Latest news with #Trump-style
Yahoo
5 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - DeSantis's reign of terror on education is Trump's model
If Americans want a glimpse of Trump-style education policy in action, they should look to Florida. Over the last six years, Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) has turned the state into a laboratory for a hard-right agenda, disguised as 'parental rights' but aimed at systematically dismantling public education. Under the banner of culture wars, Florida has censored classroom discussions, politicized school boards and driven teachers out of the profession, undermining not just what students learn but whether they learn at all. It's a blueprint for control, not for education. Start with book-banning. Florida leads the country in book-banning, with 4,561 books banned in schools in 33 of the state's 67 school districts. Banned books, including award-winning authors like Maya Angelou, Saul Bellow and Toni Morrison, classics from Proust to Ovid, bestselling authors like Patricia Cornwell and James Patterson, and left-leaning social commentators like Jon Stewart. This wave of book-bans aligns with broader efforts in Florida to reshape school curricula. The state's new educational standards include language suggesting that enslaved people may have developed skills that 'could be applied for their personal benefit.' The state also placed limits on African American studies programs, claiming an Advanced Placement African American Studies course lacked educational value and violated state law. Gay and transgender students and educators have come under increased scrutiny. Legislation and administrative rules have imposed restrictions on which bathrooms transgender students may use and have limited how gender identity and sexual orientation can be discussed in classrooms. Under laws signed by DeSantis, teachers face legal risks for using the preferred pronouns of transgender students without explicit parental consent. One notable case occurred in Brevard County, where a beloved veteran teacher's contract was not renewed because she referred to a student by a name chosen several years prior to the adoption of the rule. Meanwhile, new laws require parental consent for basic services like nurses' visits, accessing library books and watching PG films like 'Frosty the Snowman.' Because of these rules, tens of thousands of Florida students lose out because their parents have not filled out consent forms. School nurses risk losing their jobs for something as simple as putting a bandage on a scraped knee without prior parental consent. The burden falls heavily on parents, who must navigate a maze of new forms, and on school staff, who are overwhelmed by the surge in paperwork. Many frontline educators and support workers live in fear of backlash from activist groups like Moms for Liberty, whose influence has turned everyday decisions into political flashpoints. DeSantis has also gone to war with higher education, including the takeover of the New College of Florida. High-ranking administrators were fired and diversity programs eliminated. Scores of faculty have quit. DeSantis's hostility toward public education knows no limits. His state ranks dead last in teacher pay, Florida just posted the worst national test scores in more than 20 years and Florida has a universal school voucher program that disproportionately benefits higher-income students. None of this has escaped the attention of Trump, whose executive orders explicitly encourage states to turn federal block grants into voucher programs. His latest proposed budget also slashes $4.5 billion in support for low-income students, undermining programs that help with high school completion, college access and work-study opportunities. He proposes cutting teacher quality initiatives, funding for Howard University, the Office for Civil Rights and bilingual student programs. His proposed budget explicitly prohibits funding for progressive nonprofits and DEI programs. Will Republicans in Congress realize that Trump's assault on education hurts the very institutions their communities rely on? Schools and universities aren't just economic drivers in their districts, they're centers of local pride, identity and opportunity. In places like Brevard County, where we recently held a town hall, hope is being replaced by fear. Parents, educators, students and community leaders all expressed shame and fury at the actions of their local school board and state policymakers. Trump and DeSantis have taken the bullying approach to governing to new extremes. There is no honest debate, no give and take, no compromise. It is a relentless drive to push, divide and control. Cruelty is the point, and the negative consequences of children, families and educators aren't a side effect — it's a strategy. Forty-two years ago, Republican President Ronald Reagan sounded the alarm on the state of American education by releasing 'A Nation at Risk.' Today, that title applies to much more than our schools: our economy, our democracy, our environment, our global standing and our moral compass. But no one is more vulnerable than 50 million American school children living under an immoral, unethical and criminal president. They cannot vote. They have no lobby. They are counting on us to fight back. Jennifer Jenkins is a former Brevard County School Board member and chairwoman of Educated We Stand, a nonprofit committed to resisting right-wing extremism in Florida schools. Arne Duncan is a former U. S. Secretary of Education. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Hill
DeSantis's reign of terror on education is Trump's model
If Americans want a glimpse of Trump-style education policy in action, they should look to Florida. Over the last six years, Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) has turned the state into a laboratory for a hard-right agenda, disguised as 'parental rights' but aimed at systematically dismantling public education. Under the banner of culture wars, Florida has censored classroom discussions, politicized school boards and driven teachers out of the profession, undermining not just what students learn but whether they learn at all. It's a blueprint for control, not for education. Start with book-banning. Florida leads the country in book-banning, with 4,561 books banned in schools in 33 of the state's 67 school districts. Banned books, including award-winning authors like Maya Angelou, Saul Bellow and Toni Morrison, classics from Proust to Ovid, bestselling authors like Patricia Cornwell and James Patterson, and left-leaning social commentators like Jon Stewart. This wave of book-bans aligns with broader efforts in Florida to reshape school curricula. The state's new educational standards include language suggesting that enslaved people may have developed skills that 'could be applied for their personal benefit.' The state also placed limits on African American studies programs, claiming an Advanced Placement African American Studies course lacked educational value and violated state law. Gay and transgender students and educators have come under increased scrutiny. Legislation and administrative rules have imposed restrictions on which bathrooms transgender students may use and have limited how gender identity and sexual orientation can be discussed in classrooms. Under laws signed by DeSantis, teachers face legal risks for using the preferred pronouns of transgender students without explicit parental consent. One notable case occurred in Brevard County, where a beloved veteran teacher's contract was not renewed because she referred to a student by a name chosen several years prior to the adoption of the rule. Meanwhile, new laws require parental consent for basic services like nurses' visits, accessing library books and watching PG films like 'Frosty the Snowman.' Because of these rules, tens of thousands of Florida students lose out because their parents have not filled out consent forms. School nurses risk losing their jobs for something as simple as putting a bandage on a scraped knee without prior parental consent. The burden falls heavily on parents, who must navigate a maze of new forms, and on school staff, who are overwhelmed by the surge in paperwork. Many frontline educators and support workers live in fear of backlash from activist groups like Moms for Liberty, whose influence has turned everyday decisions into political flashpoints. DeSantis has also gone to war with higher education, including the takeover of the New College of Florida. High-ranking administrators were fired and diversity programs eliminated. Scores of faculty have quit. DeSantis's hostility toward public education knows no limits. His state ranks dead last in teacher pay, Florida just posted the worst national test scores in more than 20 years and Florida has a universal school voucher program that disproportionately benefits higher-income students. None of this has escaped the attention of Trump, whose executive orders explicitly encourage states to turn federal block grants into voucher programs. His latest proposed budget also slashes $4.5 billion in support for low-income students, undermining programs that help with high school completion, college access and work-study opportunities. He proposes cutting teacher quality initiatives, funding for Howard University, the Office for Civil Rights and bilingual student programs. His proposed budget explicitly prohibits funding for progressive nonprofits and DEI programs. Will Republicans in Congress realize that Trump's assault on education hurts the very institutions their communities rely on? Schools and universities aren't just economic drivers in their districts, they're centers of local pride, identity and opportunity. In places like Brevard County, where we recently held a town hall, hope is being replaced by fear. Parents, educators, students and community leaders all expressed shame and fury at the actions of their local school board and state policymakers. Trump and DeSantis have taken the bullying approach to governing to new extremes. There is no honest debate, no give and take, no compromise. It is a relentless drive to push, divide and control. Cruelty is the point, and the negative consequences of children, families and educators aren't a side effect — it's a strategy. Forty-two years ago, Republican President Ronald Reagan sounded the alarm on the state of American education by releasing 'A Nation at Risk.' Today, that title applies to much more than our schools: our economy, our democracy, our environment, our global standing and our moral compass. But no one is more vulnerable than 50 million American school children living under an immoral, unethical and criminal president. They cannot vote. They have no lobby. They are counting on us to fight back. Jennifer Jenkins is a former Brevard County School Board member and chairwoman of Educated We Stand, a nonprofit committed to resisting right-wing extremism in Florida schools. Arne Duncan is a former U. S. Secretary of Education.
Egypt Independent
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Egypt Independent
Romania's pro-EU candidate unexpectedly beats hard-right rival to win presidential election
CNN — Romania's pro-European Union, centrist presidential candidate Nicușor Dan won the country's election Sunday, defeating his ultranationalist rival in a shocking upset. With 100 percent of the votes counted, the centrist candidate won nearly 54 percent of the ballots cast, a clear win over hard-right candidate George Simion, who is a fan of US President Donald Trump. Simion, who opposes providing military aid to Ukraine and is critical of the EU, looked on track to win the election after he swept the first round on May 4. But Dan gained ground after trouncing Simion in a televised debate. While addressing a crowd of his jubilant supporters on Sunday, Dan said that the vote proved the 'incredible power of the Romanian society,' according to Reuters. 'Elections are about community. In today's elections, a community of Romanians who want a profound change in Romania won,' the 55-year-old mayor said. He also encouraged his supporters to 'have patience,' saying a 'difficult period lies ahead, but necessary in order to balance the economy of this country, to build the foundations of a healthy society.' Dan, who is currently the mayor of the capital Bucharest, is a strong supporter of Romania's NATO membership and has pledged to continue providing aid to Ukraine, which he sees as key to Romania's own security against the threat from Russia. He also campaigned on a promise to crack down on corruption. 'I feel relieved. I am happy. I feel hopeful,' voter Alina Enache, 42, told Reuters. 'I'm happy that we're not heading towards the extremist way.' Simion conceded defeat in a video posted to X on Sunday night, despite calling himself the 'new president' earlier in the day. But he also vowed to continue to fight alongside the 'sovereigntist patriots and conservatives around the world.' He still captured the support of Romania's diaspora, one of the largest of any country in the world. About 60 percent of the diaspora voted for Simion in the first round. Since then, he spent a lot of time outside Romania, traveling to Austria, Italy, Poland, Belgium, France and the United Kingdom, in an effort to win over voters abroad. 'It was an honor for me to represent our movement in this battle. We lost this battle, but we didn't and will never lose our war,' Simion said. The election comes five months after the result of the original vote, which saw former far-right outsider Calin Georgescu surge in popularity, was annulled over allegations of Russian interference. Georgescu was later banned from this month's rerun after being charged with various crimes, including founding a fascist group. More than 10 million Romanians cast their vote in Sunday's election, which was widely seen as a choice between East and West and a litmus test for the rise of Trump-style nationalism in Europe. An array of European leaders congratulated Dan on his victory, including France's Emmanuel Macron, Poland's Donald Tusk and Moldova's Maia Sandu. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky also applauded Dan's 'historic victory' and Romania's role as a 'reliable partner' to Ukraine. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen expressed her eagerness to work with Dan as he becomes the country's new leader. 'The Romanian people have turned out massively to the polls. They have chosen the promise of an open, prosperous Romania in a strong Europe. Together let's deliver on that promise,' von der Leyen said on X. On Sunday, Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Andrei Tarnea said that the 'hallmarks of Russian interference' were seen in the election. 'A viral campaign of fake news on Telegram and other social media platforms is aimed to influence the electoral process. This was expected and authorities debunked the fake news,' Tarnea said. Russia's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova responded by questioning the integrity of the election. 'It's impossible to interfere in something like that — only to get smeared in it. So don't smear anyone else with your electoral mess,' she asserted. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov added on Monday that 'the elections were strange, to say the least' and criticized the earlier removal of far-right candidate Georgescu. CNN's Lauren Kent contributed to this report.
Yahoo
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Romania's pro-EU candidate has lead over hard-right nationalist, preliminary election data shows
Romania's pro-European Union presidential candidate Nicușor Dan has the lead in the country's election on Sunday after more than 80% of the votes were counted. Hard-right candidate George Simion, who opposes providing military aid to Ukraine and is critical of the EU, looked on track to win the election after he swept the first round on May 4. However, Dan gained ground after trouncing Simion in a televised debate. The election comes five months after the result of the original vote, which saw former far-right outsider Calin Georgescu surge in popularity, was annulled over allegations of Russian interference. Georgescu was later banned from this month's rerun after being charged with various crimes, including founding a fascist group. Sunday's election was widely seen as a choice between East and West and a litmus test for the rise of Trump-style nationalism in Europe. Dan, who is currently the mayor of the capital Bucharest, is a strong supporter of Romania's NATO membership and has pledged to continue providing aid to Ukraine, which he sees as key to Romania's own security against the threat from Russia. He has also promised to crack down on corruption. Simion appears to have the support of Romania's diaspora, one of the largest of any country in the world. About 60% of the diaspora voted for Simion in the first round. Since then, he spent a lot of time outside Romania, traveling to Austria, Italy, Poland, Belgium, France and the United Kingdom, in an effort to win over voters abroad.
Arabian Post
18-05-2025
- Business
- Arabian Post
Deal Maker Trump Puts Up A Magnificent Show Of His Craft In Arabian Gulf
By K Raveendran Donald Trump's Gulf tour has marked a defining chapter in his post-presidential brand of deal diplomacy, delivering a staggering $2 trillion in agreements that stretch across Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. This campaign stands in sharp contrast to the flagging results of his so-called trade mark tariff war, which—despite dominating headlines—yielded few tangible gains and inflicted considerable economic uncertainty globally. The deals secured in the Gulf region do not merely reflect economic exchanges; they signal a recalibration of regional alliances, global energy markets, and the enduring influence of Trump-style realpolitik in an increasingly multipolar world. The sheer scale of these agreements reaffirms Trump's core identity as a businessman first and foremost. His approach—transactional, results-driven, and focused on mutual benefit—has evidently resonated with the Gulf monarchies. In Saudi Arabia, Trump negotiated a comprehensive framework involving defence, infrastructure, and technology investments. Sources indicate the Saudis have pledged upwards of $800 billion across various American sectors, with a large chunk earmarked for joint ventures in cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and next-generation defence systems. This aligns with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 strategy, which seeks to diversify the kingdom's economy and reduce dependence on oil. Trump, ever the opportunist, positioned American firms as ideal partners in this transformation. Meanwhile, Qatar, long seen as the outlier in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) due to its often-independent foreign policy, made an unexpected pivot by agreeing to a $400 billion deal with American firms. The agreements cover everything from liquefied natural gas (LNG) supply chains to a new transport corridor involving American engineering giants. This move is emblematic of Qatar's desire to solidify ties with the U.S. while hedging against regional isolation, particularly in the aftermath of the GCC blockade that had once put the tiny emirate at odds with its neighbours. Trump's negotiations, deftly conducted, turned that vulnerability into leverage. See also Conflict With India Seriously Endangers Pakistan's Energy Security The UAE's commitments, perhaps the most headline-grabbing, include a promise to invest $1.4 trillion in the United States over the next ten years. The investments span clean energy, real estate, defence, and emerging technologies. In return, American oil companies will be granted expanded upstream access in UAE oil and gas fields—a concession that effectively gives Washington influence over Gulf energy output at a critical time when energy prices remain volatile. This is a strategic masterstroke. It allows Trump to influence global oil prices without directly engaging OPEC or rehashing old shale production battles, offering him a soft power victory on the global stage. Trump's success in securing lower oil prices, albeit indirectly, is particularly noteworthy. During his presidency, he repeatedly clashed with OPEC over production cuts that drove up global prices. This time, however, rather than confront the cartel head-on, he subtly shifted the playing field. By gaining a foothold in Gulf upstream operations and pushing for energy investment in the U.S., he has created market incentives for increased output and diversified supply chains. This undermines OPEC's ability to control prices while bolstering U.S. energy independence—a win-win scenario by Trump's reckoning. But beyond economics, there's a deeper geopolitical shift underway. Trump has recalibrated the United States' traditional role in the Middle East. Instead of being a policeman or a moral arbiter, the U.S.—under his stewardship—is a business partner and a facilitator of growth. The Gulf monarchies, particularly under leaders like Mohammed bin Salman and Mohammed bin Zayed, have shown a clear preference for this model. They seek modernization, security guarantees, and high-tech partnerships, not lectures on human rights or democracy. Trump, unlike his predecessors, offers this pragmatic approach without the encumbrance of ideological baggage. His Gulf tour also effectively sidelines competitors like China and Russia. While both have made inroads into the Middle East, the depth and breadth of American integration—across sectors from defence to data infrastructure—means that the U.S. retains a unique advantage. China might fund ports and trade routes under its Belt and Road Initiative, but it lacks the cultural and technological appeal of American firms. Russia can sell arms, but it cannot deliver the kind of system-wide transformation that Gulf countries crave. Trump's deals, therefore, serve as a counterbalance to these ambitions, reinforcing American soft power in a region increasingly characterized by hard economic choices. Critics will argue that Trump's style lacks the finesse of diplomacy and risks reducing international relations to mere financial transactions. But in the calculus of Gulf rulers, this might be a strength, not a flaw. The clarity of Trump's approach—the promise of mutual profit without political interference—stands in stark contrast to the often convoluted strategies of the State Department. Where traditional diplomacy fails to deliver, Trump's model fills the void. And for now, it is working. The global order is in flux, and the old rules no longer apply. Trade wars, sanctions, and military interventions have given way to subtler forms of influence. In this context, Trump's Gulf tour represents a new template for geopolitical engagement—one driven by capital flows, strategic investments, and economic interdependence. While critics may decry its transactional nature, its effectiveness is undeniable. The $2 trillion in deals is not just a number—it is a symbol of influence, of partnership, and of a future where economics dictate diplomacy. (IPA Service)
