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- Politics
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Tharoor vs Bilawal Bhutto: India's long game and Pakistan's domestic compulsions in battle of diplomacy
India and Pakistan have launched global diplomatic campaigns after recent military clashes to shape international opinion. While India pursues a long-term strategy to isolate Pakistan over terrorism, Islamabad's outreach is driven by domestic political compulsions. read more In a diplomatic blitz, India and Pakistan dispatched high-profile delegations to the United States, and other countries as well, to present their narratives following last month's military clashes over four days before Islamabad requested New Delhi for a no-attack understanding. India's delegation was led by opposition politician and former Minister of State for External Affairs Shashi Tharoor, while Pakistan's was headed by its former Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari. They presented contrasting narratives. India emphasised Pakistan's alleged sponsorship of terrorism and highlighted Islamabad's role in cross-border terror attacks, not just in Pahalgam where tourists were targeted leading to the massacre of 26 people, but for decades as part of its policy of 'bleeding India to death through a thousand cuts'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Pakistan, on the other hand, ironically portrays itself as a peaceful victim of Indian aggression and stresses the need for dialogue. What Shashi Thahoor said to the Pakistan delegation In an interaction at the Indian Embassy in Washington DC, he said, 'This [Pakistan] delegation is going around saying we are also victims of terrorism, we have lost more lives to terrorism than India has. We turn around and say — whose fault is that?' Tharoor said, 'As Hillary Clinton famously said 10 years ago, 'You can't breed vipers in your backyard and expect them to bite only your neighbours'. That's why they [Pakistan] are now getting terrorists attacked by the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, but who created the Taliban from which the Tehrik-i-Taliban broke off? We all know the answer to that, so let Pakistan look inside it and let it do some serious interior reflection before it goes around pleading innocence and deniability and everything else.' Contrasting approaches, differing motivations India's multiparty approach projects unity. India's delegation, including prominent opposition figures, signals a united front domestically, strengthening the credibility of its message abroad. This contrasts with Pakistan's more fragmented political representation and underscores the Modi government's confidence in its narrative. Pakistan's domestic vulnerabilities were on display in its diplomatice moves. Led by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Pakistan's diplomatic campaign is driven in large part by its fragile domestic political standing. The government in Islamabad faces low popularity, and hence, it is leveraging international forums to portray itself as a victim of Indian aggression and to seek global mediation on Kashmir — a position firmly rejected by India. The selective composition of Pakistan's delegations, which exclude major opposition parties like Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), further reveals internal political calculations. Reports suggest that former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan — known to have closer ties with Taliban groups, earning him a nickname of 'Taliban Khan' — remains a popular choice for the voters though his party, PTI, stays banned from elections. Also, India has dispatched seven delegations to 33 countries, including unlikely venues like Bogotá and Ljubljana, reflecting a global campaign to build support. Pakistan is sending two delegations to a handful of capitals including Washington DC, London, and Brussels. How much of it is due to domestic political motivations? Both governments aim to bolster domestic support by showing active international engagement. India's multiparty delegation projects national unity; Pakistan seeks to counter its low popularity at home. The narrative battle is aimed at domestic audiences as both countries are acutely aware that much of the diplomatic effort is designed to bolster public support at home. India's government uses the campaign to reinforce nationalist credentials and demonstrate proactive leadership, while Pakistan attempts to rally domestic sympathy by portraying itself as unfairly targeted. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The success of the outcome depends on domestic perception. Each government aims to convince its population that the diplomatic campaign was successful, influencing future public support and policy directions. India has provided evidence for what it is briefing nations in its diplomatic outreach. Pakistan has at best referred to unverified claims made on social media. India's strategic long game While Pakistan demands resumption of the Indus Waters Treaty suspended by India after the conflict, citing water security concerns, India seeks to reduce Pakistan's access to bilateral and multilateral aid until Islamabad takes meaningful anti-terrorism actions. India also calls on Pakistan's donors to reduce aid until Islamabad takes stronger action against terrorism. Their strategic goals also seem to be different. India wants to refocus international attention on terrorism rather than nuclear escalation fears, which have dominated since earlier conflicts. Pakistan seems to aim to leverage global concerns over nuclear risks to gain sympathy and mediation support. India is using the diplomatic blitz not just to respond to the four-day military conflict that happened in May but to systematically raise the costs for Pakistan over its failure to curb terrorism. By deploying seven delegations to 33 countries — including unlikely venues — India aims to build sustained international pressure on Islamabad to act decisively against anti-India militant groups and infrastructure on its soil. This reflects a broader effort to shift global focus back onto terrorism, countering the narrative that prioritises fears of nuclear escalation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India's sustained diplomatic offensive reflects a calculated, long-term strategy to isolate Pakistan internationally and pressure it into compliance on terrorism issues, while Pakistan's campaign reveals its domestic political fragility and reliance on external validation. The ultimate success of these efforts will be judged largely by their impact on domestic public opinion in both countries. But there are challenges, for India as well India has gained and can expect wider support over terrorism concerns but alleviating nuclear fears remains a challenge especially against the backdrop of Trump's one-sided repeated claims of stopping an atomic war. Pakistan faces skepticism due to India's strategic importance globally and resistance to international mediation on Kashmir. Challenges for Pakistan's global pitch are glaring. Despite Pakistan's efforts, India's growing global stature as a strategic and commercial partner limits Islamabad's ability to gain widespread international backing for mediation or to deflect attention from terrorism concerns. The contrast is too sharp to be glossed over. India is playing a patient and strategic diplomatic long game aimed at exposing Pakistan's unabashed terror policy. On the other hand, Pakistan's moves look heavily influenced by internal political needs against the backdrop of the battering its armed forces received during Operation Sindoor.
Indian Express
17-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Express View: Talking to Taliban
When the Taliban took over Afghanistan in August 2021, India responded with caution. A few days into the takeover, New Delhi withdrew its ambassador and diplomatic staff from Kabul and suspended direct engagement. Realising that a stringent no-talk policy was impractical, India started to gradually open channels of communication. The reopening of the Indian embassy in June 2024 was followed by a public meeting in January this year between Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and Afghanistan's acting Foreign Minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, in Dubai. Amidst these developments, since August 2021, India has been regularly delivering wheat, pesticides, medical supplies and other forms of aid. Even in the Union Budget for 2024-25, there was an allocation of Rs 100 crore for assistance to Afghanistan. The first-ever ministerial-level conversation between External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Muttaqi on Thursday should be seen as the next logical step in the incremental outreach by both countries. The phone call took place days after the India-Pakistan ceasefire following the Pahalgam terror attack, which was unequivocally condemned by the Taliban regime. Traditionally, Delhi and Kabul have had warm ties, barring the years of Taliban 1.0 (1996-2001), when India saw it as a proxy for Pakistan's strategic interests. But relations between the Taliban and Pakistan have been deteriorating rapidly, primarily driven by issues over the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, operating along the Afghan-Pakistan border. Realising that it does not have a hold on the Taliban any more, Rawalpindi has been trying to drive a wedge between India and Afghanistan. In a post on X, Jaishankar welcomed Muttaqi's 'firm rejection' of Pakistan's 'recent attempts to create distrust between India and Afghanistan through false and baseless reports' — a reference to reports in Pakistan that Indian missiles had hit Afghanistan during Operation Sindoor. Amid a widening rift between Taliban 2.0 and Pakistan, India needs to keep communication lines open and prevent Afghanistan from becoming a sanctuary for anti-India terror groups. There is no denying that the Taliban continues to be an autocratic regime with little regard for human rights, especially the rights of women. That is why India is yet to recognise the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Indeed, increased engagement risks undermining India's moral stand. But to not engage at all carries risks, too. China has signed significant investment and security agreements with the Taliban, including a $540-million oil extraction deal. Within the power politics of South Asia, given the China-Pakistan-Bangladesh axis, a Kabul-Beijing entente would be a matter of concern. India does not have the power to alter Afghan politics and society, but it has to deal with whoever sits in Kabul.
