taiwanese society — not just in parliament, but on the streets, within families and online. Pop-up booths where volunteers gather recall signatures have become flashpoints for political confrontation. Videos of heated arguments between strangers have gone viral on social media. Some DPP supporters see the campaign as necessary for Taiwan's survival in the face of growing pressure from Beijing. "We are facing an existential threat from China," said a DPP volunteer gathering signatures in Taipei. But public opinion appears to be shifting. A recent poll by the Taiwanese Public Opinion Foundation found 59.3 per cent of respondents oppose the DPP's recall campaign, with 33.8 per cent in support. Now, figures within the DPP are urging caution. Former president Chen Shui-bian — the first DPP leader known for his strong advocacy of Taiwanese sovereignty and a clear break from China — warned against using recalls to punish political opponents. "Respecting different opinions and listening to minority voices is the true essence of democracy," Mr Chen said. "You can't label someone an agent of some entity just because they hold a different view." Ms Chen, a supporter of the opposition Taiwan People's Party who attended the April 26 rally, said: "I'm 43 years old, born and raised here, and I've never seen the country this divided in my entire life. "There was never this idea that 'If you don't support the DPP, you are a CCP collaborator.'" That fear of being labelled pro-Beijing — even for holding moderate or dissenting views — is a recurring theme. Deer Lee, in his 20s, said he avoids political discussions with friends, many of whom support the DPP. "If your views are even slightly different, you get sidelined," he said. Others believe the DPP is using the recall campaign as a political weapon, not a democratic safeguard. "If it's about recalling a single unfit legislator, I think that's something we can discuss rationally," said university student Eric Hsu. Professor Tang said the mass recall campaign was eating away at something deeper than party politics. "Taiwanese society has always been grounded in trust and strong social bonds," he said. "But this campaign is being driven by resentment, not accountability — and that's not good for democracy." In the first stage, the campaign must gather signatures from at least 1 per cent of the voters in a politician's district. If successful, a second stage requires support from 10 per cent of eligible voters. A recall voting process is then facilitated. For it to pass, the number of votes in favour must both exceed those against and make up more than 25 per cent of the total electorate. This makes recalls difficult to pull off — but not impossible, especially with strong party machinery behind them. Taiwan's growing domestic divide is unfolding at a time of deepening geopolitical tension. China, which claims Taiwan as one of its provinces and has not ruled out using force to take it, has ramped up its military pressure. Live-fire drills and other military exercises by the People's Liberation Army around Taiwan are now routine. In early April, Beijing staged another round of drills, simulating attacks on Taiwan's ports and energy facilities. Around the same time, Chinese state media released propaganda cartoons portraying Mr Lai as a parasite being grilled over flames. The drills drew condemnation from both the ruling DPP and the opposition Kuomintang. But the Kuomintang also used the moment to urge the Lai administration to tone down its rhetoric. Adding to the unease was a surprise move from Taiwan's closest ally, the United States. The Trump administration in April announced a 32 per cent tariff on some Taiwanese goods — a decision that stunned the island. The tariff was suspended shortly afterwards, pending trade talks, but it left many questioning how reliable Taiwan's partners really are. The opposition seized on the moment, accusing the DPP of jeopardising Taiwan's "silicon shield" — a term referring to Taiwan's dominance in semiconductor manufacturing, which many believe acts as a strategic buffer against Chinese aggression. That argument was sharpened after Taiwan's chip giant, TSMC, announced a $US100 billion investment in American factories. At the April 26 rally, senior Kuomintang figure Han Kuo-yu summed up the sense of pressure from all sides. "Three swords are hanging over the people of Taiwan," he said — referring to the US tariff threat, China's military drills, and the domestic turmoil caused by the recall campaign. So far, Mr Lai has not publicly commented on the recall drives launched by either camp and has instead called for national unity in the face of rising external threats. Recall votes could begin as soon as late August.
NHK
27-04-2025
- Politics
- NHK
Taiwan's opposition party plans to recall President Lai after May 20
Taiwan's largest opposition party, the Kuomintang, says it will start a procedure to recall Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te after May 20, one year since he took office. In Taiwan, recall campaigns are heating up against the backdrop of sharp partisan divisions in its legislature, targeting a total of 50 lawmakers from the ruling and opposition parties. Taiwan's opposition-majority parliament consists of 113 seats. Prosecutors investigated people associated with the Kuomintang, and reported that recall petitions included forged signatures, such as those of the dead. On Saturday, the Kuomintang held a massive rally in Taipei to oppose the investigation. Party leader Eric Chu accused President Lai of using the judiciary to attack the Kuomintang in a dictatorial manner. Chu also stressed that Lai is splitting Taiwan, not uniting it, and causing hostility rather than peace. Chu said his party will begin the recall process against Lai in the legislature after May 20, if he remains remorseless. Huang Kuo-chang, the head of the second-largest opposition Taiwan People's Party also joined the rally, highlighting sharp partisan divisions in Taiwan.
Yahoo
12-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - Taiwan's asymmetric defense opportunity
Many in the English-speaking world perceive Taiwan's defense spending as 'measly.' But Taiwan's president, Lai Ching-te, has taken a major step forward by committing to raise Taiwan's defense spending from 2.45 percent to 3 percent of GDP in 2025 through a special budget. Lai has clearly gotten the message that he must increase defense spending in a world where the U.S. appears increasingly likely to leave small powers to fend for themselves. However, the current Kuomintang-led majority coalition in Taiwan's legislature is often portrayed as intent on diminishing Taiwan's self-defense capabilities because it is pro-Chinese Communist Party, but there is more to this story. Critics parsing through Taiwan's 2025 general budget, passed by its legislature in late January, have highlighted perceived decreases in defense spending. The Kuomintang and Taiwan People's Party coalition indeed took a sledgehammer to the funding of various domestic government departments for partisan reasons. Prominent cuts to the military budget include 3 percent of the funds for military equipment and facilities expenses and 60 percent of the Ministry of National Defense's publicity budget. Small cuts to equipment procurement proposals in the draft budget are routine and this trim represents a small fraction of overall defense spending, which will still increase. Lastly, cutting the publicity budget hardly reduces real combat effectiveness. Although the opposition's characterizations of Lai's administration as unscrupulous and wasteful are almost certainly exaggerated for partisan effect, Taiwan's constitution gives the legislative branch limited powers to revise spending proposed by the executive branch, and thus it tends to rely on cuts and freezes to get its point across. The Kuomintang and Taiwan People's Party opposition parties have broadly justified the use of freezes as necessary to ensure rigorous scrutiny of the spending practices of the Democratic Progressive Party-led administration. Freezes are typically removed after relevant executive department heads submit reports to the legislature and face questioning. Budgetary freezes will affect Taiwan's armed forces more than cuts, but these are reversible and far from unreasonable. Some of the most controversial include a 50 percent freeze of the budget for Taiwan's indigenous submarine program until the prototype vessel passes sea trials, a freeze of one-third of the budget for a drone industrial park in Chiayi and a 30 percent freeze of the military's operational expenses budget. Closely inspecting the tactical and strategic merits of Taiwan's years-long $8.8 billion submarine procurement program, as several American experts have done, is wise given the near-term threat from China's People's Liberation Army and the clear need for less-costly asymmetric platforms. Cultivating a drone industry from scratch is also a daunting task. After debating last year whether Taiwan's state arms manufacturer or the Ministry of Economic Affairs would be better suited to developing a drone business park and how private investments will fit into the picture, Taiwan's legislators settled on a 30 percent freeze until the state arsenal, the National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology, submits a comprehensive business plan. In response to Lai's recent pledge to increase spending, opposition coalition legislators have urged that additional spending be allocated wisely, the executive branch should not avoid close oversight by the legislative branch, and spending should not overlook soldier salaries and training expenses. Without proper compensation and revitalized training, Taiwan's increasing reliance on conscription might not succeed in increasing national morale and combat effectiveness. Nonetheless, Taiwan's national security could still be impacted if legislators are too slow to complete their reviews and procedural votes. One Taiwanese researcher estimated that Taiwan's military could face a nine- to 30-day window without operational funding where it will have to rely on reserves of food, fuel and ammunition, possibly leading to unexpected shortages. The difficulty of unfreezing funding may also affect the Coast Guard's ship procurement. In addition to addressing these questions, Taiwan's government should take the opportunity to reconsider its broader procurement strategy. Delays in the delivery of prior large purchases of exquisite arms from the U.S. have led to a well-known backlog worth upwards of $20 billion. The credibility of U.S. arms manufacturers has also recently suffered in Taiwan due to price gouging by Raytheon, further raising questions about Taiwan's strategic reliance on the U.S. for procurement, which has been a fact of life during previous decades of Kuomintang governance as well. Taiwan's failure to swiftly adapt its defense strategy away from purchasing expensive conventional weapons systems has long been attributed to the conservative defense establishment which has deep historical ties to the Kuomintang. Now that the Democratic Progressive Party's support for expensive conventional platforms like submarines has driven Kuomintang legislators to favor more cost-effective systems, the time is ripe for a sea change in both the quantity and quality of Taiwan's defense spending. Reports suggest that the Taiwanese government already intends to focus the forthcoming special budget on precision ammunition, air defense, command and control, reserve force equipment and anti-drone technology. Such a budget could support relevant purchases from the U.S. such as additional guided missiles, specialized domain awareness, and equipment for command and control, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, but the real opportunity likely lies within Taiwan itself. Taiwan's strong manufacturing base and mature commercial electronics industry have enormous potential to contribute to the national defense, as evidenced by the rapid expansion of domestic precision missile production after a special budget passed in 2021. Domestic spending could also help bolster local economies, creating jobs and business opportunities. Future spending could continue investments into the missile supply chain, rapidly scale up aerial and maritime drone production, harden critical infrastructure and military facilities and address deficiencies in emergency food and energy stockpiles. The Lai administration should vigorously facilitate close coordination between its policy staff, military planners and political opposition in the legislature to ensure that increased defense spending represents the will of Taiwan's elected representatives and thus maximizes the odds that the legislative branch passes a special budget for defense. Such cross-partisan cooperation can provide a foundation of trust upon which more durable increases in defense spending can be achieved in future annual general budgets. Although there is a strong desire in some quarters to accuse Lai of trying to distract from President Trump's trade demands and the ongoing recall crisis, all sides should realize that they fundamentally agree on the necessity of increased defense spending, and spending three percent of GDP on defense would be good for the whole country. Francis de Beixedon is an Asia researcher at a Washington think tank. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
12-03-2025
- Business
- The Hill
Taiwan's asymmetric defense opportunity
Many in the English-speaking world perceive Taiwan's defense spending as ' measly.' But Taiwan's president, Lai Ching-te, has taken a major step forward by committing to raise Taiwan's defense spending from 2.45 percent to 3 percent of GDP in 2025 through a special budget. Lai has clearly gotten the message that he must increase defense spending in a world where the U.S. appears increasingly likely to leave small powers to fend for themselves. However, the current Kuomintang-led majority coalition in Taiwan's legislature is often portrayed as intent on diminishing Taiwan's self-defense capabilities because it is pro-Chinese Communist Party, but there is more to this story. Critics parsing through Taiwan's 2025 general budget, passed by its legislature in late January, have highlighted perceived decreases in defense spending. The Kuomintang and Taiwan People's Party coalition indeed took a sledgehammer to the funding of various domestic government departments for partisan reasons. Prominent cuts to the military budget include 3 percent of the funds for military equipment and facilities expenses and 60 percent of the Ministry of National Defense's publicity budget. Small cuts to equipment procurement proposals in the draft budget are routine and this trim represents a small fraction of overall defense spending, which will still increase. Lastly, cutting the publicity budget hardly reduces real combat effectiveness. Although the opposition's characterizations of Lai's administration as unscrupulous and wasteful are almost certainly exaggerated for partisan effect, Taiwan's constitution gives the legislative branch limited powers to revise spending proposed by the executive branch, and thus it tends to rely on cuts and freezes to get its point across. The Kuomintang and Taiwan People's Party opposition parties have broadly justified the use of freezes as necessary to ensure rigorous scrutiny of the spending practices of the Democratic Progressive Party-led administration. Freezes are typically removed after relevant executive department heads submit reports to the legislature and face questioning. Budgetary freezes will affect Taiwan's armed forces more than cuts, but these are reversible and far from unreasonable. Some of the most controversial include a 50 percent freeze of the budget for Taiwan's indigenous submarine program until the prototype vessel passes sea trials, a freeze of one-third of the budget for a drone industrial park in Chiayi and a 30 percent freeze of the military's operational expenses budget. Closely inspecting the tactical and strategic merits of Taiwan's years-long $8.8 billion submarine procurement program, as several American experts have done, is wise given the near-term threat from China's People's Liberation Army and the clear need for less-costly asymmetric platforms. Cultivating a drone industry from scratch is also a daunting task. After debating last year whether Taiwan's state arms manufacturer or the Ministry of Economic Affairs would be better suited to developing a drone business park and how private investments will fit into the picture, Taiwan's legislators settled on a 30 percent freeze until the state arsenal, the National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology, submits a comprehensive business plan. In response to Lai's recent pledge to increase spending, opposition coalition legislators have urged that additional spending be allocated wisely, the executive branch should not avoid close oversight by the legislative branch, and spending should not overlook soldier salaries and training expenses. Without proper compensation and revitalized training, Taiwan's increasing reliance on conscription might not succeed in increasing national morale and combat effectiveness. Nonetheless, Taiwan's national security could still be impacted if legislators are too slow to complete their reviews and procedural votes. One Taiwanese researcher estimated that Taiwan's military could face a nine- to 30-day window without operational funding where it will have to rely on reserves of food, fuel and ammunition, possibly leading to unexpected shortages. The difficulty of unfreezing funding may also affect the Coast Guard's ship procurement. In addition to addressing these questions, Taiwan's government should take the opportunity to reconsider its broader procurement strategy. Delays in the delivery of prior large purchases of exquisite arms from the U.S. have led to a well-known backlog worth upwards of $20 billion. The credibility of U.S. arms manufacturers has also recently suffered in Taiwan due to price gouging by Raytheon, further raising questions about Taiwan's strategic reliance on the U.S. for procurement, which has been a fact of life during previous decades of Kuomintang governance as well. Taiwan's failure to swiftly adapt its defense strategy away from purchasing expensive conventional weapons systems has long been attributed to the conservative defense establishment which has deep historical ties to the Kuomintang. Now that the Democratic Progressive Party's support for expensive conventional platforms like submarines has driven Kuomintang legislators to favor more cost-effective systems, the time is ripe for a sea change in both the quantity and quality of Taiwan's defense spending. Reports suggest that the Taiwanese government already intends to focus the forthcoming special budget on precision ammunition, air defense, command and control, reserve force equipment and anti-drone technology. Such a budget could support relevant purchases from the U.S. such as additional guided missiles, specialized domain awareness, and equipment for command and control, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, but the real opportunity likely lies within Taiwan itself. Taiwan's strong manufacturing base and mature commercial electronics industry have enormous potential to contribute to the national defense, as evidenced by the rapid expansion of domestic precision missile production after a special budget passed in 2021. Domestic spending could also help bolster local economies, creating jobs and business opportunities. Future spending could continue investments into the missile supply chain, rapidly scale up aerial and maritime drone production, harden critical infrastructure and military facilities and address deficiencies in emergency food and energy stockpiles. The Lai administration should vigorously facilitate close coordination between its policy staff, military planners and political opposition in the legislature to ensure that increased defense spending represents the will of Taiwan's elected representatives and thus maximizes the odds that the legislative branch passes a special budget for defense. Such cross-partisan cooperation can provide a foundation of trust upon which more durable increases in defense spending can be achieved in future annual general budgets. Although there is a strong desire in some quarters to accuse Lai of trying to distract from President Trump's trade demands and the ongoing recall crisis, all sides should realize that they fundamentally agree on the necessity of increased defense spending, and spending three percent of GDP on defense would be good for the whole country.
