Latest news with #Tajik
Al Etihad
2 days ago
- Business
- Al Etihad
Presight signs MoU with Tajikistan to advance national AI strategy
21 July 2025 18:59 DUSHANBE (ALETIHAD)Presight, the Abu Dhabi-headquartered AI and big data analytics company, has signed a non-binding Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Ministry of Industry and New Technologies of the Republic of Tajikistan to support the country's ambitions in artificial agreement was formalised during the Tajikistan-UAE Business Forum in Dushanbe, attended by UAE Minister of Economy Abdulla bin Touq Al Marri and UAE Ambassador to Kazakhstan Dr. Mohammed Saeed Al Ariqi. Representing the Tajik side was Sherali Kabir, Minister of Industry and New Technologies, while Maxat Koshumbayev, Regional Director for Central Asia, signed on behalf of MoU sets out a strategic collaboration aimed at developing Tajikistan's AI ecosystem through innovation, infrastructure, and talent development. It includes plans to pilot AI-powered government and enterprise solutions across priority sectors such as smart cities, energy, and Kabir, Minister of Industry and New Technologies of Tajikistan, said: 'We are excited to engage with Presight on furthering Tajikistan's AI ecosystem. Our nation has pioneered the full supply chain of AI—from green AI compute to frontier synthetic data applications and introduction of AI in the school curriculum. We view Presight as a strategic AI partner for Area AI, our global AI technopark, with plans for joint AI deployments in smart cities, industry and infrastructure.'Commenting on the agreement, Presight's Maxat Koshumbayev said:'Presight is proud to support Tajikistan's national AI strategy leveraging Presight's global expertise through innovation, infrastructure and talent development. We believe this collaboration will bring lasting value to the country's digital future and contribute to regional technological development.'As part of the agreement, a joint working group will be formed to coordinate pilot projects, oversee the transfer of technologies, and explore broader AI-driven innovations. The partnership also includes plans to implement AI-based operational solutions for key infrastructure, including Dushanbe International Airport. The MoU highlights the growing economic and technological ties between Tajikistan and the UAE, and reflects Presight's wider strategy to support digital transformation across Central Asia.
Canada News.Net
5 days ago
- Politics
- Canada News.Net
Tajikistan begins forced deportation of Afghan refugees despite UNHCR protection
Dushanbe [Tajikistan], July 18 (ANI): With just days left before the 15-day deadline set by Tajik authorities for Afghan refugees, the government has already begun mass deportations, Khaama Press reported. Citing multiple sources, the outlet said over 150 individuals were forcibly rounded up from markets and public areas across the country on Wednesday and deported. Khaama Press reported that those deported include men, women, elderly individuals, and minors under the age of 18. In numerous cases, families were torn apart--children deported while their parents remain in Tajikistan, or spouses separated from each other. The sudden and aggressive nature of the removals has sparked panic and distress among Afghan refugees in the region. Of particular concern, according to Khaama Press, is that many of those targeted for deportation reportedly hold legal refugee status. Several are registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and possess valid refugee cards. Others are in the middle of asylum proceedings, with active resettlement applications to Canada still under review. Khaama Press noted that the Tajik government has not officially explained the reason behind the sudden deportations. However, analysts believe the move may be influenced by shifting regional geopolitics. Russia's recent formal recognition of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan is thought to have triggered policy realignments across Central Asia. Tajikistan, which has historically provided safe haven to Afghan opposition figures and been openly critical of the Taliban, may now be signaling a pivot towards Moscow's strategic stance. Most Afghan refugees in Tajikistan are housed in Wahdat, a district about 20 kilometers east of the capital, Dushanbe. Formerly known as Kofarnihon, Wahdat has become a major hub for displaced Afghan communities. Khaama Press said the region lacks the infrastructure to support its already stretched population, making the deportations especially disruptive and painful for families and local residents alike. In response to the escalating crisis, online petitions are calling on the Canadian government to accelerate asylum and resettlement procedures. Several humanitarian groups and refugee advocates have urged Ottawa to initiate emergency evacuations for those with pending cases, warning of 'chaotic and alarming' developments. Despite the involvement of international actors such as the UN, Khaama Press reported that the Tajik government has shown little willingness to engage with or respond to concerns about international refugee protection obligations. Observers fear that without immediate intervention, vulnerable Afghan families could continue to be subjected to unlawful expulsion and potential harm. Khaama Press also reported that many of the deported individuals had been in advanced stages of resettlement, raising questions about the coordination--or lack thereof--between Tajik authorities and international agencies involved in refugee support. The situation remains fluid, with rights groups calling for urgent international attention to prevent further separations and forced returns. (ANI)
Canada News.Net
5 days ago
- Politics
- Canada News.Net
Tajikistan begins deporting Afghan refugees before deadline ends, over 150 sent back: Report
Dushanbe [Tajikistan], July 18 (ANI): The Tajikistan government has reportedly started forceful deportations of Afghan refugees ahead of the 15-day deadline set earlier this month, with more than 150 individuals rounded up from public areas and sent back to Afghanistan, Khaama Press reported on Thursday. Those deported include men, women, elderly people, and minors. In several cases, family members have been separated, children deported while parents remain behind, or spouses taken while the rest of the family is left in Tajikistan. According to Khaama Press, a majority of the deportees are legally recognised refugees registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and hold valid refugee cards. Many were also in the process of being resettled to Canada and had active asylum applications under review. The reason behind the sudden crackdown has not been officially explained by Tajik authorities. However, some analysts believe the move may be linked to recent geopolitical shifts, especially Russia's formal recognition of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Tajikistan, which has long hosted anti-Taliban voices and Afghan opposition leaders, might now be aligning with Moscow's position, the report said. Observers suggest that the presence of Afghan anti-Taliban groups within Tajikistan could be a reason the government is pushing them out. The move is being seen as a political realignment rather than a matter of domestic security. Most Afghan refugees in Tajikistan are settled in Wahdat, a district located approximately 20 km east of the capital, Dushanbe. Wahdat, formerly known as Kofarnihon, is densely populated and lacks proper infrastructure, making it challenging to support large displaced populations. The sudden nature of the deportations has left families in shock and fear. Activists and refugee support groups have raised alarm, describing the situation as 'chaotic and heartbreaking.' Several online petitions have now been launched, urging the Canadian government to fast-track the resettlement of vulnerable Afghan families whose cases are already in process, Khaama Press reported. Despite the involvement of the UN and other global humanitarian organisations in Tajikistan, their role has appeared limited. According to Khaama Press, the Tajik government has shown little interest in respecting international refugee agreements or responding to concerns raised by these groups. (ANI)
The Diplomat
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Recent Violence Underscores Problems Facing Afghanistan's Badakhshan Province
The geographic and social conditions that make Badakhshan difficult for the Taliban to control also make it difficult for any widespread unrest to spill out from the region. An early July counternarcotics operation by Taliban authorities triggered a week-long outbreak of violence in Khash District in central Badakhshan Province, resulting in as many as 15 dead. Protests and repression in the area are not new, as violence also broke out during last year's poppy cultivation season. The drug trade, competition over minerals, ethnic and religious tensions, and the presence of Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) will likely continue to challenge the Taliban regime's ability to exert control over Badakhshan, a province where it historically enjoyed only limited support. Unless things escalate further, the recent unrest in Badakhshan seems unlikely to pose a threat to the Taliban's control over the country. However, the province should serve as a bellwether for the Taliban's attempts to adapt its dogmatic governance to an increasingly underserved national population. Badakhshan Province was never ruled by the Taliban during the first emirate, though the movement did enjoy some support in the area. Several key members of the Taliban are from the province, including the current Chief of Army Staff Qari Fasihuddin Fitrat. During the insurgency, the Taliban presence increased in the central districts of the province after 2014. While the Taliban lacked the manpower in the northeast to expand their base of support past a few districts, the Taliban's presence around Faizabad meant that it was only the ninth provincial capital to fall once the group began its takeover of the country in 2021. Since the takeover, the Taliban have been careful in their governance of the province, seeking to manage their lack of support in the more remote districts of the province. The ethnic disposition of the Badakhshan presents a problem for the Taliban. Tajiks and Uzbeks make up the overwhelming majority of the province's population with a limited number of Pashtuns sprinkled among the urban areas, working as traders or government officials. In an effort to accommodate local sensitivities, the Taliban has allowed Badakhshi commanders and officials to hold government posts in their local areas, something not generally allowed elsewhere in the country. However, as time as passed, there is an increasing tension between local Tajik and Uzbek Taliban members and Pashtun senior leaders from outside of the province. There are also sectarian elements to the instability in Badakhshan as the Deobandi Taliban have sought to assert control over Salafi mosques and Ismaili prayer houses and cultural centers in the province. Religious tensions in the province likely caused the killing of a local Agha Khan Foundation official on July 9 and a local Salafist Taliban leader on May 27. While it has been quiet in recent months, ISKP has a historic presence in Badakhshan, capitalizing on the area's religious and ethnic fault lines. The Taliban target ISKP cells in the province as they are identified, to mixed results. Iranian officials claimed the Islamic State's January 3, 2024 attack in Kerman was facilitated out of Badakhshan. However, ISKP only conducted four attacks inside the province in 2024, and has not claimed an attack in Badakhshan this year. Despite the group's recent decline, its actions set the stage for the current problems in the province. On June 6, 2023, ISKP killed the deputy governor of Badakhshan with a car bomb. ISKP then conducted a suicide attack on the deputy governor's funeral two days later. Recognizing the need for a firmer hand in the province, the Taliban named Muhammad Ayub Khalid, a Pashtun, to be Badakhshan's governor. Khalid's prior experience as a military commander suggests the regime is increasingly focused on security in the region. The movement of additional Pashtuns into intelligence and police positions in the province set the stage for renewed tensions with the local populace as the national government seeks to tighten its control over Badakhshan. Competition between local leaders and the national government over Badakhshan's rich mineral resources is a critical driver for instability. The province has aluminum, gold, and limestone deposits as well as jewels such as rubies and lapis lazuli. The Taliban regime awarded mining contracts in 2024 for the region's large deposits and tried to crack down on illegal mines run by the local population. Control over the province's mines is no trivial matter. The Taliban seek to exploit Afghanistan's mineral wealth in order to mitigate the pressure of Western sanctions and impact of persistent budget shortfalls. For Badakshis, the mines provide a critical revenue stream for many to meet their basic needs as the government provides only minimal services and the terrain and climate limit agricultural opportunities in the province. Conflict over the drug trade is also increasing in Badakhshan. After the Taliban banned poppy cultivation across the country, Badakhshan has emerged as the new center of the Afghan drug trade. The Taliban anti-drug efforts largely depend on deterrence of farmers, rather than aggressive eradication or interdiction campaigns. The Taliban was able to deter poppy cultivation in other parts of the country through strong networks of supporters and allies that convinced the population of the rectitude of the ban. The Taliban in Badakhshan lacked that support network. In fact, many local Taliban commanders did not enforce the ban. Further, southern Pashtun drug traffickers established connections with Badakhshi growers to refine their opium to heroin for shipment to international markets. The eruption of cultivation eventually became something Taliban senior leadership could not ignore. As the Taliban began eradication in the province in spring of 2024, they moved largely Pashtun fighters into Badakhshan from other provinces. The new troops almost immediately began fighting not only with the local population, but eventually with local Badakhshi Taliban as well. As they seek to smooth over ethnic and religious turbulence and improve control, the Taliban have made significant investments in Badakhshan. The government has built canals and bridges in addition to a terminal for international cargo handling. The most notable, and ambitious, infrastructure project is a road through the Wakhan Corridor to connect the province with China. A road project to better connect Badakhshan to Panjshir and Nuristan is also underway. These roads serve to improve the security forces' access to restive parts of the country and increase the government's ability to establish additional mines in Badakhshan and elsewhere in the northeast. With the transportation network improving and Pashtuns now firmly entrenched in key positions in the province, the Taliban are gradually moving to bring governance in Badakhshan in line with Afghanistan's other provinces. Since Khalid's installation as governor, local officials have begun floggings for moral offenses, removing women from educational positions, seizing weapons, and regulating holiday celebrations, things that started long ago in other parts of the country. These moves have further exacerbated popular grievances. When Taliban forces showed up in Darayim and Argo districts in 2024 and in Argo, Jurm, and Khash districts in May and July this year to eradicate local poppy crops, violence was an extraordinarily likely outcome. The Taliban seem to be developing a playbook for such disturbances: withdraw the offending troops and reconstitute, flood the zone with reinforcements, cut off local access to internet, arrest any complicit local commanders, and employ senior Badakhshi Taliban leaders like Fitrat and others to mediate. Little has been done to address core grievances in Badakhshan, so additional violence next May, June, and July is likely as Taliban forces again eradicate poppy ahead of the harvest. Leaders of the anti-Taliban resistance, like General Jalaluddin Yaftali and Vice President Amrullah Saleh, were quick to encourage Badakhshan's population to expand the revolt. It was not to be. The geographic and social conditions that make Badakhshan difficult for the Taliban to control make it difficult for any widespread unrest to spill out from the region. Badakhshan will remain turbulent, though it might be possible for unrest to challenge the regime's ability to control the neighboring portions of Takhar and Panjshir provinces. Unless there is a substantial deterioration in conditions, it is likely the Taliban will do just enough to keep northeastern Afghanistan under control. However, Badakhshan should be watched closely for any further challenges to Taliban authority.
Kuwait Times
6 days ago
- Climate
- Kuwait Times
Tajikistan's apricot farmers grapple with climate change
Tajik apricot farmer Uktam Kuziev is worried about the future now that climate change is threatening Central Asia's vital fruit harvest. This is one of the world's most exposed regions to the effects of climate change and its poor, rural farming communities are particularly vulnerable. Kuziev is one of more than 100,000 people employed in Tajikistan's apricot industry, a historic occupation across the mountains and valleys in the north of the landlocked country. Ten percent of all the world's orchards are located here, according to United Nations data. But mild winters, melting glaciers, late frosts and water scarcity all pose challenges to cultivation in Tajikistan's apricot capital of Isfara. 'Last year, some land turned desert-like due to lack of water and the soil cracked into pieces,' Kuziev told AFP. 'The apricot trees dried up because they weren't watered,' the 72-year-old farmer said, standing in front of stubby apricot trees swaying in the wind. The fruit is 'especially vulnerable' to climate change, according to the World Bank, due to 'escalating temperatures, shifting precipitation patterns and increased frequency of extreme weather events'. Apricot trees sit in the garden of Tajik apricot farmer Uktam Kuziev, 72, in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. This photograph shows dried apricots processed at a facility in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Tajik apricot farmer Uktam Kuziev (left), 72, sits in a house along with two men in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Employees of Isfara Food - a major dried fruit producer, process dried apricots at a facility in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Women work in an apricot garden in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Cows graze in the garden of Tajik apricot farmer Uktam Kuziev, 72, in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. This photograph shows dried apricots processed at a facility in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Apricot trees sit in the garden of Tajik apricot farmer Uktam Kuziev, 72, in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Employees of Isfara Food - a major dried fruit producer, process dried apricots at a facility in the city of Isfara in northern Tajikistan. Water shortages At street markets in Isfara, vendors sell buckets of fresh apricots next to piles of glistening red cherries, while on roadsides dried fruits are sold from giant sandbags. Tajikistan classifies the fruit as a 'strategic product' with the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization. 'Apricot cultivation in northern Tajikistan is very important economically and socially... It creates jobs and improves the standard of living of the population,' Muminjon Makhmajonov, deputy director of Isfara Food, a major dried fruit producer, told AFP. So important is the furry orange fruit to the local economy that a giant monument to it has been erected in the middle of Isfara city. But chronic water shortages and shrinking levels in the Isfara river -- shared by Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan -- are disrupting both the industry and a way of life. 'The effects of climate change and the melting of the glaciers are already being felt. In spring the water level in the Isfara river is low,' Bakhtior Jalilov, the city's chief agriculture specialist, told AFP. Facing water shortages every spring, Kuziev has previously sacrificed wheat crops to 'save the essentials -- the apricot trees'. A lack of water is not the only problem faced by farmers. Paradoxically, bouts of heavy rainfall are also an issue, causing the fruit to grow with thorns or spots on its skin, which reduces its market value. Frosts 'We are sad when it rains a lot because it spoils the product,' said Muborak Isoeva, 61, who sells apricots in the neighboring village of Kulkand. Drastic temperature swings pose another problem. The devastation of Turkey's 2025 apricot harvest by cold weather has worried Tajikistan's farmers. 'When the temperature rises or falls sharply, even for a day or two, you won't get the harvest you want,' Makhmajonov said. He buys supplies in the markets around Isfara, where small-scale farmers sell apricots grown in their gardens to make a living. Whereas before locals had no idea of the concept of a late frost, 'over the last 20 years, the trees have frozen over five or six times during or after blooming', city specialist Jalilov said. Adaptation Producers and the local administration are trying to adapt. Orchards are being planted more intensively, while some 1,500 hectares of soil on low-yielding plots of land has been regenerated over the last five years. Some are switching to growing plums, more resilient to the changing climate. 'Unlike apricots, plums bloom a little later and tolerate heat and cold better... so when the apricot harvest is poor, we can still export prunes,' said Isfara Food's Makhmajonov. He has installed a water-efficient drip irrigation system to grow the sweet purple fruit. But not everybody has that option. Water fees were hiked 150 percent last year -- something Tajikistan said was necessary to improve infrastructure and balance usage from the river across the three countries. With an average national salary of just $260 a month, adaptation is both costly and complex for family farmers, who have for decades relied on the fruit to boost their incomes. 'Regardless of their standard of living or social status, if they need money, they could go and sell them at the market,' Makhmajonov said. Climate change is now making that safety net look increasingly fragile.—AFP
