Latest news with #Tarabin
Days of Palestine
3 days ago
- Politics
- Days of Palestine
Ekad Reveals Structure of Abu Shabab Militia, Its Role in Gaza Displacement Plan
DayofPal– A new investigation by open-source intelligence group Ekad has exposed the internal structure, operations, and foreign backing of the so-called 'Popular Forces' militia, led by Yasser Abu Shabab in Gaza. The militia, composed of convicted criminals and individuals with past ties to extremist networks, has reportedly operated with full coordination from the Israeli military while systematically looting humanitarian aid and enforcing displacement in southern Gaza. The revelations emerge amid mounting outrage over a Wall Street Journal op-ed published under Abu Shabab's name, despite his documented illiteracy, criminal record, and history with drug trafficking and ISIS-linked networks. Critics have accused the paper of providing a platform to a warlord aligned with Israeli occupation objectives during a deepening humanitarian catastrophe that has left over 120 Palestinians dead from famine, most of them children. A Militia Built on Coordination The group's leader, Yasser Abu Shabab, a Rafah native from the Tarabin tribe, was previously imprisoned in Gaza for arms and drug trafficking. He escaped custody during early Israeli airstrikes that targeted police infrastructure and later resurfaced in May 2024 as head of an armed faction reportedly numbering between 100 and 300 fighters. In a televised interview with Israel's KAN News on July 6, Abu Shabab openly declared 'war on Hamas' and confirmed direct coordination with the Israeli military. He also claimed administrative backing from the Palestinian Authority (PA), signaling a calculated attempt to present himself as a post-Hamas governance figure. According to Ekad's findings, the militia has seized the majority of aid entering Gaza in recent months. Between May and October 2024, Abu Shabab's forces reportedly intercepted 80 out of 100 aid convoys and killed at least four truck drivers, according to The Washington Post. The militia also operates armed checkpoints near the Kerem Shalom crossing and is accused of setting up fortified aid distribution zones designed to funnel civilians into Israeli-controlled areas. A Three-Tiered Militia Network Ekad's investigation used satellite imagery, social media analysis, and video geolocation to map out the militia's internal hierarchy: Top Tier: Led by Abu Shabab and his deputy Ghassan Al-Dhahini, a former PA security officer and fugitive with ties to ISIS-aligned Army of Islam. Al-Dhahini has appeared in videos firing weapons near Rafah's Al-Da'wah Mosque, close to key aid depots. Second Tier: Includes armed enforcers like Bakr Al-Wakeely, Youssef Abu Nasser, and Saddam Abu Zakar, seen in tactical gear near aid trucks. Others such as Tarek Abu Hassan and Abu Hassan Al-Tarabini were recorded riding atop looted aid shipments with automatic weapons. Third Tier: Field operatives such as Nimer, Kareem, Aboud Abu Al-Hussain, and the infamous Abu Anis documented themselves looting aid boxes and violently seizing shipments. Videos show them operating freely within Israeli-controlled corridors including the Philadelphia Axis and areas east of Rafah. Israeli Military Backing and the 'Humanitarian Resettlement' Agenda The group's operations are concentrated in zones under Israeli military control, particularly Al-Shawka, Al-Bayouk, and northern Rafah, where Israeli forces have established logistical dominance. These are the same areas referenced by far-right Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who suggested they could serve as a 'temporary concentration zone' for Palestinian civilians. Ekad's analysis concludes that the Abu Shabab militia plays a key role in advancing Israel's broader displacement policy. By weaponizing humanitarian aid, the group controls civilian movement and redirects populations toward Israeli-administered zones under the guise of aid distribution. 'This is not a rogue group,' said a senior Ekad analyst. 'This is a structured proxy force, armed and deployed to enforce an occupation agenda masked in humanitarian terms.' A senior official with UNRWA, Sam Rose, described the militia-dominated corridors as 'the valley of thieves,' underscoring the systematic nature of aid looting in areas of Israeli oversight. Backlash and Warnings Gaza's Ministry of Interior recently issued a 10-day ultimatum for Abu Shabab and his militia to surrender. The Joint Room of Palestinian Factions, representing all armed resistance groups in Gaza, publicly labeled him a traitor. The condemnation prompted Ekad to launch its in-depth investigation, which has since been widely circulated among humanitarian and diplomatic circles. Ekad's researchers confirmed the group's direct coordination with Israeli forces not only through interviews and op-eds, but also by verifying the geolocated presence of militia leaders at Israeli-supervised crossings and aid convoys. Criminal Past and Extremist Ties In addition to Abu Shabab's documented prison escape, multiple militia leaders have verifiable links to extremist and smuggling networks. Issam Al-Nabbahin, another high-ranking member, fought with ISIS in Sinai before fleeing back to Gaza. Though reportedly re-arrested, his current status remains unknown. The investigation concludes that the group os a criminal militia operating with state-level coordination under the pretense of humanitarian service. The Popular Forces, far from being a grassroots security effort, function as an Israeli-backed paramilitary unit with strategic aims: controlling aid, neutralizing Hamas rivals, and facilitating population displacement in southern Gaza. Shortlink for this post:
Hindustan Times
4 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Gazans Are Finished With Hamas
While most of Gaza continues to suffer under the ongoing war between Hamas and Israel, things are very different for thousands living in eastern Rafah—for us, the war is already over. The Popular Forces, an independent Palestinian group under my leadership, have secured several square kilometers of land that have been home to my Bedouin tribe, the Tarabin, for generations. We aren't an ideological movement, but a pragmatic one. Our primary goal is to separate Palestinians who have nothing to do with Hamas from the fire of war. For the past seven weeks, our neighborhood has become the only area in Gaza governed by a Palestinian administration not affiliated with Hamas since 2007. Our armed patrols have successfully kept Hamas and other militant groups out. As a result, life here no longer feels like life in Gaza. In eastern Rafah, people have access to shelter, food, water, and basic medical supplies—all without fear of Hamas stealing aid or being caught in the crossfire with the Israeli military. The effect has been tremendous: no more airstrike casualties, no chaotic aid lines, no evacuation orders, and no fear of booby-trapped homes or children being used as human shields by Hamas. While there is still much to improve, people now sleep at night without fear of death. This should not be the exception in Gaza—it can be the model, the new norm. The vast majority of Gazans reject Hamas. They don't want it to remain in power after the war ends. But though they hate Hamas, they still fear it. Since protests began earlier this year calling for the group's removal, demonstrators have been killed, tortured or forced into hiding. My own family didn't take part in those protests, but when Hamas killed my brother, Fathi Abu Shabab, and my cousin, Ibrahim Abu Shabab, for trying to secure aid for our family—and when 52 civilians under our care were murdered in their homes—I realized that silence is no longer an option. If we remain quiet now, we will never be free, cease-fire or not. This may be our only chance to secure a future that rejects violence and embraces reason. What has prevented most Gazans from expressing their true anger at Hamas is the lack of a viable alternative. Hamas still controls aid access and dominates institutions like the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, or Unrwa. Hamas still turns aid centers into hubs for its own operations. In some areas, the only thing preventing people from fleeing is the presence of Israeli troops, which might withdraw as part of a cease-fire. No one else has been willing to step up and risk publicly breaking with Hamas. Those fears lost their meaning for me after my brother and cousin were murdered. Hamas has labeled me a criminal and collaborator, but I am not intimidated by them. I won't surrender. Through our efforts, we have shown a glimpse of what a new Gaza could look like. We have already received requests from many families to relocate to eastern Rafah. With proper support, we are ready to take responsibility for the rest of Rafah. Within months, more than 600,000 people—nearly a third of Gaza's population—could be living outside the cycle of war. We need only three things to make this vision a reality: financial support to prevent Hamas's return, humanitarian aid to meet the population's immediate needs for food and shelter, and safe corridors so people can move around. In a short time, we could transform most of Gaza from a war zone into functioning communities. When the rebuilding has begun, Hamas can negotiate with Israel for the release of hostages in exchange for safe passage out of Gaza. Let them go to Qatar, Turkey or wherever their enablers will have them. We don't want them among us. What comes next for Gaza must be determined by the people themselves, a choice we have been denied for nearly two decades. For now, our focus remains on saving as many lives as possible and laying the foundations for a better future. On behalf of the overwhelming majority of Palestinians in Gaza, the Popular Forces call on the U.S. and Arab countries formally to recognize and support an independent Palestinian administration under our leadership. From eastern Rafah—where families now sleep safely under civil protection—I can see Gaza's future. The question is: Will the world help build it with us, free from the ideologies of violence and terror? Mr. Shabab is commander of the Popular Forces in Gaza.
Kuwait Times
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Kuwait Times
Bedouins use solar to stake claim to land in Zionist entity
TIRABIN AL-SANA: At the end of a dusty road in southern Zionist entity, beyond a bedouin village of unfinished houses and the shiny dome of a mosque, a field of solar panels gleams in the hot desert sun. Tirabin Al-Sana in Zionist entity's Negev desert is the home of the Tirabin (also spelled Tarabin) bedouin tribe, who signed a contract with a Zionist solar energy company to build the installation. The deal has helped provide jobs for the community as well as promote cleaner, cheaper energy for the country, as the power produced is pumped into the national grid. Earlier this month, the Al-Ghanami family in the town of Abu Krinat a little further south inaugurated a similar field of solar panels. Bedouin families have for years tried and failed to hold on to their lands, coming up against right-wing groups and hardline government officials. Demolition orders issued by Zionist authorities plague bedouin villages, threatening the traditionally semi-nomadic communities with forced eviction. But Yosef Abramowitz, co-chair of the non-profit organization Shamsuna, said solar field projects help them to stake a more definitive claim. 'It secures their land rights forever,' he told AFP. 'It's the only way to settle the bedouin land issue and secure 100 percent renewable energy,' he added, calling it a 'win, win'. For the solar panels to be built, the land must be registered as part of the bedouin village, strengthening their claim over it. Land recognition Roughly 300,000 bedouins live in the Negev desert, half of them in places such as Tirabin Al-Sana, including some 110,000 who reside in villages not officially recognized by the government. Villages that are not formally recognized are fighting the biggest battle to stay on the land. Far-right groups, some backed by the current government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have stepped up efforts in the past two years to drive these families away. A sharp increase in home demolitions has left the communities vulnerable and whole families without a roof over their heads. 'Since 2023, more than 8,500 buildings have been demolished in these unrecognized villages,' Marwan Abu Frieh, from the legal aid organization Adalah, told AFP at a recent protest in Beersheva, the largest city in the Negev. 'Within these villages, thousands of families are now living out in the open, an escalation the Negev has not witnessed in perhaps the last two decades.' Tribes just want to 'live in peace and dignity', following their distinct customs and traditions, he said. Gil Yasur, who also works with Shamsuna developing critical infrastructure in bedouin villages, said land claims issues were common among bedouins across the Negev. Families who include a solar project on their land, however, stand a better chance of securing it, he added. 'Then everyone will benefit—the landowners, the country, the Negev,' he said. 'This is the best way to move forward to a green economy.' Positive energy In Um Batin, a recognized village, residents are using solar energy in a different way—to power a local kindergarten all year round. Until last year, the village relied on power from a diesel generator that polluted the air and the ground where the children played. Now, a hulking solar panel shields the children from the sun as its surface sucks up the powerful rays, keeping the kindergarten in full working order. 'It was not clean or comfortable here before,' said Nama Abu Kaf, who works in the kindergarten. 'Now we have air conditioning and a projector so the children can watch television.' Hani Al-Hawashleh, who oversees the project on behalf of Shamsuna, said the solar energy initiative for schools and kindergartens was 'very positive'. 'Without power you can't use all kinds of equipment such as projectors, lights in the classrooms and, on the other hand, it saves costs and uses clean energy,' he said. The projects are part of a pilot scheme run by Shamsuna. Asked if there was interest in expanding to other educational institutions that rely on polluting generators, he said there were challenges and bureaucracy but he hoped to see more. 'We need people to collaborate with us to move this forward,' he said, adding that he would 'love to see a solar energy system in every village'.—AFP
Straits Times
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Straits Times
Israel's Bedouin communities use solar energy to stake claim to land
Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox Children play beneath a scaffolding holding photovoltaic solar panels in the yard of a kindergarten in the recognised but unplanned Bedouin village of Umm Batin near Beersheva in Israel's southern Negev Desert on June 11, 2025. TIRABIN AL-SANA, Israel - At the end of a dusty road in southern Israel, beyond a Bedouin village of unfinished houses and the shiny dome of a mosque, a field of solar panels gleams in the hot desert sun. Tirabin al-Sana in Israel's Negev desert is the home of the Tirabin (also spelled Tarabin) Bedouin tribe, who signed a contract with an Israeli solar energy company to build the installation. The deal has helped provide jobs for the community as well as promote cleaner, cheaper energy for the country, as the power produced is pumped into the national grid. Earlier this month, the Al-Ghanami family in the town of Abu Krinat a little further south inaugurated a similar field of solar panels. Bedouin families have for years tried and failed to hold on to their lands, coming up against right-wing groups and hardline government officials. Demolition orders issued by Israeli authorities plague Bedouin villages, threatening the traditionally semi-nomadic communities with forced eviction. This aerial view shows solar panels at an electricity-generation plant for the Bedouin community in the village of Tirabin al-Sana in Israel's southern Negev Desert on June 11, 2025. PHOTO: AFP But Yosef Abramowitz, co-chair of the non-profit organisation Shamsuna, said solar field projects help them to stake a more definitive claim. Top stories Swipe. Select. Stay informed. World Trump's ambassador nominee to Singapore Anjani Sinha has a rough day at Senate hearing Asia Dr Mahathir at 100: Still haunted by the Malay Dilemma Singapore What's next for PSP following its post-GE leadership shake-up? Singapore 'Give a positive review': Hidden AI prompt found in academic paper by NUS researchers Multimedia 60 objects to mark SG60: Which is your favourite? Singapore Apex court upholds SMC's conviction of doctor who gave patients unapproved hormones Singapore Singaporean fugitive arrested in Thailand for suspected drug trafficking and handed over to CNB World Trump issues tariff notices to 7 minor trading partners, hits Brazil with 50% tariff 'It secures their land rights forever,' he told AFP. 'It's the only way to settle the Bedouin land issue and secure 100 percent renewable energy,' he added, calling it a 'win, win'. For the solar panels to be built, the land must be registered as part of the Bedouin village, strengthening their claim over it. Land recognition Roughly 300,000 Bedouins live in the Negev desert, half of them in places such as Tirabin al-Sana, including some 110,000 who reside in villages not officially recognised by the government. Villages that are not formally recognised are fighting the biggest battle to stay on the land. Far-right groups, some backed by the current government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have stepped up efforts in the past two years to drive these families away. A sharp increase in home demolitions has left the communities vulnerable and whole families without a roof over their heads. 'Since 2023, more than 8,500 buildings have been demolished in these unrecognised villages,' Marwan Abu Frieh, from the legal aid organisation Adalah, told AFP at a recent protest in Beersheva, the largest city in the Negev. 'Within these villages, thousands of families are now living out in the open, an escalation the Negev has not witnessed in perhaps the last two decades.' Tribes just want to 'live in peace and dignity', following their distinct customs and traditions, he said. This aerial view shows photovoltaic solar panels in the yard of a kindergarten in the recognised but unplanned Bedouin village of Umm Batin near Beersheva in Israel's southern Negev Desert on June 11, 2025. PHOTO: AFP Gil Yasur, who also works with Shamsuna developing critical infrastructure in Bedouin villages, said land claims issues were common among Bedouins across the Negev. Families who include a solar project on their land, however, stand a better chance of securing it, he added. 'Then everyone will benefit – the landowners, the country, the Negev,' he said. 'This is the best way to move forward to a green economy.' Positive energy In Um Batin, a recognised village, residents are using solar energy in a different way – to power a local kindergarten all year round. Until last year, the village relied on power from a diesel generator that polluted the air and the ground where the children played. Now, a hulking solar panel shields the children from the sun as its surface sucks up the powerful rays, keeping the kindergarten in full working order. Children sit in the classroom of a kindergarten powered by photovoltaic solar panels in the recognised but unplanned Bedouin village of Umm Batin near Beersheva in Israel's southern Negev Desert on June 11, 2025. PHOTO: AFP 'It was not clean or comfortable here before,' said Nama Abu Kaf, who works in the kindergarten. 'Now we have air conditioning and a projector so the children can watch television.' Hani al-Hawashleh, who oversees the project on behalf of Shamsuna, said the solar energy initiative for schools and kindergartens was 'very positive'. 'Without power you can't use all kinds of equipment such as projectors, lights in the classrooms and, on the other hand, it saves costs and uses clean energy,' he said. The projects are part of a pilot scheme run by Shamsuna. Asked if there was interest in expanding to other educational institutions that rely on polluting generators, he said there were challenges and bureaucracy but he hoped to see more. 'We need people to collaborate with us to move this forward,' he said, adding that he would 'love to see a solar energy system in every village'. AFP
Hindustan Times
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
The gangster Israel is arming to fight Hamas
HE LOOKS more like a teenager playing soldier than a would-be warlord: his ballistic helmet too big for his head, his assault rifle too spotless. His militia calls itself the Popular Forces, a lofty name for a group led by one of Gaza's least popular men: his own family has disowned him. Yasser Abu Shabab promises to wrest control of Gaza from Hamas, the militant group. That is aspirational, to say the least. He has only a few hundred fighters at his disposal; Hamas has thousands. His group controls bits of turf in Rafah and Khan Younis, two ruined cities in southern Gaza. It is hardly a juggernaut. Yet it has nonetheless found a powerful patron. Read all our coverage of the war in the Middle East Earlier this month Israel revealed that it was supplying the Popular Forces with light weapons, such as AK-47s. It has given the militia licence to operate in parts of Gaza that would otherwise be off-limits to Palestinians. Some Gazans also wonder if the group is receiving advice and funds from the Gulf: its media output seems too polished to be home-grown. Israel does not think Mr Abu Shabab will one day rule Gaza—far from it. Instead it hopes that he can chip away at Hamas's rule and, perhaps, encourage others to do the same. But its own history in Gaza suggests how that plan might go wrong. Rumours about Israeli support had circulated for weeks. They were confirmed after Avigdor Lieberman, an opposition MP and former defence minister, condemned the policy in a social-media post. Israel's prime minister, Binyamin Netanyanu, 'is transferring weapons to clans identified with Islamic State [IS]', he wrote on June 5th. His revelation forced Mr Netanyahu to acknowledge the policy, albeit indirectly: 'Israel is acting to defeat Hamas in various ways,' he said. Mr Lieberman was not the only critic to accuse the militia of links to IS. Hamas and its propagandists have made similar claims. There is no evidence, though, that Mr Abu Shabab has sworn any formal allegiance to that jihadist group. He calls himself a Palestinian nationalist and accepts Israeli help to fight other Muslims, which would be anathema to the transnational jihadists of IS, who aim to erase borders and establish a caliphate. His Bedouin tribe, the Tarabin, has long been involved in smuggling between Gaza and Egypt (it has members on both sides of the border). A decade ago, that meant it worked with IS to transport guns to Gaza. The jihadists helped Bedouin smugglers cross territory they controlled on the Sinai peninsula and kept a share of the guns. But those were opportunistic ties. In 2017 IS, which believes smoking is contrary to Islamic law, started to attack Bedouin cigarette-smugglers on Sinai. The Tarabin eventually joined forces with the Egyptian army and fought against the jihadists. Since the Gaza war began in October 2023, Mr Abu Shabab has found a new business. The UN says he was the main culprit behind the robberies of humanitarian-aid convoys last year. His gunmen ambushed dozens of lorries and allegedly killed several drivers. Some of his backers portray him as a Gazan Robin Hood, stealing aid to distribute to the poor (he claims he did it to help families in need). He is anything but: his group either kept the stolen aid or sold it at inflated prices, with little, if any, handed out to needy Gazans. If Mr Abu Shabab's motives are grubby, they are at least easy to understand. He is neither an ideologue nor a do-gooder; he is a criminal. Joining forces with Israel, at a time when Israel is the only conduit for aid into Gaza, is a logical next step for him. This is not the first time Israel has tried to play Palestinian groups off one another. In the 1980s it formed a tacit partnership with the Islamic Society, a religious group in Gaza. Israel allowed the group to raise funds and looked the other way when it started to stockpile weapons. This was a calculated gamble. Islamists had never shown much interest in fighting Israel, so perhaps they could be a cudgel against Fatah, the nationalist group that was, back then, Israel's main threat. Israel would soon come to regret that bet. A few years later, the group would start a long campaign of suicide-bombings. It would also rename itself the Islamic Resistance Movement—better known by its Arabic acronym, Hamas. Sometimes the enemy of your enemy becomes your enemy too. That is not to over-egg the prospects for the Popular Forces. Many Gazans despise them as thieves. The Tarabin have publicly cut ties with Mr Abu Shabab, in part because they fear retribution from Hamas. Israel's new partner in Gaza could become a threat; it could also fizzle and fade. That Israel must rely on such groups at all is an indictment of its own strategy, or lack thereof, in Gaza. Mr Netanyahu has refused to talk about who might rule the enclave after the war. He rejects any role for the Palestinian Authority, which runs parts of the West Bank. His advisers have mused about Arab peacekeepers and a government of local notables. After almost two years of war, though, they have come up with almost nothing, save for a tiny militia led by a gangster in an ill-fitting helmet. Sign up to the Middle East Dispatch, a weekly newsletter that keeps you in the loop on a fascinating, complex and consequential part of the world. Get 360° coverage—from daily headlines to 100 year archives.
