Latest news with #TheLifeofBrian
UPI
2 days ago
- Entertainment
- UPI
Famous birthdays for July 5: Megan Rapinoe, Shohei Ohtani
Entertainment News // 1 day ago 'Star Wars' actor Kenneth Colley dies at 87 July 3 (UPI) -- Kenneth Colley, an actor best known for his roles in the "Star Wars" films and "Monty Python's The Life of Brian," has died after contracting COVID-19 and developing pneumonia. He was 87.
UPI
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- UPI
'Star Wars' actor Kenneth Colley dies at 87
Actor Kenneth Colley, known for his roles in the "Star Wars" films, has died at the age of 87. Image courtesy of UPI July 3 (UPI) -- Kenneth Colley, an actor best known for his roles in the Star Wars films and Monty Python's The Life of Brian, has died after contracting COVID-19 and developing pneumonia. He was 87. Colley's agent, Julian Owen, announced in a statement that the actor died Monday at his home in Ashford, Kent. Colley had recently contracted COVID-19 and developed pneumonia. The actor portrayed Admiral Piett in the Star Wars films The Empire Strikes Back and Return of the Jedi. He also played Jesus in Monty Python's The Life of Brian. Colley reprised his role as Admiral Piett in the 2012 animated short film Lego Star Wars: The Empire Strikes Out. "Ken loved attending conventions and meeting the fans," Owen said. "He traveled all over the world, yet could never quite grasp why everyone wanted his autograph. He was a very humble man with an incredibly dry wit."
Sydney Morning Herald
5 days ago
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
Disgruntled fans and insurrection: Why the Blues in crisis should look to Richmond
Disgruntled Tiger people hatched plans for possible insurrection at the Malvern Hotel. Another group put together a clumsy ticket to challenge the board, in what shaped as Richmond's comedic faction-riddled answer to the Judean People's Front from The Life of Brian. Hopes had been raised and then seemingly levelled, as with the 2025 Blues. Many wanted Damien Hardwick sacked. Or someone to go. Richmond's firm response to this foment was led by their chief executive Brendon Gale and the board headed by president Peggy O'Neal. That pair revisited 2016's tumult this week, offering observations of what had transformed the Tigers – winning the flags in 2017, 2019 and 2020 – and how they had delivered their message to the frustrated faithful during the troubles. Gale and O'Neal were willing to offer perspectives on what they had seen – and some principles on how clubs deal with their version of 2016's failure – but were quick to say they wouldn't offer advice specific to Carlton, not knowing the intricacies of the Blues. That said, if there is a template for Carlton – especially in the realm of managing themselves and the incensed masses – the Tigers of 2016 are arguably more fitting than the Geelong of 2006 or other examples of clubs that looked inward, made surgical change, and prospered. 'You have to stay united in the bad times,' said O'Neal, who is chancellor of RMIT, referring to clubs in Richmond's position during the 2016 downturn. 'Once you've made up your mind that what you're doing you is what you think is right – like we thought Damien [Hardwick] was the coach and we thought he needed two years to prove it, and we gave him that – and so we weren't doing to resile from that just because the pressure came.' Gale completed a review, which saw Hardwick retained and a raft of changes made around him – Neil Balme arrived to head the football department, Blake Caracella and Justin Leppitsch joined a revamped coaching panel, who had also been bolstered by new VFL coach Craig McRae. The players shared stories, as 'vulnerability' and embracing imperfection became buzz words. Dustin Martin became the game's match-winner nonpareil. Gale and the board had known that there might be a dip in 2016, an assessment that prompted them to double-down on Hardwick, rather than questioning him. 'We just felt on the way we defined success, he was making a lot of progress,' said Gale. 'Let's double down now ... we had faith in him. Through that period of '16, there wasn't any discussion about the coach at all.' Hardwick's scenario then, thus, is unlike that of Voss, whose position appears uncertain, as Gale's counterpart Wright – the incoming rather than long-time CEO – weighs up the nature of how the football operation will be revamped. One could observe, too, that Carlton's playing list has less depth, leg speed – and leadership – than Richmond's of that period, though they have a similar foundation of A-graders. The most striking similarity is the backdrop of a 30-plus year drought and of the fed-up supporter base. Carlton's, if anything, seems more agitated than the Tigers of '16. If there was one message to be gleaned from the Richmond leadership's – and which the Blues can take away – it was that the board was willing to ignore the hysteria, and empower the management to make rational calls. 'We had a really strong board, who was able to ignore the noise and absorb all the pressure, and just focus management's attention on the things that really mattered,' recalled Gale, now ensconced as the Tasmania Devils CEO. 'The fact is that while we had a tough year, we'd built up a body of work. We'd made finals three years in succession, so there was something sustained about our program. 'But I think through the strength and composure of the board, which gave us a sense of strength and courage, we were able to make evidence-based decisions rather than the footy-led, reactive decisions. 'That was the big difference.' The message from O'Neal's board to Gale was, in his words, 'Let's not waste the opportunity, let's go and analyse and understand why. Let's not throw the baby out with the bath water because on the way we measure success, we've done a lot right.' Crucially, the Tigers had extended Hardwick's contract by two years before 2016, having spent months assessing him and his position. 'The players really liked him. They wanted to play for him. But there was something that needed to change,' said O'Neal. Loading 'That's when we started the review in 2016 ... it wasn't in response to the people who were saying 'Get rid of the board, get rid of Damien' ... because we'd started it well before then because we said 'There's a really good chance we'll go backwards next year, 2016'. 'Another important thing is that the board didn't splinter in any way. And we made this decision. 'Did we think that 2017 would turn out as well as it did? No. We thought it would be better. There was a better attitude and atmosphere.″ The president reckoned Gale's stature as a past player enhanced the broader Tiger family's trust in the hierarchy. 'I think they could tell positive things were happening. I think there was a lot of trust in Brendan.' Change came. But it wasn't the traditional Richmond response of jettisoning the coach. 'A lot of people had to think about what they were doing and adjust,' said O'Neal. 'At the time we were also trying to get Dion Prestia. There was a lot of activity behind the scenes – and sponsors saying, 'If you leave, we're going to take our money, we're not going to continue the sponsorship ... if Brendon's going to go and you're going to be thrown out, we don't know that we want to be a sponsor.'' Loading O'Neal said the messaging to supporters and public had been consistent, and agreed upon. 'A lot of it is just constant communication about what you're trying to do. And making sure that it is consistent, that you all agree, but not to get ahead of yourself.' Carlton's solution to their downturn won't ape Richmond's. Voss isn't Hardwick. Patrick Cripps is older than Cotchin of 2016, and there's no Dusty, Dylan Grimes or Shane Edwards at the Blues. Making the right calls, based on careful analysis rather than sating supporters and remaining unified, is the major takeaway from those who rescued Richmond.
The Age
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Age
Disgruntled fans and insurrection: Why the Blues in crisis should look to Richmond
Disgruntled Tiger people hatched plans for possible insurrection at the Malvern Hotel. Another group put together a clumsy ticket to challenge the board, in what shaped as Richmond's comedic faction-riddled answer to the Judean People's Front from The Life of Brian. Hopes had been raised and then seemingly levelled, as with the 2025 Blues. Many wanted Damien Hardwick sacked. Or someone to go. Richmond's firm response to this foment was led by their chief executive Brendon Gale and the board headed by president Peggy O'Neal. That pair revisited 2016's tumult this week, offering observations of what had transformed the Tigers – winning the flags in 2017, 2019 and 2020 – and how they had delivered their message to the frustrated faithful during the troubles. Gale and O'Neal were willing to offer perspectives on what they had seen – and some principles on how clubs deal with their version of 2016's failure – but were quick to say they wouldn't offer advice specific to Carlton, not knowing the intricacies of the Blues. That said, if there is a template for Carlton – especially in the realm of managing themselves and the incensed masses – the Tigers of 2016 are arguably more fitting than the Geelong of 2006 or other examples of clubs that looked inward, made surgical change, and prospered. 'You have to stay united in the bad times,' said O'Neal, who is chancellor of RMIT, referring to clubs in Richmond's position during the 2016 downturn. 'Once you've made up your mind that what you're doing you is what you think is right – like we thought Damien [Hardwick] was the coach and we thought he needed two years to prove it, and we gave him that – and so we weren't doing to resile from that just because the pressure came.' Gale completed a review, which saw Hardwick retained and a raft of changes made around him – Neil Balme arrived to head the football department, Blake Caracella and Justin Leppitsch joined a revamped coaching panel, who had also been bolstered by new VFL coach Craig McRae. The players shared stories, as 'vulnerability' and embracing imperfection became buzz words. Dustin Martin became the game's match-winner nonpareil. Gale and the board had known that there might be a dip in 2016, an assessment that prompted them to double-down on Hardwick, rather than questioning him. 'We just felt on the way we defined success, he was making a lot of progress,' said Gale. 'Let's double down now ... we had faith in him. Through that period of '16, there wasn't any discussion about the coach at all.' Hardwick's scenario then, thus, is unlike that of Voss, whose position appears uncertain, as Gale's counterpart Wright – the incoming rather than long-time CEO – weighs up the nature of how the football operation will be revamped. One could observe, too, that Carlton's playing list has less depth, leg speed – and leadership – than Richmond's of that period, though they have a similar foundation of A-graders. The most striking similarity is the backdrop of a 30-plus year drought and of the fed-up supporter base. Carlton's, if anything, seems more agitated than the Tigers of '16. If there was one message to be gleaned from the Richmond leadership's – and which the Blues can take away – it was that the board was willing to ignore the hysteria, and empower the management to make rational calls. 'We had a really strong board, who was able to ignore the noise and absorb all the pressure, and just focus management's attention on the things that really mattered,' recalled Gale, now ensconced as the Tasmania Devils CEO. 'The fact is that while we had a tough year, we'd built up a body of work. We'd made finals three years in succession, so there was something sustained about our program. 'But I think through the strength and composure of the board, which gave us a sense of strength and courage, we were able to make evidence-based decisions rather than the footy-led, reactive decisions. 'That was the big difference.' The message from O'Neal's board to Gale was, in his words, 'Let's not waste the opportunity, let's go and analyse and understand why. Let's not throw the baby out with the bath water because on the way we measure success, we've done a lot right.' Crucially, the Tigers had extended Hardwick's contract by two years before 2016, having spent months assessing him and his position. 'The players really liked him. They wanted to play for him. But there was something that needed to change,' said O'Neal. Loading 'That's when we started the review in 2016 ... it wasn't in response to the people who were saying 'Get rid of the board, get rid of Damien' ... because we'd started it well before then because we said 'There's a really good chance we'll go backwards next year, 2016'. 'Another important thing is that the board didn't splinter in any way. And we made this decision. 'Did we think that 2017 would turn out as well as it did? No. We thought it would be better. There was a better attitude and atmosphere.″ The president reckoned Gale's stature as a past player enhanced the broader Tiger family's trust in the hierarchy. 'I think they could tell positive things were happening. I think there was a lot of trust in Brendan.' Change came. But it wasn't the traditional Richmond response of jettisoning the coach. 'A lot of people had to think about what they were doing and adjust,' said O'Neal. 'At the time we were also trying to get Dion Prestia. There was a lot of activity behind the scenes – and sponsors saying, 'If you leave, we're going to take our money, we're not going to continue the sponsorship ... if Brendon's going to go and you're going to be thrown out, we don't know that we want to be a sponsor.'' Loading O'Neal said the messaging to supporters and public had been consistent, and agreed upon. 'A lot of it is just constant communication about what you're trying to do. And making sure that it is consistent, that you all agree, but not to get ahead of yourself.' Carlton's solution to their downturn won't ape Richmond's. Voss isn't Hardwick. Patrick Cripps is older than Cotchin of 2016, and there's no Dusty, Dylan Grimes or Shane Edwards at the Blues. Making the right calls, based on careful analysis rather than sating supporters and remaining unified, is the major takeaway from those who rescued Richmond.
New European
19-03-2025
- Politics
- New European
Populism's Monty Python problem
The mutual animosity of the People's Front of Judea and the Judean People's Front in The Life of Brian satirised the liberation movements and left factionalism of the 1970s. A contemporary update would have as its target the endless splinters and splits that are now occurring across the populist right. Just as the Popular Front of Judea turns out to consist of a single elderly man, the whipless Rupert Lowe now forms a one-man band who is touted as leading a rival counter-insurgency party. What is the Rupert Lowe versus Nigel Farage clash really about? Personalities, partly. Control, certainly. But this is also a clash over political strategy, especially how far populist disruption should go when it comes to the boundaries of democracy, decency and extremism. The key moment in their relationship breakdown was a cocktail of these three elements, and it came about when Elon Musk called for Farage to be ditched as leader of Reform for his refusal to work alongside Tommy Robinson, the former leader of the extremist English Defence League. This was swiftly followed by Musk's praise for Rupert Lowe, who is now attacking Farage over immigration, mass deportations and grooming gangs. 'Nigel Farage should hope he is the only Reform MP elected. Because if there are two or more of them, the Reform parliamentary party will split at some point during the next parliament,' the Conservative peer Daniel Finkelstein predicted in the Times back in June. He was reflecting on the long history of Farage's previous clashes, including with Robert Kilroy-Silk, Douglas Carswell, former Ukip deputy Suzanne Evans and others. Yet this is about much more than political egotism. This kind of internal conflict may well be inherent in the populist project itself. Populist parties pitch themselves as the political outsiders: prepared to say the things that need saying that the mainstream parties won't. But there are at least two different target audiences for that populist message, who hear two different versions of it. For the authoritarian hardcore, the point is to reject and reverse the social changes of the last half century, particularly with regard to immigration, ethnic diversity and other social changes. But a reactionary project with serious ambitions cannot succeed merely by appealing to the hardcore – an overtly racist party like the British National Party would not secure 5% of the national vote. But the idea that the political classes seem too comfortable with the status quo does have a broader resonance, and Reform's post-election rise in the polls demonstrates the breadth of public frustration about whether politics can deliver. This shows that populism can begin to take root across the mainstream right in Britain, where there is a broad socially conservative scepticism about the actual and perceived 'woke' excesses of identity politics on the left – but not if it seems in thrall to the extreme right. This is Farage's greatest challenge: the core online activist group wants Reform to say things about immigration and race that would repel their target voters. Farage has dealt with this divide for his entire political career. He has always taken the view that explicit association with the far right would be toxic to a party with mainstream credentials. His departure from Ukip came about due to his successor's embrace of Tommy Robinson, a decision that Farage said would make Ukip 'the new BNP'. Today, the remnants of Ukip campaign for the release of those convicted over racist violence last summer, referring to them as political prisoners. The party also challenges Reform for not embracing Tommy Robinson. There is an important difference between Farage's clash with Lowe and his clash with then Ukip MP Douglas Carswell, who challenged Farage for being too 'nativist' in his approach to immigration. The reason was that the winning post for the EU referendum was 50%. At the time, the 'Farage paradox' was that Farage was good for Ukip getting 13% in a general election, but bad for Leave's chances of winning the referendum. Vote Leave therefore sought to exclude Farage, relying instead on the more moderate leadership voices of Boris Johnson, Michael Gove and Gisela Stuart, while cynically running its own messages about Turkish immigration online. Despite its success in opinion polls, the public is divided on whether Reform should be regarded as mainstream. In research by Focaldata, carried out for British Future in the aftermath of the general election, just over four in 10 voters accepted that Reform was a mainstream party, while a similar proportion saw it as dangerous and divisive. Two-thirds of the public, including 60% of those who had voted Reform, thought the party needed tougher action to exclude extreme candidates. The Reform leadership, after the election, accepted this criticism – yet it was more ambivalent during the campaign itself. Nigel Farage rejected pressure from conservative media outlets, including the Daily Mail , Times and GB News, to drop overtly racist candidates. Farage U-turned during his BBC Question Time special – removing three racist candidates live on air when read their indefensible quotes. Reform is now placing much more emphasis on vetting candidates. Four out of 10 Reform members who have put themselves forward to become local election candidates have been blocked. It shows the scale of the challenge. So in 2025, Farage is the 'moderate' in his clash with Rupert Lowe on immigration and race. Lowe has complained that the leader sought to control how he could talk about grooming gangs and immigration. Lowe wanted to go beyond the party's call for deporting dual nationals convicted of grooming and to extend that to deporting family members too. The ostracised MP is talking about complicity, but he has something much more sweeping in mind when he declares that 'if whole communities need to be deported, so be it'. He also wants to adopt a Trump-like approach to mass deportations. Lowe is openly flirting with the supporters of Tommy Robinson. He has said that he does not know why Robinson is in prison (he was jailed for contempt of court after making a film in which he repeated libellous claims). Lowe has written to the prison governor over Robinson's conditions. Despite Farage's rejection of Robinson, Reform voters are evenly split over his merits, with a third in favour, a third against and a third on the fence. This is dangerous terrain. There is an ethno-nationalist core on the hard right that is not so much worried by the rate of net migration but by the fact of ethnic diversity, and that wants to legitimise the language of remigration and mass deportations. That would cover not only asylum seekers and those without legal status, but legal migrants and British-born minorities too. These views are only held by 3% of voters, but have more visibility than ever before, particularly due to Elon Musk's ownership of Twitter. Steve Bannon's argument that populists should not accept mainstream anti-racism norms but wear the charge of racism as a badge of pride now dominates the US MAGA right, putting Farage's position under more pressure. Farage's former Ukip allies and supporters can already be found spread across half a dozen parties: from Reform, to Laurence Fox's Reclaim, the remnants of continuity Ukip, the Heritage Party and even the ethno-nationalist Homeland Party that split away from Patriotic Alternative. There may be more of these new hard right factions to come. The former Reform deputy Ben Habib suggests he might team up with Lowe and seek Elon Musk's money. Academic-turned-Substacker Matthew Goodwin was exploring a new party, though may well throw his lot in with Reform. Dominic Cummings often blogs about how a new start-up party could sweep all before it without ever quite managing to start it up. The political appeal of populism is supposed to be that it is obvious what the people want that the elites refuse to deliver. Yet the point of democratic politics is that we do not all agree on what we want. Perhaps the 'splitters' problem of populism has a wider significance after all – it is a lesson on what democratic politics is really about. Sunder Katwala is a writer, director of thinktank British Future and former general secretary of the Fabian Society
