Latest news with #TheRepublic
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
The First Amendment's 5 freedoms to be focus of Arizona Republic reporter's work
The first 10 amendments to the U.S. Constitution are known as the Bill of Rights, written at the dawn of our republic to guard against government overreach. Two famous presidents put them into perspective in letters to each other. "A bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth," Thomas Jefferson said in 1787, in correspondence with James Madison. "Among the advocates for the Constitution, there are some who wish for further guards to public liberty and individual rights," Madison wrote back in 1788. First Amendment issues are in the national spotlight now, and The Arizona Republic and are going to shine a spotlight on all five of its freedoms, each of which protects the individual. Taylor Seely, who has covered Phoenix and several other local cities with skill and passion in her almost eight years with The Republic, is now our First Amendment reporter. She will work to highlight and explain issues related to the First Amendment and examine the impact on Arizonans and their daily lives, countering disinformation with facts, and producing compelling journalism on what can seem like abstract concepts. She'll reach out to the community, too, helping to foster First Amendment conversations. "First Amendment rights affect your daily life, whether you realize it or not. It's my job to show you how. Ultimately, I want to help people be more attuned and sensitive to their rights — to make them more aware of what the First Amendment guarantees to everyone in this country and when those rights are being infringed," Seely said. She joins four other First Amendment reporters in the USA TODAY Network, at The Indianapolis Star, The Tallahassee Democrat, The Tennessean in Nashville and USA TODAY. These positions are made possible by support from the Freedom Forum's Local Press Initiative and Journalism Funding Partners, a nonprofit that works to increase the depth, diversity and sustainability of local journalism. The First Amendment protects freedom of religious belief, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and freedom to petition the government to set right what you consider its wrongs. The founders' concerns sound very modern almost 240 years later. They wanted to ensure checks and balances on the power of each branch of government. Madison worried about the tyranny of the majority and how to protect the rights of those with different views. "I need people to be my eyes and ears on the ground. I need you to keep me up to date with what you're noticing and questioning," Seely said. "What's keeping you up at night? Email, call or text me, and help me defend the public's right to know. I'll be sure to sound the alarm if your freedoms are being threatened." Look for Seely's work on First Amendment issues beginning June 2 on in the print Arizona Republic and on our social platforms, including Instagram, YouTube, Facebook, X and Threads. You, too, can play a vital role in supporting local journalism that you and your community can trust. News alerts in your inbox: Don't miss the important news of the day. Sign up for azcentral newsletter alerts to be in the know. Over the course of a year, The Republic staff covers the big news events in depth but also reports on compelling topics rarely covered by other journalists. We provide essential information for our readers to live their best lives, with information on dining and entertainment, travel and sports. Please consider signing up for an subscription. If you have a subscription, please consider renewing it. Kathy Tulumello is the news director of The Arizona Republic. This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: Arizona Republic reporter Taylor Seely to focus on First Amendment
Observer
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Observer
Building and re-building nations...
Rome was not built in a day. This age-old proverb contains a timeless truth that nations, like grand cities and civilisations, are not born overnight. They are crafted over generations through vision, struggle, learning, and collective will. Central to this process is education the engine that drives the rise, resilience, and renaissance of nations. Nation-building is not simply about constructing infrastructure, drafting constitutions, or marking territorial boundaries. It is about cultivating a sense of identity, purpose, and shared values among people. It is the creation of strong institutions and the empowerment of citizens who think critically, act ethically, and contribute meaningfully. And education is the single most powerful tool in this noble endeavour. Throughout history, societies that prioritised education laid the strongest foundations for their national development. Plato, in his famous work The Republic, envisioned an ideal state governed by philosopher-kings, leaders shaped by decades of moral and intellectual education. Centuries later, thinkers like Paulo Freire and Amartya Sen reinforced this principle. Freire believed that education must awaken critical consciousness and liberate minds from passive acceptance. Sen, a Nobel laureate, argued that education expands human freedom, not just economic utility. It gives individuals the capacity to live with dignity, to participate in shaping society, and to pursue their own aspirations. Examples from the modern world are abundant. After the devastation of World War II, Germany and Japan rose from the ashes through widespread educational reforms. Germany introduced civic education programmes to reframe national identity and promote democratic values, while Japan focused on universal access, innovation, and moral education. Both nations used schools not just to teach but to heal. Similarly, South Korea, once a war-torn country, turned to education as the primary path to development. It invested heavily in literacy, teacher training, and research, resulting in one of the world's most advanced economies within a generation. The type of education provided is just as important as its accessibility. A curriculum designed solely to produce workers will not build a nation. Education must be holistic, one that nurtures not just knowledge, but empathy, courage, creativity, and character. It must teach students to ask questions, to embrace diversity, and to participate in civic life. It must encourage them not just to make a living, but to make a difference. Who delivers education matters greatly. Teachers are the unsung architects of nation-building. Yet in many countries, they remain undervalued and underpaid. The quality of a nation's teachers directly impacts the quality of its citizens. Investment in teacher training, academic freedom, and innovative pedagogy is a long-term investment in national resilience. As Nelson Mandela once said, 'Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.' Mandela understood that rebuilding South Africa after apartheid would require not just legal and political change, but a transformation of hearts and minds a task entrusted to education. When nations face collapse from war, colonisation, or economic crisis, education becomes the path to rebirth. Rwanda's post-genocide recovery, for instance, included a strong emphasis on peace education and unity-building programmes in schools. In post-independence India, leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Azad saw education as the central force in building a democratic, scientific, and secular nation. They established institutions of higher learning and encouraged scientific temper and critical thinking as tools for national integration. In today's globalised world, the challenges facing nations, climate change, inequality, extremism require a new generation of citizens who think globally and act locally. Civic education, ethics, environmental awareness, and leadership must be woven into the learning process. Countries like Finland and Singapore have embedded these values into their education systems with measurable success. Their students are not only knowledgeable but socially responsible and nationally committed. Ultimately, nation-building begins within the hearts and minds of its people. The transformation of a country is not just through policies and projects but through people who embody the values of justice, compassion, and wisdom. Education is what awakens this potential. It builds character, confidence, and community. It transforms passive subjects into active citizens. To build or rebuild a nation, one must begin with the minds of the young. The blackboard is stronger than the battlefield. The pen holds more promise than the sword. A society that sows education will harvest peace, prosperity and progress.
Newsweek
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
The Tools to Rebuild Our Civil Society Are on Our Book Shelves
"The beginning is the most important part of any work," Plato writes in The Republic, "especially in the case of a young and tender thing; for that is the time at which the character is being formed." What Plato knew—and what we've forgotten—is that a healthy civil society does not begin in politics. It begins in education. And not education in the narrow, technical sense, but education in first principles: freedom, equality, law, justice, reason, and the responsibilities of the citizen. These reflect values and ideals by which we live, but their meaning is not self-evident —they must be discovered and debated, learned and earned, and intentionally taught. And the most enduring forms through which to teach them are the "Great Books," the enduring classics of our intellectual tradition, from the Bible and the Iliad to works by authors ranging from Plato to Augustine, Shakespeare, Montaigne, Nietzsche and beyond. These are the foundational works that have shaped our ideas of truth, justice, beauty, and the self. The Great Books movement viewed direct reading and discussion of such classic texts as foundational to undergraduate education and to an educated citizenry. Core curricula at the University of Chicago and Columbia University have roots in this movement, as does my own institution, St. John's College. This approach is central to the ever expanding K-to-12 Classical Education movement. Socrates (469 - 399 BC) the Greek philosopher drinks hemlock, surrounded by his grieving friends and followers, 399 BC. Socrates (469 - 399 BC) the Greek philosopher drinks hemlock, surrounded by his grieving friends and followers, 399 as with everything today, the Great Books are widely misunderstood, because they are viewed through the lens of political ideology. On the right, they are often treated as cultural property—prized more as artifacts of Western identity than as living texts that challenge us and demand moral seriousness. On the left, they are still too often dismissed as relics of a colonial, misogynistic, or patriarchal past, a curriculum of dead white men irrelevant or antithetical to our struggles for freedom and equality. But the Great Books are neither conservative nor progressive. They are human and belong to all of us. They explore the soul and the state, and they wrestle with power, truth, tyranny and freedom. They contain both the roots of liberal democracy and the seeds of revolution. They challenge the reader to think, not conform. Above all, they provide a language with which to argue about our most fundamental commitments. They are not a museum. They are a mirror. We abandon them at our peril. Abandon them we have. Across the political spectrum, American institutions that once embodied liberal-democratic principles—free expression, civic dialogue, individual dignity—are faltering. Those on right and left alike have allowed tribal loyalty to replace enduring values. On the right, the collapse of principle is breathtaking. Media outlets that once extolled restraint, constitutional fidelity, and the rule of law now amplify conspiracies, attack judicial oversight, and vilify democratic processes. Public figures who built their platforms defending free speech and open discourse fall silent—or worse, become active participants—when those norms are threatened by ideological allies On the left, media and advocacy organizations have become tangled in internal battles over ideological purity. Universities face protest and paralysis. Newsrooms fracture over publishing controversial views. And while some institutions are beginning to course-correct in the face of renewed threats to democracy, early timidity helped entrench the climate of distrust we face. The result? Principle is subordinate to tribe. How, then, do we rebuild a civil society rooted not in identity or grievance, but in shared foundations? We must return to first principles. And we must teach them—intentionally, seriously, and in community. This is what the Great Books make possible. Rousseau wrote that "the citizen's first education is in the principles of the state." Jefferson insisted that liberty could not survive without an educated citizenry. Hannah Arendt argued that education exists to prepare the young for a world they did not choose—and to prepare that world for the new words and deeds by which the young will inevitably reshape that world. But we have grown negligent in this task. Our educational systems train students in technical skills or, a layer deeper, in analysis and argument, but rarely in first principles. Students learn to critique power, but not to understand and justify its proper uses. They are taught to question traditions, but not to distinguish between just and unjust ones. They graduate full of opinions, but without the habits of judgment, patience, and intellectual humility that democracy requires. The result is not just fragility. It is fanaticism. When students are not taught how to think with seriousness and care about justice, freedom, and truth, they will seek substitutes. And when our institutions no longer serve as shared spaces for reasoned disagreement, their authority collapses—often into cynicism or radicalism. If we are serious about rebuilding civil society, we need an education that forms citizens, not just professionals. That values the building of a meaningful life over a financially lucrative one. That welcomes disagreement. That prizes clarity over conformity. That insists on the difference between persuasion and performance and between persuasion and coercion. That teaches students to listen before they speak—and to speak with care, not certainty. That forms hard-won independence of mind, not the cheap validation of groupthink. This is not a luxury. It is a necessity. For all our political reforms and cultural reckonings, none will take root unless we rebuild the moral and intellectual architecture on which they depend. And that means looking not just at our institutions—but at the people who will inherit and shape them. And it also means looking in the mirror. Those on the right must acknowledge that their embrace of grievance politics and tribal loyalty has jeopardized the very constitutional and civic norms they once claimed to defend. Those on the left must recognize that their moralistic zeal and narrowing of intellectual discourse have turned educational and cultural institutions into engines of alienation, not trust. Both have been part of the problem. Both must reform. The Great Books can help with that, too. Because the most important conversations they prompt are not with our adversaries—but with ourselves. A civil society is not a spontaneous achievement. It is something taught and transmitted, practiced and defended—starting with first principles, which are the life blood of Great Books. J. Walter Sterling became the eighth president of St. John's College, Santa Fe in July 2024. He has been a member of the teaching faculty since 2003 and served nine years as dean of the college. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
The Citizen
09-05-2025
- Entertainment
- The Citizen
Thembinkosi Mthembu: From DUT student to one of SA's leading men on screen
'I used to dream and say that I wish to get to where I am, but I never expected it would happen so fast,' said Mthembu. Ten years ago, Thembinkosi Mthembu was still based in KwaZulu-Natal, completing his Drama and Production Diploma at the Durban University of Technology (DUT). Mthembu recalls murmurs that there will be auditions for a TV series on a historical figure, Shaka Zulu. 'Watching iSibaya, knowing that there will be auditions [for Shaka iLembe], you know obviously that you're not gonna be part of it because you're still a student and my parents won't allow me to go to Joburg and go shoot-it was never gonna happen because I know how strict they are at home,' Mthembu tells The Citizen. However, it did happen. Mthembu is one of the leading characters in the TV series, and it returns to screens for a second season next month. He portrays the character of King Dingiswayo (formerly Godongwana kaJobe). 'I didn't think that, at this time, I'd be part of uShaka [iLembe] because the conversation about being on Shaka started when I was doing my first year at DUT.' ALSO READ: 'Most are excited about the Shaka guy, in theatre I'm a different guy' – Calvin Ratladi after winning award Thembinkosi the leading man Today, at 30 years old, Mthembu is one of the country's most in-demand leading men on screen. In a short time, Mthembu has played some of the most memorable characters on screen in recent times. From being the villainous Mabutho Dimba on The River, to being the young married Bandile Biyela on Outlaws, who is a womaniser, to portraying the high-achieving corporate maverick Bonga Tembe on Adulting, his catalogue is thicker than his years in the industry suggest. 'Fast-forward to now… I always say that I'm grateful. I used to dream and say that I wish to get to where I am, but I never expected it would happen so fast.' The multi-award winner says he had given himself at least 10 to 15 years to reach the heights he's already reached. 'It's not of my own doing…it's my family, my ancestors and my God. I also think the productions that I've worked with as well,' he says. He says being involved in the TV series The Republic, produced by Tshedza Pictures, was his big break. 'I've done five shows with Tshedza [Pictures]. It was a blessing to meet them,' he shares. Mthembu said that from the one audition he did with Tshedza for his role as Junior on The Republic, other doors opened. 'I auditioned for that character, and they gave me other characters because it was easier because I've worked with them.' Tshedza has produced three of Mthembu's most significant works: The River, The Republic and Adulting. ALSO READ: Lemogang Tsipa on 'deep-found respect' for Shaka Zulu after filming S2 of 'Shaka iLembe' Being on Shaka iLembe Shaka iLembe is produced by The Bomb Shelter, and he says working with them,too, has been a joy. He portrays King Dingiswayo (formerly Godongwana kaJobe), who played a crucial role in Shaka Zulu's life as a mentor and a respectable male figure. Mthembu says portraying himself as a revered monarch made him look at himself as a man and a role model to others. 'It made me look at myself and ask if I'm actually like this, maybe towards my friends…because it's hard to say if I'm like that [a role model figure] as I'm the last born at home. I'll see when my nieces, nephews and my own children are older, if I can be that sort of role model.' Shaka iLembe ignited a sense of pride among Africans, such that after each episode the show would trend and people from other ethnic groups would ask wonder about when whether stories of their own people be told on screen. Mthembu says all ethnic groups' stories must be told. 'We want stories about the BaPedi or other tribes because at the end, I don't only want to learn about Shaka Zulu. Even my child has to learn about the Xhosa people. My wife is Xhosa, so I would like for a show about Xhosas, about the Pedi, the Venda people, Tsonga…because it's beautiful to watch,' Mthembu shared. NOW READ: Nandi Madida creating a village for moms with new podcast 'The Motherhood Network'
Yahoo
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Arizona should ban hunting dogs - and politics in the entertainment section
Regarding The Republic story 'Hunting mountain lions with dogs will remain legal in Arizona after commission vote': The Arizona Game and Fish Commission is historically controlled by trophy hunting interests, a tiny minority of the public that is allowed to do enormous damage to delicately balanced wildlife populations. Hunting big predators with dogs is well known for senseless brutality, often harming other species in the chase. It is generally recognized as a barbaric relic. Commission members should represent wildlife as a public trust with career wildlife biologists instead of narrow special interests. The commission's unanimous decision to reject conservation groups that want to limit the use of hunting dogs in Arizona was predictable. Candace Charvoz, Tucson Republicans hate DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) and are trying to scrub its influence from the government, universities and business. Why? What's wrong with Diversity, Equity and Inclusion? The words reflect complex ideas about social values. They are aspirational and idealistic. Why do they make Republicans angry? Is the real source of their hatred the white patriarchy defending itself against the erosion of its economic and social dominance established over hundreds of years. Opinion: Good luck understanding, let alone enforcing, Arizona's idiotic anti-DEI bill The idea that all men, which later included all women, were created equal caused an equal uproar then and resulted in a civil war. Is this fight against DEI just another battle of the civil war? The hatred seems to be felt more deeply in the Old South where all the old arguments have resurfaced. Is the cry against DEI just a mask for racism, a continuation the Southern backlash to their defeat in the Civil War? The Southern states used Jim Crow laws to disenfranchise freed blacks, fought integration and have been doing so ever since. Trump's new cabinet is whiter than the last one. Is this and Republican hatred proof that all men are not created equal. Alan Austin, Phoenix During my working life, I didn't really like or respect any of my bosses. Yet I came to work every day and did my job to the best of my ability. That's why I don't understand why Suns players who make a lot of money think they can slack off on the job just because they don't like the coach or buy into his methods. Letters: Your AC probably needs upgraded, but Arizona also needs more shade trees What does that say to the fans? That work ethic doesn't matter? Coach Budenholzer is a scapegoat for grown men who gave up because, in their minds, their work lives weren't 'perfect.' I'm not sure I can be a Suns fan any more. Kathy Roeske, Paradise Valley Re: 'Welcome to the dumbest reality show ever: Donald Trump's second term': If Bill Goodykoontz wants to write political columns, why not just transfer him to the editorial department and be done with it? When I turn to the entertainment section, I hope to be entertained. In part, this means freedom from the politics which invade just about every other section of the newspaper. Yet in this Sunday's paper, there again sat Goodykoontz spouting out his usual political rant. Please give us some place in the news that is free of politics. Andy Barrett, Peoria What's on your mind? Send us a letter to the editor online or via email at opinions@ This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: AZ must end hunting with dogs, Suns must cut the slack | Letters
