Latest news with #Taiwanese-owned
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
01-08-2025
- Business
- First Post
How tariffs have hit the African factory where Trump golf shirts are made
The tiny African nation of Lesotho was slapped with heavy tariffs by US President Donald Trump, sending its once-thriving textile industry into a near collapse. Lesotho, which once produced Trump's premium golf shirts, was hit with 50 per cent tariffs, resulting in factory shutdowns and mass layoffs of thousands of workers, mostly women read more There are about 30,000 garment workers in Lesotho, mostly women, with 12,000 making clothes for US brands in Chinese- and Taiwanese-owned factories. File image/Reuters A factory in Lesotho that once produced Donald Trump's golf shirts is now struggling to stay afloat, after the US President imposed a steep 50 per cent tariff on the small African nation. The new tariffs, part of Trump's wider "reciprocal trade policy" introduced in April 2025, have hit Lesotho's once-thriving textile industry hard. The trade war may have made little noise in Washington, but in this impoverished landlocked country, where textiles are a lifeline, the impact has been devastating. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD From massive layoffs to factory shutdowns, the fallout has hit thousands of workers, mostly women, with the future of Lesotho's biggest export industry now hanging in the balance. Here's what's happening on the ground. Lesotho's garment industry on the brink Tzicc, one of the biggest textile factories in Lesotho, was once a major exporter to major US retailers like Levi's, Walmart, JC Penney, and Costco. Today, the factory is struggling to survive. 'As soon as the tariffs were announced, we started having some problems with our buyers,' Rahila Omar, compliance manager at Tzicc, told The Africa News. 'So, as soon as the three-month suspension came, that's when we decided to finish the work as quickly as possible before the new tariffs are introduced.' The small southern African nation, nicknamed the 'denim capital of Africa', was hit with steep 50 per cent reciprocal tariffs by US President Donald Trump in April 2025, the highest rate imposed on any country. Although the tariffs are temporarily suspended, Trump warned they could return on August 1, unless a new trade deal is reached. US President Donald Trump announcing his tariffs on 'Liberation Day' on April 2. Reuters But for local manufacturers, the impact has been immediate and overwhelming. 'Because of the… pressure of the tariffs, our buyers wanted us to finish the order or the quantity as soon as we can. We were given a deadline of 30 June, but we finished before 30 June, and that's why we have a layoff,' says Omar. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Tzicc has already laid off most of its 1,300 workers with no new orders coming in from the US. 'We are going to die': Workers left in despair The situation has left thousands of workers, many of them women, in limbo. 'Life is difficult. It has not been easy ever since I was laid off,' said Mapontso Mathunya, a former textile worker, in an interview with AP. 'My husband is also struggling—he's only getting by on occasional odd jobs.' Other factories across Maseru, the capital of Lesotho, are in similar trouble. Leo Garments, Maseru-E-Textile, and Precious Garments have either shut down or significantly cut staff. Many have entered three-month production freezes due to the collapse in US demand. 'We don't know how we survive this one. We are going to die,' said Aletta Seleso to the BBC, standing outside Precious Garments. She has worked there for nearly a decade, supporting her extended family and young child on a modest monthly wage of $160 (Rs 13,994). STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Lesotho's garment sector employs around 30,000 people, with about 12,000 specifically producing apparel for US brands. Image for Representation/Reuters Lesotho's garment sector employs around 30,000 people, with about 12,000 specifically producing apparel for US brands. In 2024, the country exported $237 million worth of goods to the US, while importing just $2.8 million, according to AGOA's official trade data. Since 2000, AGOA (African Growth and Opportunity Act) has offered tariff-free access for African goods to the US, helping Lesotho build a thriving garment export industry that contributes nearly 20 per cent of the country's GDP. Ntsoaki Heqoa, a 19-year-old tuckshop worker, said she once admired Donald Trump, having seen him on TV. But the tariffs have changed her opinion. 'If only he knew how many of us depend on America… can we offer him something to stop whatever he's doing?' she wondered aloud in an interview with the BBC. Her friend, Mapaseka Mohale, added simply, 'We are going to die, because we don't have food. We depend on factories.' Factory workers walk home after work outside the capital Maseru in Lesotho. File image/Reuters In early July, with the garment industry teetering, the Lesotho government declared a national state of disaster, aiming to accelerate job creation and prevent deeper economic fallout. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD But many believe not enough is being done. Youth activist Tsolo Thakeli criticised the response, telling the BBC: 'There's nothing tangible that the government has done or set to address the problem. [It's just] empty promises.' But why did Lesotho become a target in the first place? Trump's administration claimed the 50 per cent tariffs, announced in April 2025, were a response to trade imbalances, despite Lesotho being a tiny economy in comparison to the US. The tariff formula was widely criticised by economists as 'idiotic' and poorly thought out. 'Lesotho is a very small economy. The trade deficit that exists between Lesotho and the US is natural… and certainly cannot be bridged by imposing tariffs,' Mokhethi Shelile, Lesotho's Minister of Trade, Industry and Small Business, told Africa News. He argued that tariffs would only make it harder for Lesotho to earn foreign exchange, money it needs to buy goods from the US in the first place. Protests erupted across several nations following Donald Trump's announcement of tariffs. File image/Reuters Dr Ratjomose Machema, an economics lecturer at the National University of Lesotho, agreed: 'I don't understand how this is a reciprocal tariff because we really don't charge that much in tariffs.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Back on the ground, the uncertainty is taking its toll. Nthabiseng Khalele, a garment worker, told the BBC, 'My hope and wish is that our Prime Minister could somehow reach out to President Trump and ask him to at least show some compassion for Lesotho. If we lose our jobs here, I'm almost certain that many of us will end up sleeping on empty stomachs.' With input from agencies
Malaysian Reserve
30-06-2025
- Business
- Malaysian Reserve
TPIsoftware and Ho-Team Construction Lead ESG Transformation in Vietnam with Smart Carbon Management Platform GreenSwift
TAIPEI, June 30, 2025 /PRNewswire/ — Taiwan's DXaaS company TPIsoftware (TWSE: 7781) and Ho-Team Construction Co., Ltd., a Taiwanese-owned construction firm operating in Vietnam since 2007, announced a strategic collaboration to support Vietnam's roadmap toward net zero with GreenSwift, an AI-powered carbon management platform. Signed on June 27, the partnership highlights Ho-Team Construction's leadership in sustainability and its proactive preparation for Vietnam's carbon trading regulations, which are set to take full effect in 2029. The signing ceremony took place at the Ho-Team Construction headquarters located in Đồng Nai, Vietnam, and was graced by representatives from ESG Service Corporation Association, TÜV Rheinland Việt Nam, CSGT Metals Vietnam Joint Stock Company (CSMV), TAYA (Vietnam) Electric Wire & Cable Joint Stock Company, Yung Chi Paint & Varnish MFG (VN), TAISHIBA Electric, Taiwan Fluoro and Pro-Chain International Ltd. With a well-established presence in Vietnam, Ho-Team Construction has built over 600 industrial facilities and completed more than 240 large-scale industrial and commercial infrastructure projects nationwide while currently working on 13 projects across both the northern and southern regions. In June this year, Vietnam officially launched the pilot phase of its emissions trading scheme, targeting three major industrial sectors—steel, cement and thermal power—to reduce their carbon dioxide emissions. Under the program, companies in these sectors will be mandated to purchase emissions allowances based on their carbon intensity as outlined in a government decree. With full implementation of the scheme expected by 2029, Ho-Team Construction is taking the initiative by adopting carbon management solutions to ensure future compliance and maintain a competitive edge. By implementing an integrated platform like GreenSwift, the firm aligns with Vietnam's emissions trading scheme while advancing its ESG strategy. The AUP-certified carbon management platform streamlines the process of collecting and analyzing carbon data as well as generating ISO 14064-compliant reports. Built-in support for the latest IPCC emissions factors ensures accuracy and alignment with international standards. From inventory planning and defining organizational boundaries to identifying emission sources, calculating emissions and generating audit reports, GreenSwift provides actionable, data-driven insights into emissions reduction strategies. The platform also supports cloud-based collaboration across teams and locations, helping enterprises simplify reporting and improve consistency, transparency and regulatory readiness. Chien Chih Ming, Chairman of Ho-Team Construction, said 'GHG emissions generated from the construction industry continue to rise as a result of Vietnam's economic boom, with projected emissions of 148 million tons by 2050. While net-zero targets have been set, progress in high-emissions sectors such as construction has been slow. As a leading builder, we see it as our responsibility to lead by example in driving sustainable development.' 'Achieving carbon neutrality becomes a global imperative as climate change presents drastic impacts to our planet.' stated Chien Tzu-Yun, Vice President of Ho-Team Construction and President of ESG Service Corporation Association. 'By partnering with TPIsoftware, we are deepening our commitment to measurable climate action through digital transformation. Their local support and consulting expertise help us navigate complex regulations and position us competitively in Vietnam's evolving carbon market.' Yilan Yeh, General Manager of TPIsoftware, shared 'This agreement highlights GreenSwift's adaptability and readiness for Southeast Asia's climate policies. As Vietnam accelerates its carbon trading initiative, we are proud to help businesses in the country digitize their GHG emissions management, advancing their ESG goals with greater confidence and regional compliance.'
Yahoo
16-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Waco Asian-American owned business expanding with third store
WACO, Texas (FOX 44) – In celebration of Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month, we are spotlighting an Asian-American owned business which brings authentic boba tea right to the heart of Waco. Cha Community was founded in 2018, and is the only Taiwanese-owned boba tea café in Waco and Temple. If you've ever come across a bubble or 'boba' tea shop and have loved it, you are not alone. People around the world enjoy this sweet and refreshing drink. With its unique blend of traditional tea flavors, brown sugar sweetness and chewy tapioca pearls – originating in Taiwan in the early 80s – this one drink has found success here in the U.S. with over 3,000 boba tea shops. 'Tapioca boba is made from cassava root, and that's grinded into powder and then made into the starch that then allows these glutinous kind of boba pearls to be able to be created,' Cha Community co-owner Jaja Chen explains. 'And the texture, I would say, is most similar to gummy bears. That's usually the best way to describe [it], but the flavor is more like a brown sugar, caramel-like flavor. So it's added into the boba milk tea or the drink of choice.' Cha Community launched as a single pop-up business at the Waco Farmer's Market in 2018. It's first brick-and-mortar store debuted in downtown Waco in 2020. They expanded to a second store in Temple in 2022, and their third store is holding their grand opening on Saturday – across from Baylor University at 1205 South 8th Street. The ribbon cutting begins at 11 a.m. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
AllAfrica
12-05-2025
- Business
- AllAfrica
Time to develop US industrial strategy
This article was originally published by Pacific Forum. It is republished with permission. The 21st century global economy is increasingly shaped by two defining pillars of national power: financial dominance and industrial capacity. On the one hand, the United States maintains an enduring edge in global finance, with the US dollar still entrenched as the world's reserve currency and American capital markets unrivaled in scale and liquidity. On the other, China has emerged as the world's manufacturing powerhouse, anchoring global supply chains and asserting influence through its industrial footprint. As economic competition intensifies between Washington and Beijing, the US must recognize that preserving its strategic edge requires more than just financial leverage. It demands an ambitious and coherent industrial strategy. In recent years, US policymakers have responded to China's industrial rise with a series of reactive measures: tariffs, export controls and investment restrictions. While these tools may address short-term imbalances or national security risks, they do little to resolve the foundational challenges eroding America's manufacturing base. Without tackling these core issues – a shrinking skilled workforce, outdated infrastructure, and brittle supply chains – America's efforts to restore production and reduce dependency on China will falter. Moreover, these temporary policy instruments signal inconsistency. From Beijing's perspective, a coherent and sustained US industrial strategy poses a greater long-term challenge than ad hoc trade barriers. China has long anticipated an American pivot toward rebuilding domestic capabilities, which is why it has redoubled efforts to internationalize the renminbi (RMB) and invest in technology self-sufficiency through programs like 'Made in China 2025' and the dual circulation strategy. The landscape of high-tech manufacturing illustrates the complexity of this rivalry. Taiwanese-owned factories play an outsized role in this arena, particularly in sectors such as semiconductors and electronics. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), for example, produces over 90% of the world's most advanced chips and has long operated major fabrication plants in mainland China. However, geopolitical tensions and supply chain disruptions have spurred a geographic recalibration. In March, TSMC announced it intended to boost its US investments to $165 billion. Similarly, other Taiwanese firms like Foxconn have begun diversifying away from the mainland China, exploring sites in Southeast Asia and North America. This migration is driven not only by strategic hedging, but by rising concerns over operational risk. Beijing's increasingly assertive stance toward Taiwan – underscored by military drills, trade coercion and political pressure – has fueled public resentment in Taiwan and hardened resolve there to chart an independent economic path. For Taiwanese firms, this volatile political environment adds yet another layer of complexity to already fraught supply chain decisions. It also sharpens the urgency for Washington to work more closely with Taipei and other democratic partners to ensure the stability and resilience of high-tech industries. These shifts also carry implications for US industrial policy. Facilitating the relocation and expansion of trusted foreign manufacturers requires proactive support – from tax incentives and streamlined permitting to workforce training and secure energy supplies. If the US succeeds in anchoring key players like TSMC and Foxconn within its industrial ecosystem, it will not only reduce strategic vulnerabilities but also catalyze domestic innovation and regional development. In Arizona, for instance, state-level coordination with federal programs has been critical in advancing TSMC's investments. Similar efforts are underway in Ohio, New York, and Texas to attract semiconductor and battery manufacturers. Local governments must be empowered with tools like workforce development grants and infrastructure bonds to prepare regions for high-tech industries. Regional partnerships with universities and technical colleges should also be expanded to create talent pipelines aligned with industry needs. Internationally, the US should deepen industrial cooperation with regional allies. In East Asia, trilateral dialogues with Japan and South Korea can align standards and incentives for semiconductor resilience. In Southeast Asia, American firms can partner with Taiwanese manufacturers relocating to Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand – offering technical assistance and financing to build regional clusters of excellence. Mexico, as part of the USMCA framework, offers proximity and preferential trade treatment that could be leveraged to expand nearshoring strategies. Additional policy recommendations include: Create a national industrial council: Modeled after the National Security Council, this body would coordinate policy across federal agencies and align public and private investment in strategic sectors. Modeled after the National Security Council, this body would coordinate policy across federal agencies and align public and private investment in strategic sectors. Establish a regional resilience fund: This fund would offer matching grants to states and municipalities that successfully attract and retain high-tech manufacturers and build ecosystem infrastructure. This fund would offer matching grants to states and municipalities that successfully attract and retain high-tech manufacturers and build ecosystem infrastructure. Leverage Export-Import Bank of the United States and United States International Development Finance Corporation: These institutions can support overseas projects that reduce dependence on Chinese supply chains and promote reshoring through financing, insurance, and political risk coverage. These institutions can support overseas projects that reduce dependence on Chinese supply chains and promote reshoring through financing, insurance, and political risk coverage. Standardize permitting and tax incentives: A national framework for permitting and incentives would reduce red tape and create predictability for foreign and domestic investors alike. A national framework for permitting and incentives would reduce red tape and create predictability for foreign and domestic investors alike. Codify a Taiwan-US industrial compact: A bilateral framework to protect and promote Taiwanese investment in the US, facilitate joint R&D, and coordinate supply chain planning could be a diplomatic and economic win-win. For Washington, a credible industrial strategy must begin with a clear sense of national purpose: not simply to compete with China, but to rebuild a resilient, inclusive, and future-ready economy. The goal is not isolationism but strategic interdependence – reducing vulnerability while fostering trusted economic ties with allies and partners. To do this, the United States must make sustained investments in three critical areas: Workforce development: The erosion of America's industrial workforce is a long-term challenge with deep roots. Addressing it requires a generational investment in vocational training, apprenticeship programs, and STEM education. Policymakers must work with industry and labor to create pathways into advanced manufacturing, clean energy, and semiconductor production – sectors that are both strategically vital and poised for growth. Infrastructure modernization: Manufacturing competitiveness depends on the efficiency of logistics, power and digital infrastructure. The bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act was a step in the right direction, but follow-through is essential. Industrial hubs need 21st-century ports, smart grids and broadband access to compete globally. Without modern infrastructure, the productivity gains from reshoring will remain limited. Supply chain resilience: The pandemic exposed how dangerously fragile many global supply chains have become. The US must incentivize domestic production of critical inputs like rare earth elements, batteries, and pharmaceuticals. But it must also build redundancy and flexibility into its supply networks by fostering regional production alliances with trusted partners such as Japan, South Korea, Mexico, and members of the EU. Policy must be coupled with strategy. This includes: Identifying strategic sectors that merit targeted support—including semiconductors, green technologies, AI, and advanced robotics. that merit targeted support—including semiconductors, green technologies, AI, and advanced robotics. Using public-private partnerships to accelerate innovation and commercialization. to accelerate innovation and commercialization. Ensuring consistent regulatory frameworks that promote competitiveness while upholding labor and environmental standards. Importantly, the US does not need to emulate China's model of state-led capitalism. American strengths lie in decentralized innovation, private sector dynamism and democratic accountability. But the government must set the direction and provide the stability needed for industrial renewal to take root. Global allies are watching. Many share America's concerns about economic overdependence on China. A credible US industrial strategy could serve as the foundation for a broader coalition to promote economic security and democratic resilience. Ultimately, America's long-term economic influence will rest not on the power of the dollar alone, but on its ability to produce, innovate and lead by example. The world is entering an era in which economic power will increasingly shape geopolitical outcomes. If the US seeks to preserve its leadership in this new era, then rebuilding its industrial base must be treated not as an option, but as a strategic imperative. This does not require the US to mimic China's model of state-driven capitalism, but it does require clear direction and sustained investment. Otherwise, America risks remaining reliant on foreign supply chains and vulnerable to external shocks – as was made evident during the Covid-19 pandemic. The goal should not be isolationism, but strategic interdependence: building domestic strength while engaging with allies to construct a more resilient and balanced global economic order. Only with such a vision can the US maintain its influence in a world where economic power increasingly shapes geopolitical realities. Yujing Shentu PhD (yujing@ is an independent scholar and writer focused on digital politics, international political economy and US-China strategic competition. She has a background in policy analysis and economic strategy.
