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Arab News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Libya once again in the abyss of despair
On May 12, Tripoli experienced widespread clashes between rival militias as Libya became the arena for the type of blood-letting and public disorder that recalled the horrors of civil conflicts and war that have devastated the country for more than a decade. Both parts of the divided country, led by rival authorities in Tobruk and Tripoli, are overrun by militias. The administration in the east, headed by the House of Representatives in Tobruk, is supported by the Libyan Arab Armed Forces, commanded by Khalifa Haftar. His army controls political and financial institutions. Haftar's forces also control Libya's oil-producing areas in the east that produce 1.2 million barrels a day. Oil revenues, which are deposited in the Central Bank of Libya, account for 97 percent of the government revenues required to pay for official expenses, salaries, and imports. The latest turbulence has occurred in the west of the country, which is administered by the Government of National Unity headed by acting Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah. Tripoli is home to three powerful militias: the Stability Support Authority; the Special Deterrence Force, also known as Radaa; and the 444 Brigade. In early May, Dbeibah called for the dismantling of these militias. On May 12, after heavy fighting, the head of the Stability Support Authority, Abdulghani Kikli, was killed. He was the most powerful militia chief in Tripoli, controlling internal security and managing cash transfers from the central bank. Following his death, militias affiliated with Dbeibah, in particular the 444 Brigade, took over the assets of the Stability Support Authority, consolidating Dbeibah's hold on power. Beginning on May 16, however, popular protests started to take place in Tripoli demanding Dbeibah's resignation. The demonstrators held him responsible for the power enjoyed by the militias, and for their own dire security and living conditions. After the protests were quelled by the security forces, Dbeibah took credit for 'ending the rule of militia and building a state of law.' The latest violence in Tripoli has highlighted the fragility of a binary political order in Libya that has enfeebled state institutions, weaned predatory political leaders, and encouraged lawlessness and violence in the broken polity. It has also placed Libya at the center of regional human-trafficking networks. The International Organization for Migration estimates that in January and February this year more than 700,000 migrants from 44 countries were waiting in Libya to make perilous sea journeys to Europe. The latest violence in Tripoli has highlighted the fragility of a binary political order in Libya that has enfeebled state institutions. Talmiz Ahmad The rival leaders in Tripoli and Tobruk enjoy the support of one of two major external powers: Turkiye backs Tripoli, while Russia backs Tobruk. Turkiye has provided the Government of National Unity with armored vehicles, air defense systems, armed drones, and artillery. Meanwhile, during a military parade in Benghazi on May 26, Haftar flaunted Russian-supplied weaponry that included air defense systems, helicopters, tanks, military trucks, rocket systems, and infantry fighting vehicles. The parade served to showcase his military prowess, and supported the Libyan Arab Armed Forces' claim to be the legitimate national army. While Libya's leaders enrich themselves and feud with each other, their backers, Turkiye and Russia, are reaping strategic and economic benefits. Russia already has airbases at Al-Khadim and Al-Shatti, and is said to be looking to establish a Mediterranean naval base, possibly at Tobruk itself. Turkiye's agreement with the Tripoli-based government in 2021 strengthened its claims to the energy resources of the Eastern Mediterranean. Since then, the country has obtained lucrative infrastructure contracts from the Tobruk government as well. Russia views Libya as a strategic bridge to the Mediterranean and Africa. In the aftermath of the regime change in Syria, Moscow has targeted Libya as its principal geopolitical center for political, economic, and military outreach in Africa. Its interests on the continent, particularly in the Sahel, are being promoted by the Africa Corps, the successor to the Wagner Group, and are well-served from bases in Libya, particularl Maettan Al-Sarra close to the borders with Chad and Sudan. So far, Turkiye and Russia have been pursuing a policy of 'managed rivalry,' as they have done previously in relation to Syria and the South Caucasus. A recent analysis in an Arabic newspaper contrasted the current lawlessness and violence in western Libya with the unity, discipline, and security provided by Haftar in the east through the elimination of extremists and militias. The author suggested that before seeking free elections and a democratic government, Tripoli needs to establish law and order through a takeover by Haftar's forces and unite the country. Possibly concerned by the corrosive effect of the national divide, Russia and Turkiye just might agree to unify Libya under Haftar. In September last year, there were reports that he was moving his troops to Ghadames, a strategically located oasis with an airport near the border with Tunisia and Algeria. This movement of his armed forces was seen as a precursor to the siege of Tripoli. However, recent history tells us that although in times of disorder and violence military rule might seem alluring, once in power such rule rarely makes way for free and fair elections; instead, it remains entrenched for decades and grows increasingly autocratic, intolerant, and harsh. Libya, sadly, is likely to be the latest example of this historical truth.
Asharq Al-Awsat
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Amr Moussa to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Initially Treated Me as an American Spy, Then Things Changed
In the third installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Egyptian Foreign Minister and ex-Secretary-General of the Arab League Amr Moussa discusses various experiences with Arab leaders, emphasizing the nuances of diplomacy in a turbulent region. Moussa recalled that former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak 'was neither bloodthirsty nor a pharaoh, nor did he try to be one.' He points to a famous remark by President Anwar Sadat, who once said: 'Gamal (Abdel Nasser) and I are the last of the pharaohs.' The Gaddafi encounter Reflecting on his complex interactions with Libyan leader Moammar al-Gaddafi, Moussa admitted that the beginning was anything but smooth. 'When I first met Gaddafi, he treated me as if I were an American spy. He wouldn't look at me directly, only speaking while facing another direction. It was very theatrical,' Moussa said. He recalled this behavior with a certain amusement, treating it almost like a game: 'I would wager with myself before our meetings—will he speak to me directly this time, or not?' Initially, rumors had reached Gaddafi that Moussa had been sent with a US agenda, though he had actually been Egypt's ambassador to the UN in New York, not Washington. 'But once he observed how I performed in my role, he began to change his mind. Eventually, he would ask President Mubarak if I could join their private discussions.' Moussa recalled a specific instance in Tobruk, where he was invited by Gaddafi to sit at a table with him and Mubarak to discuss a matter of importance. He knew this would stir unease among others present, but the conversation went ahead regardless. This type of scene, he noted, happened several times. Hosni Mubarak, Moammar al-Gaddafi and Amr Moussa at the Arab summit in Sirte in 2010. (AFP) Diplomatic drama in a tent When Gaddafi visited Cairo during Moussa's tenure as foreign minister, the Libyan leader insisted on setting up his trademark tent in the gardens of the Qubba Palace. Though the palace was fully equipped, Gaddafi would receive guests only in the tent. 'At that time, he still saw me as a US spy,' Moussa said, 'so he avoided looking at me during our meeting. He inspected every corner of the tent—except the one where I was sitting.' Despite Gaddafi's sometimes abrasive behavior, Moussa conceded that the Libyan leader was intelligent and unique. 'He was eccentric, yes, but he had a cleverness about him. His actions often carried a deeper rationale, even if misguided.' Gaddafi's erratic rule extended to his own ministers. Moussa noted how even highly regarded officials like Abdul Rahman Shalgham and Ali Treki were subject to his whims. 'If Gaddafi was displeased with something, he might simply tell you to stay home—and that could mean house arrest for years. Yet, your salary would still arrive at your door.' A moment of humor One incident stood out. Libya was scheduled to host the Arab summit and had failed to pay its dues to the Arab League, and as Secretary-General, Moussa received an envoy from Gaddafi carrying a list of demands. Moussa didn't even read the letter; he simply locked it in a drawer. 'When the envoy asked what to report back, I told him exactly that,' Moussa laughed. Soon after, Gaddafi summoned him to Sirte. As Moussa waited in the tent, Gaddafi's secretary, Bashir Saleh, walked by singing an old Arabic poem: 'You seem tearless, and patience is your nature.' Moussa quipped: 'Tell the leader he's not tearless—he's payment-less!' Saleh shared the joke with Gaddafi, who burst into laughter and finally paid Libya's dues. Later, during an Arab summit in Libya, Gaddafi displayed a surprising sense of responsibility. Moussa recalled a heated moment when Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh demanded immediate action on forming a pan-Arab army. Gaddafi gently interrupted: 'Take it easy, Ali.' That phrase—'Take it easy, Ali'—spoke volumes, according to Moussa. 'It revealed Gaddafi's desire to manage tension even among volatile leaders.' On Hosni Mubarak and the 'pharaoh' myth Asked if Mubarak ever resembled the authoritarian archetype of a 'pharaoh' as Russians view their 'czars,' Moussa was firm: 'No, not Mubarak. Maybe Sadat had some traits—he liked symbolism. But Mubarak? He wasn't violent, nor bloodthirsty. Yes, he could be firm, but he didn't revel in bloodshed.' Moussa clarified that while Mubarak might have approved harsh punishments as president, it never escalated to a murderous level. 'Perhaps there were isolated incidents, especially within the prison system, but it wasn't part of Mubarak's character to govern through violence. He wasn't built that way.' Saddam Hussein meets with Amr Moussa in Iraq in January 2002. (AFP) The song that stirred controversy When the Egyptian folk singer Shaaban Abdel Rahim sang 'I hate Israel, and I love Amr Moussa,' it caused a stir. Moussa downplayed the drama. 'I don't think Mubarak himself was offended. He was the president; no foreign minister would rival him in popularity. But some people in the surrounding circles—not necessarily his inner circle—were irked.' Eventually, another version of the song emerged, replacing Moussa's name with Mubarak's. 'But it was the original that made waves. Even a diplomat from Latin America once told me, 'We're dancing to this song here!'' A difficult meeting with Saddam Hussein One of the most tense encounters Moussa ever had was with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. After being elected Secretary-General of the Arab League in 2001, Moussa set out to visit all Arab leaders. He deliberately left Saddam until the end, knowing the sensitivities involved. In January 2002, Moussa visited Saddam at a small palace. He carried a message from UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan regarding weapons inspections. 'I told Saddam that Annan was open to negotiations, and that continued confrontation with the US would lead nowhere. At some point, no one would stand by him.' Moussa asked Saddam directly: 'Do you possess nuclear weapons?' Saddam answered, 'No.' Moussa pressed him again: 'Are you absolutely sure?' Saddam repeated, 'No.' This made Moussa's deputy, Ahmed Ben Helli, visibly nervous. 'He probably thought we weren't going to walk out of there.' Moussa then asked why Iraq objected to the UN inspectors. Saddam responded: 'These people don't just inspect nuclear sites. They ask civilians about food supplies, their opinions on the government. What business is that of theirs?' Moussa promised to report this to Annan, which he did. Negotiations resumed between Iraq and the UN, but history took its course and the US-led invasion followed. Asked if he felt fortunate never to have served directly under a figure like Gaddafi, Moussa answered without hesitation: 'Absolutely. I saw how respected men like Shalgham and Treki were sidelined. You could be a top official one day and under house arrest the next.'
