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Yahoo
an hour ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Iowa Tea Party founder Ryan Rhodes will run in 4th District congressional race
Republican Ryan Rhodes has launched a campaign for Congress in Iowa's 4th District, saying it's time to "drain and then set fire to the Washington swamp." 'This race isn't about left versus right — it's about two very different visions for the future of conservatism,'Rhodes said in a news release. 'We're no longer just talking about tax policy — we're fighting a spiritual and cultural war for the soul of our country. I will not shy away from those hard truths. I'll be a relentless voice for faith, family, freedom, and the forgotten men and women of the Heartland.' Rhodes said he's running on a platform of "no compromise" when it comes to protecting the Second Amendment, recognizing that an unborn fetus has "personhood" rights, defending the border and ending "corporate welfare." "California could have stayed in California. New York could have stayed in New York," he said in the release. "It's time to take the fight to them and MAKE AMERICA IOWA!" Rhodes, a 43-year-old Ames resident, served as the CEO of the conservative social media site Parler before stepping down earlier this year, although he said he still serves on the board. He also was the founder of the Tea Party in Iowa. In an interview, Rhodes said he thinks Republican President Donald Trump represents embodies the ideals he set out to champion with the Tea Party movement roughly a decade ago. "Somebody's finally getting in there, cutting government and trying to get us back on the right direction," Rhodes said. "And I know he has so much more he wants to continue doing, so each new piece of legislation is a new bite of the apple to get the government under control." Rhodes previously worked for Republican presidential candidate Ben Carson and helped conduct outreach for Michelle Bachmann during their GOP Iowa caucus campaigns. The 4th District seat is expected to be open in 2026 as current Republican U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra moves aggressively toward a gubernatorial run. It is the most heavily Republican district in the state, and the GOP primary race will very likely determine who will be elected to Congress. It has already attracted three other Republican contenders: Siouxland Chamber of Commerce President Chris McGowan, Iowa House Majority Leader Matt Windschitl and Humboldt farmer Kyle Larsen. On the Democratic side, Ashley WolfTornabane and Stephanie Steiner have mounted campaigns. Brianne Pfannenstiel is the chief politics reporter for the Des Moines Register. Reach her at bpfann@ or 515-284-8244. Follow her on X at @brianneDMR. This article originally appeared on Des Moines Register: 4th District Republican Ryan Rhodes will run for Congress in 2026
The Hill
17-07-2025
- Business
- The Hill
The rescission package is a chance to get serious about cutting spending
Senate passage of the $9 billion rescissions package compiled by the Trump administration marks the first reduction in federal spending since the Tea Party era. Over a decade ago, fiscal conservatives led by my former boss, the late Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.), forced the first year-to-year reduction ($150 billion) in federal spending since the end of the Korean War. Between fiscal years 2012 and 2013, Coburn and his colleagues added on an earmark moratorium that saved $140 billion over 10 years and an additional $725 billion in savings from consolidating duplicative programs through Government Accountability Office recommendations. That brought the tally to over $1 trillion. The Trump administration was right to aspire to eclipse that total and cut spending by more than $2 trillion, but it still has a long way to go. In fact, if the clock were to stop today, the Trump administration and Republican Party would have to defend expanding the administrative state by $75 billion. The recently passed budget reconciliation bill directs $45 billion to the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency's detention budget and nearly $30 billion to ICE's enforcement and deportation operations over the next four years. The bill directs an additional $46.5 billion to border security infrastructure, which is more of a fixed cost than an agency expansion. Congress and the administration do deserve credit and praise for slowing the growth rate of Medicaid by $1 trillion over 10 years. But that win does not reverse the progressive left's quest to expand the administrative state. Supporters of spending more on immigration enforcement have a strong case that spending $75 billion to grow a federal agency will more than pay for itself over time. According to the Federation for American Immigration Reform, illegal immigration and 'open borders' costs American taxpayers $150.7 billion annually. Most of these costs (about $70 billion) are imposed on state and local communities through K-12 education expenses, while $22 billion goes to medical expenses. The Manhattan Institute estimated that the surge of 8.7 million illegal immigrants would cost $1.15 trillion over the lifetime of the new illegal immigrants. They conclude, 'Mass deportations would significantly reduce the national debt over the long run, but a policy of selective legalization, coupled with mass deportations, would be even more fiscally beneficial, reducing the debt by about $1.9 trillion.' The plan in the 'big, beautiful' bill is both well-intentioned and well-conceived, but no Congress can guarantee a future Congress or administration will ensure the plan is well executed. If history is any guide, these funds could become a permanent expansion of a bureaucracy rather than a prudent surge designed to address an emergency. The uncertainty about whether a plan could be spectacularly successful or wasteful underscores the urgent need for Congress to take serious steps to reduce our unsustainable debt and deficits. The Senate rescissions package only saves $9 billion, leaving Trump's second-term administrative state expansion at around $65 billion. Even that modest package faced serious headwinds in the Senate. Some Republican senators balked at proposed cuts to the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. Others are expressed concerns about cuts to life-saving humanitarian assistance. In moments like this, I am often asked, 'What would Coburn do?' I suspect his colleagues who served with him, who will determine the fate of this package in the House, were asking the same question. Coburn was an unapologetic supporter of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief or PEPFAR. He said the program is 'not an earmark; it is a policy that's proven, that's worked.' But Coburn was also not afraid of insisting that funds go to those who had contracted HIV instead of those wanting to help people with HIV. In 2008, he was vilified for placing a hold on PEPFAR reauthorization until he could be assured that 55 percent of PEPFAR funds be spent on treatment rather than overhead. But that distinction was critical. I suspect Coburn would remind his colleagues that the 'E' in PEPFAR stands for 'emergency.' The program was never meant to be an open-ended entitlement to be funded in perpetuity. Today, he would be working with his colleagues to continue life-saving humanitarian assistance that advances American national interests, while eliminating spending that advances faddish ideological agendas and bloated bureaucracy. All sides should agree that our foreign aid process, which has funded fraud and terrorism, needs a dramatical overhaul. The administration has said that if Congress passes this rescissions package it will send more. This a chance for Congress to assure taxpayers that instead of expanding federal agencies, they want to expand Americans' personal agency and their ability to pursue happiness on their terms, with their own resources and talents. Some progress toward that goal would be better than no progress.
Yahoo
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Scott DesJarlais' abortion scandals and a campaign that wouldn't quit: Notorious Nashville
When Scott DesJarlais launched his first campaign for Congress in 2009, he cast himself as a principled conservative devoted to family values. Running to represent Tennessee's 4th District — a region that includes rural southern Tennessee and parts of the Nashville and Chattanooga suburbs — the political newcomer, a physician with a squeaky-clean image who vehemently opposed government overreach, quickly won favor with Tea Party Republicans. His emphasis on morality helped him unseat Democratic incumbent Lincoln Davis by nearly 20 points. But in 2012, on the eve of his first reelection campaign, the image he projected on the campaign trail ran aground against messy personal details that emerged from court records more than a decade after his 2001 divorce trial. They painted a stark contrast to his anti-abortion, moral-values platform. Among the revelations: his first wife said he pressured her to have two abortions. The records also included a transcript of a conversation in which he appeared to urge a patient he was romantically involved with — while he was still married — to travel out of state for an abortion. The scandal didn't stop there. The documents also alleged that DesJarlais had dated a second patient and prescribed her pain medication, a breach of medical ethics that led the Tennessee Board of Medical Examiners to fine him $500 in 2013 for misconduct tied to inappropriate relationships with patients. Additional documents indicated more troubling behavior in his personal life, including allegations that he "dry-fired" an unloaded handgun at a bedroom door while squabbling with his ex-wife. And that he once held a gun to his own head during one particularly heated exchange. DesJarlais defended himself, suggesting the timing of the complaints was politically motivated. It's "somewhat ironic," he said at the time, that after 20 years of medical practice, complaints were lodged against him with the medical board only after he had been elected to Congress. Despite the many controversies, as well as bipartisan predictions that his political career was finished, DesJarlais proved to be particularly tenacious. He went on to win reelection five times, repeatedly fending off primary challengers and holding onto his seat even as the scandal resurfaced during each election cycle. In Washington, DesJarlais has largely kept a low profile. During the 114th Congress, he was ranked by C-SPAN, which tracks the number of days lawmakers spoke during its live broadcasts of congressional proceedings, as one of the least talkative lawmakers on the House floor. It's a markedly quiet career for a politician whose scandals were once the talk of Capitol Hill. The Tennessean is publishing a Notorious Nashville story for each year from 2000-2024. Catch up on the series here. Reach reporter Mackensy Lunsford at mlunsford@ This article originally appeared on Nashville Tennessean: Scott DesJarlais: Scandal couldn't sink notoriously troubled candidate
Time Magazine
10-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Time Magazine
What to Know About Sean Duffy, NASA's New Interim Head
The people tapped to run NASA have often been scientists, engineers, academics, or government officials. The agency's new interim head, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, brings a different sort of background to the position. Over the past three decades, Duffy has worn a variety of hats, appearing on reality television, serving as a district attorney and a member of the House, and now leading the Transportation Department under President Donald Trump's second Administration amid mounting concerns about air travel safety. Trump announced Duffy's appointment as NASA's interim Administrator on Wednesday, praising his work as Transportation Secretary. 'Sean is doing a TREMENDOUS job in handling our Country's Transportation Affairs,' Trump said in a post on his social media platform, Truth Social. 'He will be a fantastic leader of the ever more important Space Agency, even if only for a short period of time.' Duffy said in a post on X that he was 'honored to accept this mission.' The news of Duffy's appointment comes after Trump pulled his nomination of billionaire entrepreneur Jared Isaacman to run NASA in May, just days before Isaacman was expected to be confirmed to the position. Isaacman is a friend of Elon Musk, and the move was seen as the first sign of the rift between Trump and Musk that widened as the two men publicly feuded over a sweeping tax and spending package central to Trump's second term agenda. Duffy will continue to run the Transportation Department while temporarily leading NASA, making him the latest Trump Administration official to take on multiple roles. Here's what to know about him. He was an MTV reality star When Duffy was in his 20s, he appeared on MTV's reality show 'The Real World' and became known as the show's resident playboy. He later starred in the MTV show 'Road Rules: All Stars,' where he met his wife, Rachel Campos-Duffy, now a Fox News host. The couple have nine children. Together, in 2021, they launched a podcast, 'From the Kitchen Table: The Duffys,' on which they have discussed various social and political issues and promoted a conservative vision of family. He was a district attorney and served in Congress Duffy was the district attorney of Ashland County in Wisconsin for nearly 10 years, from 2002 to 2010. He was elected to the House as part of 2010's Tea Party wave, winning a district that had been held by a Democrat for more than four decades. He served in Congress for about eight years before resigning partway through his fifth term in 2019, saying he wanted to support his family after learning his ninth child would be born with health complications, including a heart condition. He worked as a political commentator and lobbyist After leaving Congress, Duffy worked as a paid political commentator at CNN, where he garnered criticism for promoting a conspiracy theory and suggesting National Security Council official Lt. Colonel Alexander Vindman had an 'affinity' for Ukraine after Vindman testified in Trump's first impeachment inquiry. He later worked at a lobbying firm based in Washington before becoming the co-host of a show on Fox Business that premiered in 2023. He now serves in Trump's Cabinet Trump named Duffy as his nominee to run the Transportation Department soon after the 2024 election. Duffy was not among Trump's most contentious nominees, and was sworn into the role in January after an easy confirmation process that ended in a 77-22 Senate vote to approve his nomination. Under Duffy's leadership, the department has pledged to make changes to the nation's air traffic control system, after a string of crashes and near misses. In January, an American Airlines passenger jet and an Army helicopter collided when the plane was about to land at the Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport, killing all 67 people on board both aircrafts. A few months later, radar and communications at Newark Liberty International Airport stopped working on multiple occasions. One of the outages lasted as long as 90 seconds. Hundreds of flights were canceled and delayed in the aftermath. Duffy said he plans to overhaul the nation's air traffic control system, including by replacing antiquated telecommunications and launching efforts to boost staffing for air traffic controllers. As Transportation Secretary, Duffy has also said that he will roll back 'woke DEI policies' and environmental regulations initiated under the Biden Administration.
The Hill
10-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
David Hogg is right: Democratic leaders' strategy is obsolete
Democratic leaders aren't failing because they're too old. They're failing because their political strategy is obsolete. The recent Democratic National Committee drama proves the point. Hours after the DNC voted to void David Hogg's vice chair election on procedural grounds, the 26-year-old activist announced he wouldn't compete in the redo election. The DNC's move — forcing new elections over alleged procedural violations — came after leaked audio revealed DNC Chair Ken Martin venting about conflicts with Hogg, saying, 'I don't know if I want to do this anymore' and 'you essentially destroyed any chance I have to show the leadership that I need to.' The outcome illustrates the problem. The DNC forced Hogg out for challenging party orthodoxy — specifically his plan to raise millions through his 'Leaders We Deserve' PAC to support young progressives against incumbent Democrats in safe seats. Party officials said DNC officers should focus on defeating Republicans, not 'sowing division.' But Hogg's parting shot captured the real issue. He decried 'a serious lack of vision from Democratic leaders, too many of them asleep at the wheel.' Thank you for signing up! Subscribe to more newsletters here Polling confirms that voters agree with Hogg's diagnosis. A June CNN/SSRS poll found only 16 percent of Americans see Democrats as strong leaders capable of 'getting things done,' compared to 40 percent for Republicans. Meanwhile, 91 percent of Democrats view Trump's return as a threat to democracy, reinforcing the need for assertive progressive leadership. Yet Democratic leaders consistently chooses 'unity' over effectiveness. They suppress confrontational tactics instead of channeling them strategically. They draft thoughtful position papers that get buried while Republicans manufacture outrage that dominates news cycles. They rely on pollster-tested talking points instead of speaking with authentic conviction. And they treat primary challenges as party betrayals, rather than mechanisms for democratic accountability. The irony is that Hogg got ejected for doing exactly what successful politicians do: creating attention-grabbing moments that force conversations about important issues. His strategy for primary challenges mirrors what Republicans have used effectively for years to reshape their party. Tea Party primaries moved the GOP rightward, and pro-Trump primaries completed the transformation. These weren't accidents — they were strategic uses of competitive pressure that generated media coverage and shifted the public debate. But when Democrats attempt similar tactics, leadership panics. Consider Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer's (D-N.Y.) approach: When he quietly negotiated bipartisan deals, Republicans got credit for being reasonable, whereas Democrats were blamed for lacking principles. When progressives demand accountability through primaries, party elites worry about 'division' rather than leveraging the coverage to advance Democratic goals. And when activists create controversy, they are expelled rather than strategically deployed. This isn't about replacing experienced leaders with younger ones. In fact, there are Democrats with nontraditional political strategies across the age range. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), 83, commands one of America's largest political digital platforms. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), 34, is a master at using social media to advance progressive policies. Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), 51, launched a PAC designed for direct grassroots mobilization rather than traditional fundraising. Age doesn't determine strategic wisdom — results do. The unexpected outcome of the Democratic mayoral primary in New York City reinforces the pattern — and the resistance to change. Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old state assemblyman, defeated former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, the establishment favorite, despite most of the city's Democratic House delegation endorsing Cuomo. The victory came with financial support from Hogg's 'Leaders We Deserve' PAC. Yet the party's response was predictably cautious: while praising Mamdani's organizing effectiveness, figures such as House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries avoided endorsement, and some Democrats immediately distanced themselves from the winner — exactly the kind of institutional timidity that limits Democratic effectiveness. Democratic strategy must be updated to match current realities realities — and actually learning from what works. Modern political battles are fought in public, in real-time, through narrative competition. The party that controls attention controls outcomes. This means creating political moments that advance Democratic goals rather than avoiding conflict. It means treating competitive primaries as tools for generating beneficial coverage, not threats to institutional stability. Republicans figured this out years ago. They have mastered creating controversy that generates coverage. That coverage shapes narratives and narratives determine policy outcomes. Democrats have watched this happen repeatedly while responding with carefully crafted talking points that audiences ignore. Democrats can either adapt or keep losing winnable fights. The DNC decision suggests they're choosing the latter. Hogg may be out, but the strategic problems that made his critique necessary remain. Until Democratic leaders updates their obsolete playbook, they'll keep being outmaneuvered by Republicans who understand that controlling the story requires a willingness to make news. The late Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.) famously urged Americans to make 'good trouble, necessary trouble' in pursuit of justice. Democrats today face a choice: Embrace the kind of strategic disruption that Lewis championed, or continue playing by outdated rules while Republicans dominate the narrative battlefield. The DNC's response to Hogg and Democratic leadership's cautious reaction to unexpected primary victories suggests they are choosing institutional comfort over strategic effectiveness. That's not just bad politics — it's a betrayal of the tradition of productive conflict that built the modern Democratic Party. Dana Dolan teaches public policy at George Mason University.
