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North Carolina consumer advocates to Sen. Tillis: Protect us from the Trump grift-ocracy
North Carolina consumer advocates to Sen. Tillis: Protect us from the Trump grift-ocracy

Yahoo

time14 hours ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

North Carolina consumer advocates to Sen. Tillis: Protect us from the Trump grift-ocracy

Small business owner Dr. Ashley Gaddy Robbins speaks of the importance of preserving the federal Consumer Financial Protection Bureau at a May 29 press conference outside of U.S. Sen. Thom Tillis's Raleigh office. (Photo: Rob Schofield) North Carolina has always been a conservative, business-friendly state in which lobbyists for corporate interests have generally had their way in the state Legislative Building under both Republicans and Democrats. From the days of tobacco, textiles and furniture to the modern era in which industries like banking, technology, construction and health care predominate, it's been a rare instance in which lawmakers have said 'no' to the policy demands of a large industry – especially those willing to make significant 'investments' in political campaigns. One notable and interesting minor exception to this pattern in recent decades, however, has been in the realm of predatory consumer lending. Throughout the latter decades of the 20th Century right down to the present day, grifting high-cost lenders have generally struggled to gain the foothold here that they enjoy in many other states. Despite repeated efforts to loosen state laws that bar exploitive products like 'payday loans' and 'car title loans' and that cap interest rates and fees charged by 'consumer finance' companies and makers of high-cost home loans, North Carolina lawmakers have largely held firm. Several factors that have contributed to this situation, including consistent and forceful advocacy from the consumer protection offices of Attorneys General Mike Easley, Roy Cooper, Josh Stein, and Jeff Jackson; resistance from several legislative leaders (including a handful of Republicans like veteran State Rep. Julia Howard and former State Rep. Jeff Barnhart); and tough stances by the state's military commanders who've seen how predatory loans target and harm the readiness of their troops. Together with the rise of one of the nation's strongest networks of consumer advocacy nonprofits – a group that included, among others, advocates from the Center for Responsible Lending, the North Carolina Justice Center, the Financial Protection Law Center and the state's Legal Aid community — these forces helped keep North Carolina a state that is comparatively predatory lender-free. What's more, the successes in this area were so numerous and impactful that following the financial crisis of the early 2000's that morphed into the Great Recession, they helped inspire action in Washington to establish a watchdog federal government agency known as the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. In the years since, the CFPB has done prodigious work – winning billions of dollars in refunds for ripped-off homebuyers, student loan borrowers, and banking customers and even putting some predatory lenders out of business. Since its inception, more than 300,000 North Carolinians have turned to the agency with complaints of consumer abuses. More than 86,000 have thus far won relief. Unfortunately, as one might expect, laws and lawyers that target grifters, scammers and predators are anathema to President Trump – a man whose business career was largely predicated on all manner of shady deals — and he and Republicans in Congress are working hard to gut or abolish the agency. According to Adam Rust of the Consumer Federation of America, since Trump returned to office in January, his minions have quickly sought to lay off virtually the entire CFPB staff (a move that has waxed and waned in the federal courts), cancelled numerous consumer protection regulations (including rules designed to protect vulnerable seniors from junk fees, rein in online payment app scams and debt collectors, and cap bank overdraft fees), and dismissed more than 20 lawsuits targeting predatory actors. Where federal law protected certain kinds of work from complete elimination – as with the Office of Servicemember Affairs (a creation of the Military Lending Act) – Rust says Trump's team evaded the law by simply firing everyone in the office except for a single person. The massive budget and tax bill recently approved by the U.S. House doubles down on this pattern by slashing the agency's funding agency by around 75%. To their credit, however, North Carolina advocates and activists – some of whom helped birth the CFPB — have no intention of letting the agency be destroyed without a fight. Last Thursday, several of them gathered for a press event outside of Sen. Thom Tillis's Raleigh office to plead with him to intervene. In addition to Rust, speakers included community organizer Emma Horst-Martz, who cited her grandmother's victimization by an online tech firm as an example of the need to preserve protections for seniors, and a pair of small business women – Ashley Gaddy Robbins and LaCharo Owens – both of whom explained the critical role CFPB protections have played in making access to safe, affordable credit possible for minority and women-owned businesses. Is there a chance that Tillis could muster the courage, as is his wont every once-in-a-blue-moon, and do the right thing? Experience and a glance at some of his past actions indicate that it's a huge longshot, but with an uphill reelection race looming in 2026, it seems at least possible that Tillis will see handing such an issue to a Democratic challenger could be a dangerous move. For their part, the activists and small business owners who pleaded with him last week will not be giving up or going away. Their simple message: stand with the people of North Carolina, not the banks, billionaires and lobbyists. Let's fervently hope Tillis was listening.

In N.C., all eyes on Senator Tillis as IRA tax credits hang in balance
In N.C., all eyes on Senator Tillis as IRA tax credits hang in balance

Yahoo

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

In N.C., all eyes on Senator Tillis as IRA tax credits hang in balance

Now that the U.S. House of Representatives has passed a measure to kill nearly every federal tax credit there is to support the clean energy transition, gobsmacked advocates and industry leaders in solar, wind, and electric vehicles are looking desperately to the Senate to amend it. In North Carolina, that means all eyes turn to senior U.S. Sen. Thom Tillis, a second-term Republican up for reelection next year in this steadfast purple state, which is already reaping benefits from the clean energy economy. 'Sen. Tillis is going to be so important, along with other voices,' said Stephen Smith, executive director of the nonprofit Southern Alliance for Clean Energy, 'because he has indicated that we don't want to whipsaw 180 degrees back and forth between approaches to energy policy.' Tillis is among four Senate Republicans who signed an April letter urging a targeted approach to reforming renewable energy tax incentives rather than a wholesale repeal. The four signatories alone could sink the House measure if they joined Senate Democrats in opposing it. The senator's stance, the economic benefits of clean energy, and bipartisan support among voters for solar, wind, and efficiency all give advocates in the state some cause for cautious optimism. So does the reality that solar and batteries are the quickest, cheapest way to solidify the nation's 'energy dominance,' a frequently stated goal of President Donald Trump. 'We need energy today and tomorrow,' said Chris Carmody, executive director of Carolinas Clean Energy Business Association, a trade group. 'Not only are renewables and storage the lowest-cost option, they're also the fastest to build.' The clean energy economy has an intricate foothold in North Carolina. Largely owing to its acres upon acres of solar fields, the state was home to the fourth most solar capacity in the country last year, supporting over 7,000 jobs, according to the Solar Energy Industries Association. And the region doesn't just use solar equipment, it also makes it: Vietnamese panel manufacturer Boviet Solar opened its first U.S. plant in Greenville, North Carolina, in April, with plans for expansion next year that would create over 1,300 local jobs. The Tar Heel State is also a leader in the emerging electric vehicle supply chain, with lithium mines, Toyota's massive battery plant in Randolph County, and EV factories all in the works. Its robust manufacturing sector already produces a number of renewable energy components. In all, North Carolina boasts over 109,000 clean energy jobs, the ninth most in the country, per the national nonprofit E2. The federal tax credits that helped spur this economic activity were first enacted decades ago with bipartisan support. Combined with favorable state policies, that means that wind, solar, and battery storage were on the rise during the first Trump administration and before. But the incentives were undoubtedly supercharged by the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022. The landmark climate law extended the tax credits for large wind and solar projects and rooftop solar through 2032, then tapered them down over several years. It enacted new and expanded incentives for rooftop solar, EV purchases, and energy-efficiency improvements, set to end around the same time. It also included an advanced manufacturing incentive, designed to spur domestic production of minerals, battery components, and more. This 10-year runway of economic certainty sparked a wave of clean energy development across the country. After the passage of the climate law in August 2022, E2 says 27 new projects were announced in North Carolina alone, representing an investment of over $21 billion. Experts say the House Republicans' budget measure, which cleared the chamber by just one vote, would imperil all of these economic gains. The tax credits that benefit large clean energy projects will last until 2028, but only for those that begin construction within 60 days of the bill's passage, an impossibility for most. 'Unless your project is shovel-ready and has gotten every permit, there's no project, in any type of energy, that can go from zero to begin in 60 days,' Carmody said. The rare developer who can begin construction that quickly faces another seemingly insurmountable hurdle: It must document that no component of its project, no matter how small, is linked to a 'Foreign Entity of Concern' such as China. That requirement also applies to the advanced energy manufacturing tax credit, rendering that incentive all but useless even though it's extended beyond 2028. 'It's never been done before for any industry. It's incredibly onerous,' said John Szoka, CEO of the Conservative Energy Network. 'We have a global interconnected economy. We definitely want more manufacturing back in the U.S., and I agree with the president 100% on that. But the way that [provision] is worded, it's almost impossible to meet.' The House bill abruptly eliminates at year's end an array of tax credits for EVs and charging infrastructure. Combined with the poison-pill provision on foreign components in advanced manufacturing, the termination of those incentives could kneecap the state's burgeoning EV sector. 'The bill passed by the House takes a sledgehammer to North Carolina's EV industry and undermines efforts to build secure and reliable access to critical minerals,' said Ben Prochazka, the North Carolina-based executive director of the Electrification Coalition, a national nonprofit. 'Removing these credits would pull the rug out from under the auto and aligned battery industries at a critical time, immediately putting North Carolina jobs at risk,' he said. Individual consumers are dealt perhaps the sharpest blow by the House bill. Like the EV incentives, the credits for rooftop solar, energy-efficiency improvements, and the like would be eliminated at the end of this year. Studies show the resulting spike in demand for gasoline and increased electricity use will raise costs for everyone. Tillis' office didn't respond to a request for comment. But the letter he penned in April — along with Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Jerry Moran of Kansas, and John Curtis of Utah — echoes concerns flagged by clean energy advocates and businesses. 'For energy credits that provide a direct passthrough benefit to ratepayers, repeals would translate into immediate utility bill increases, placing additional strain on hardworking Americans,' the senators warn. They advocate a 'balanced' approach to reforming the tax incentives. 'We caution against the full-scale repeal of current credits, which could lead to significant disruptions for the American people and weaken our position as a global energy leader,' the letter says. Noting the 'substantial' investments American companies have already made 'based on the current energy tax framework,' the senators also write that a complete repeal would inject uncertainty into the market — jeopardizing capital allocation, long-term project planning, and job creation. After the passage of the House bill just before Memorial Day weekend, Politico reported that Tillis wasn't backing away from his letter. 'We have a lot of work that we need to do on the timeline and scope of the production and investment tax credits,' the incentives that mostly benefit large wind and solar projects, he told Politico. 'Undoubtedly, there's going to be changes.' Carmody says the comments fit with Tillis' track record. 'We applaud his position so far and his effort to support a stable and predictable tax system here,' Carmody said. 'Sen. Tillis is long acquainted with energy business in North Carolina, and he understands the need for certainty for all kinds of industries.' Polls show Tillis would be on firm political ground if he stood up for the state's clean energy economy. The most recent survey from Conservatives for Clean Energy shows 72% of all voters in North Carolina, including 55% of Republicans, favor politicians who 'support policies that encourage renewable options.' Asked specifically about 'President Trump's American energy dominance policy,' only a quarter of the state's voters, including just under half of Republicans, said they agreed with his plan to 'expand fossil fuel production while limiting … renewable energy sources like wind and solar.' The conservative case for extending renewable energy tax incentives is straightforward, said Szoka, who is a former Republican legislator in the North Carolina House of Representatives. 'All forms of energy generation are subsidized in the United States. Every single one — some that have been around longer than newer technologies,' he said, noting that the oil and gas sector has access to tax deductions worth up to 80% of drilling costs. 'I've got nothing against the oil and gas industry,' Szoka added. But there's no reason it should continue to receive tax benefits while those for renewables are so abruptly axed, he said. Szoka and other conservatives say renewables shouldn't get incentives indefinitely, and they aren't committed to the timelines in the Inflation Reduction Act. They also say the fact that the law was passed with only Democratic votes makes it susceptible to attack from the Republican trifecta. The hope is that a bipartisan approach will be more durable, said Mark Fleming, head of Conservatives for Clean Energy, which covers six Southeast states, including North Carolina. 'I'm very glad to see Sen. Tillis and others in the Senate step up,' to foster a debate about individual tax provisions, Fleming said, 'rather than having a knee-jerk [partisan] reaction.' Still, political tribalism has become a powerful force in policymaking. After all, 21 House Republicans went on record supporting clean energy tax incentives. None voted against the final bill. 'So, that doesn't bode well,' Smith said. 'We are hopeful that Tillis is going to lead and hold his ground firmly.'

What we can learn from the senator who nearly died for democracy
What we can learn from the senator who nearly died for democracy

Washington Post

time3 days ago

  • General
  • Washington Post

What we can learn from the senator who nearly died for democracy

Zaakir Tameez is the author of 'Charles Sumner: Conscience of a Nation,' to be released on June 3. On May 13, a man who made death threats against Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-Nevada) for her foreign policy views was sentenced to nearly four years in prison. Last month, Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) said she was 'afraid' of using her voice to speak about political controversies. A month before that, Sen. Thom Tillis (R-North Carolina) released audio recordings of death threats he received while he was considering how to vote on Pete Hegseth's nomination as defense secretary.

Chuck Edwards, Thom Tillis introduce bills to move Air Force crash site marker
Chuck Edwards, Thom Tillis introduce bills to move Air Force crash site marker

Yahoo

time5 days ago

  • General
  • Yahoo

Chuck Edwards, Thom Tillis introduce bills to move Air Force crash site marker

North Carolina Congressional leaders introduced legislation last week that would allow for moving a memorial dedicated to a U.S. Air Force crew killed in an accident more than 40 years ago. Nine Air Force members died August 31, 1982, when their plane crashed in Cherokee and Nantahala national forests, which abut along the North Carolina-Tennessee state line, while on a training mission from Charleston Air Force Base. U.S. Rep. Chuck Edwards and U.S. Sen. Thom Tillis put forward companion bills that would facilitate relocating a memorial dedicated to them closer to 'where the crash actually happened, and the majority of the wreckage was recovered,' Tillis said in a May 23 news release. 'This bill will give the families of crew members who died in this tragic accident the authority needed to work with the U.S. Forest Service to move the memorial to a more accessible site, keeping the memories of our nation's fallen soldiers alive for years to come,' Edwards said in a May 23 news release. He, along with North Carolina Democratic U.S. Rep. Don Davis, put forward the Stratton Ridge Air Force Memorial Act May 23. Edwards said that the proposed site for the memorial is Stratton Ridge rest area in Graham County, which is closer to the site of the crash than the current granite marker on private land in Cherokee and Nantahala national forests. He said that it's also more prominent and accessible to the public. This legislation is a crucial step in ensuring these heroes are properly remembered in perpetuity at the actual crash site,' Tillis said in a release. 'Western North Carolina will never forget the tragedy that occurred in 1982 when nine Air Force crew members lost their lives in our district,' Edwards said. More: Rep. Chuck Edwards releases report for Helene recovery and FEMA reform More: Protest targets Rep. Edwards' support for budget that could threaten Medicare, VA funding More: Hendersonville man in coma but stable after Memorial Day weekend crash in Mills River George Fabe Russell is the Henderson County Reporter for the Hendersonville Times-News. Tips, questions, comments? Email him at GFRussell@ This article originally appeared on Hendersonville Times-News: NC lawmakers move to allow relocation of Air Force accident memorial

Senate Republicans look to curb House rollback of IRA tax credits
Senate Republicans look to curb House rollback of IRA tax credits

Yahoo

time23-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Senate Republicans look to curb House rollback of IRA tax credits

House Republicans sent a message to the clean energy industry Thursday by axing key provisions of Democrats' landmark climate law in their mega reconciliation bill. Senate Republicans are planning to have the last word. The legislation that passed the House early Thursday made a number of changes impacting clean energy tax credits under Democrats' Inflation Reduction Act. Those changes — more aggressive than earlier drafts of the House bill — are expected to significantly restrict the ability for clean energy sources like wind and solar to claim the lucrative credits, while carving out wins for the nuclear sector that has been cheered by Republicans. The Senate, where Republicans can only afford to lose three votes, likely represents the final chance to pare back some of the changes, which industry groups have warned could undermine billions in investment and tens of thousands of jobs across the country. The upper chamber is widely expected to moderate the House version. POLITICO spoke to five Senate Republicans who plan to consider changes to the House rollbacks, with one key Republican indicating Thursday the rollbacks go too far. 'We have a lot of work that we need to do on the timeline and scope of the production and investment tax credits,' said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), a member of the Finance Committee that has jurisdiction over the credits. 'Undoubtedly, there's going to be changes.' Tillis is one of four GOP senators who urged party leadership in April against broadly gutting the credits, along with Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), John Curtis (R-Utah) and Jerry Moran (R-Kan.). All four signaled a willingness Thursday to take another look at the House bill — though they declined to outline specific changes they want to see. 'The House has spoken, and now the Senate will speak, and I've been pretty clear where I'm at,' Curtis said Thursday. Murkowski said Senate Republicans are 'obviously going to be looking at' the provisions added late Wednesday 'as well as the final product, and kind of seeing where we start our conversation.' Moran said he has 'always been a supporter' of phasing out credits for wind and solar, but noted he needs to thoroughly evaluate the House bill 'to see how acceptable [that is] or if that is too damaging.' Republicans like Sens. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D) and Shelley Moore Capito ( had already balked at the deep cuts in an earlier draft of the legislation approved by the House Ways and Means Committee. And Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), the top Democrat on the Finance Committee, noted the technology-neutral clean electricity credits he helped write are 'very popular with Republicans' in the upper chamber, especially because they support technologies like geothermal and nuclear. 'They got greedy, some of the sponsors [in the House], and now some of the Republican senators are saying, 'We can't go along with that,'' Wyden said. In the months and weeks leading up the vote, dozens of House Republicans had joined letters and statements defending the credits. That fact — and the number of clean energy projects poised for GOP districts — gave many in the clean energy industry confidence that Republicans would largely preserve clean energy credits. But those House members ultimately supported the package on Thursday — increasing the stakes for Senate Republicans to make changes. Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-Va.), one of the most outspoken defenders of the tax credits, said in a statement she voted for the bill because it delivers on other key GOP priorities, but she remains 'deeply concerned' about rollbacks to the credits, especially the more aggressive cuts made just prior to the vote. 'As the bill moves to the Senate, I hope further changes will be made to protect the tax credits that are already creating jobs and providing energy for Virginia families,' Kiggans said. Rep. Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.), who said late Wednesday he opposed the IRA changes made to appease conservatives, missed the vote but said he would have supported the package. While the Senate is widely expected to moderate the IRA rollbacks, it will have to weigh them against other painful cuts and priorities for the megabill. To some clean energy advocates, the House vote was a warning sign that support is not assured until the final vote. Chris Moyer, a former staffer for then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), said in a statement the vote was a 'real wake up call for the clean energy industry that took too much solace in a few letters from House Republicans.' 'For many in the industry, it's their first up-close experience with the strong tide for partisan politics that prevents party divisions on major votes like this one,' said Moyer, who is now president of Echo Communications Advisors. 'This is a hard-learned lesson, and the only option left is to hope the Senate will show more backbone in fixing the House's errors.'

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