Latest news with #Tuttle
Associated Press
21-07-2025
- Business
- Associated Press
Guild Garage Group Announces 20th Partnership with Jolly Goat Garage Doors
NEW YORK, July 21, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- Guild Garage Group ('Guild'), an alliance of residential garage door service companies focused on replacement, repair and installation, has announced the completion of its partnership with Jolly Goat Garage Doors ('Jolly Goat'), a leading family-owned and operated residential garage door service company based in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Jolly Goat is Guild's 20th acquisition since launching in 2024, and its 6th acquisition in 2025. In conjunction with the transaction, Guild will also be supporting Jolly Goat in its strategic acquisition of Patriot Garage Doors ('Patriot'), a leading family-owned and operated residential garage door service company based in Tuttle, Oklahoma. 'We are incredibly excited to welcome the Jolly Goat team to Guild,' said Tim O'Reilly, CEO of Guild. 'We have had the privilege of getting to know Jeff and Alan for over a year now, and aside from being superb human beings, I can say with the utmost confidence that they will make incredible Brand Presidents and leaders within the Guild system.' 'We are thrilled to be partnering with Guild. This growth capital investment and strategic partnership marks an important milestone for Jolly Goat.' said Jeff Gabelsberg, Owner of Jolly Goat. 'We are lucky to have developed a strong relationship not only with members of the Guild Executive Team, but also, several of their Brand Presidents. We look forward to playing a part in Guild's mission of creating the best and largest network of garage door service providers in the country.' Guild is actively looking for leading garage door service businesses across the country. Founders and advisors interested in learning more should contact Teddy Garner at [email protected]. About Guild Garage Group Guild Garage Group is an alliance of residential garage door service companies and is actively looking to partner with owners of industry-leading companies. Guild is guided by the vision of being the preferred partner to business owners through a 'made for you' brand positioning and invests in companies with strong management teams and cultures to create unmatched growth opportunities for them. Guild allows owners to take chips off the table but retain 'unit level ownership' so they continue to benefit through annual distributions and an eventual full exit as their business grows. Guild retains the employees and management teams of the companies they partner with, and provides them with the resources and processes they need to better serve their customers, employees, and communities. More information about Guild can be found at About Jolly Goat Garage Doors Jolly Goat Garage Doors is a leading garage door services business established in 2013. The business is headquartered in Oklahoma City, OK. The company boasts over 700 positive Google reviews and maintains 4.9 Stars on Google, making them a preferred choice for garage door replacement and repair across Oklahoma. Jolly Goat offers a range of services related to garage doors, including repair options, garage door replacement, and installation. More information about Jolly Goat can be found at CONTACT: Teddy Garner at [email protected] View original content to download multimedia: SOURCE Guild Garage Group
Los Angeles Times
15-07-2025
- Automotive
- Los Angeles Times
Skilled trades are making a comeback in public schools
Remember Metal Shop and Auto Shop? The kids taking those high school classes were building practical skills (and sometimes instant careers) while we squishy liberal-arts types floundered to find ourselves, sometimes for years. At some point, the big brains overseeing public education adopted an every-kid-goes-to-college ethos and vocational education fell out of favor in much of California. But now it appears to be in the midst of a modest renaissance. A burgeoning program to teach skilled trades in the Los Angeles public schools is drawing lots of attention, including from my colleague Howard Blume, masterful education reporter at The Times for nearly two decades. In a harmonic convergence that feels a bit like a trend, I simultaneously learned about an L.A. nonprofit offering vocational summer school that is significantly expanding, offering instruction for 600 high school students in trades like construction, welding, plumbing and solar panel installation. Here's what's bitchin' (as we might have said when I was in high school) about this deal: Teenagers are trained in skills that could land them jobs soon after graduation. Some of them are paid right now. And the programs don't preclude going on to college if that floats their boats. (Ack, '70s patois alert.) The L.A. schools program pays a $1,000 stipend. The other program, known as Harbor Freight Tools for Schools, subsidizes multiple campuses in teaching skilled trades. At La Mirada High School, teacher Brent Tuttle said the high schoolers helping him teach welding this summer are making $1,700. Other students are also paid to receive the hands-on training. Welding classes at La Mirada have become a hot commodity. And no wonder. Some parents have noticed that a four-year college degree can cost $300,000. Only to produce a barista with a scintillating vocabulary. All six periods of La Mirada High welding were jammed last year, with a waiting list of 100 to get in. Tuttle plans to add a class in the fall and hopes, with a fellow instructor, to teach welding to 200 students. One graduate of Tuttle's classes called him recently to express thanks, saying he'd just done his taxes and reported $150,000 in income. Another graduate built his own business, with $3 million in annual sales and five employees. And with big construction projects on the horizon — rebuilding from this year's fires and the 2028 Olympics — the market for skilled tradespeople promises to expand. Hands-on work like plumbing, carpentry and welding also appears beyond the ever-expanding grasp of automation. 'It's getting scary what AI can do and what it can replace,' Tuttle said. 'But if you are in the skilled trades or medical professions, I think you are going to be good to go.' The program at La Mirada and the other schools is funded by Harbor Freight and its chief executive, Eric Smidt, a self-made businessman who never attended college and built a fortune selling power tools, chain saws, log splitters and other equipment. 'It's not like taking classes just to graduate,' said Seth Russell, 21, who got a job as a fabricator after earning certificates after taking Harbor Freight-sponsored welding classes. 'I was working on something valuable for a very specific trade. It helped a lot.' Maria says, 'PEBBLE BEACH' (Love the enthusiasm!) Linda says, 'Black point beach in The Sea Ranch. Sonoma county.' Email us at essentialcalifornia@ and your response might appear in the newsletter this week. Today's great photo is from Juliana Yamada at Descanso Gardens' new exhibition, 'Roots of Cool: A Celebration of Trees and Shade in a Warming World.' It highlights female artists and touches on themes of climate inequities in L.A. Jim Rainey, staff writerDiamy Wang, homepage internIzzy Nunes, audience internHugo Martin, assistant editor for Fast BreakKevinisha Walker, multiplatform editorAndrew Campa, Sunday writerKarim Doumar, head of newsletters How can we make this newsletter more useful? Send comments to essentialcalifornia@ Check our top stories, topics and the latest articles on
Yahoo
11-07-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
He Built a $4.5B ETF Empire From Home -- And He's Betting on Trump, GameStop, and Crypto Next
From a home office in Greenwich, Connecticut, Matthew Tuttle is building a business that's attracting attention across the ETF world. Tuttle Capital now manages $4.5 billion, with products geared toward a new generation of retail traders seeking amplified returns. His specialty? Leveraged single-stock ETFsfunds that aim to deliver 2X or -2X the daily return of volatile names like GameStop (NYSE:GME), Roblox (NYSE:RBLX), and Strategy (NASDAQ:MSTR), the Bitcoin-focused company led by Michael Saylor. His double-Strategy fund, launched in partnership with REX Shares, has grown to $1.7 billion. This corner of the ETF market has ballooned to $22 billion, up from essentially zero just a few years ago, as more traders gravitate toward high-conviction, high-volatility bets. Warning! GuruFocus has detected 3 Warning Sign with GME. So far in 2025, more than 100 leveraged or inverse ETFs have launched in the of them focused on single stocks. Many of these are managed by firms like Tuttle Capital, Defiance ETFs (run by Sylvia Jablonski), and GraniteShares (led by Will Rhind). All three firms operate with lean, decentralized teams. Tuttle and Jablonski coordinate operations from home offices, while Rhind works out of a co-working space in New York. Defiance now manages $5 billion across more than 30 ETFs. GraniteShares has surpassed $9 billion in assets, with around 75% in leveraged single-stock ETFs. These products often charge significantly higher fees than typical equity ETFsTuttle's 2X Strategy fund charges 1.05%, compared to the 0.61% industry average. Bloomberg Intelligence estimates that Tuttle's firm could be generating around $35 million annually from these funds. The SEC has expressed concern over the suitability of leveraged ETFs for retail investors, noting that daily resetting can distort long-term performance and increase risk. In the past, filings for certain products were swiftly challengedTuttle recalls the SEC contacting him within an hour when he filed for an inverse Bitcoin ETF in 2021. More recently, however, he filed for 2X Trump and Melania-themed cryptocurrency ETFs without receiving immediate pushback. While the SEC has not commented on this change, some in the industry believe the current environment may allow for broader flexibility. Critics still argue that retail investors may underestimate the risks involved, but Tuttle maintains that investors should be free to decide for themselves. If I want to lose money, I mean, that's my right as an American, he says. For Tuttle and his peers, demand signals don't come from Wall Streetthey're tracked in Discord chats, filings, and ETF inflows. This article first appeared on GuruFocus. Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data
San Francisco Chronicle
10-07-2025
- Politics
- San Francisco Chronicle
A century after a man was convicted of teaching evolution, the debate on religion in schools rages
NASHVILLE, Tenn. (AP) — One hundred years ago, a public high school teacher stood trial in Dayton, Tennessee, for teaching human evolution. His nation is still feeling the reverberations today. The law books record it as State of Tennessee v. John T. Scopes. History remembers it as the ' Monkey Trial.' The case ballooned into a national spectacle, complete with a courthouse showdown between a renowned, agnostic defense attorney and a famous fundamentalist Christian politician who defended the Bible on the witness stand. In a sweltering, pre-air conditioning courtroom, the trial became a linchpin for a tense debate that wasn't just a small-town aberration. 'This is a broad-based culture war of which the Scopes trial is just one place lightning struck,' says James Hudnut-Beumler, professor of American religious history at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee. Today, new state laws requiring the display of the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms are facing legal challenges. As the Supreme Court leans right, there is an ongoing conservative push to infuse more religion — often Christianity — into taxpayer-funded education. Advocates of religious diversity and church-state separation are countering it in capitols, courts and public squares. 'We are fighting on an almost daily basis,' says Robert Tuttle, a religion and law professor at George Washington University Law School in Washington, D.C. That Tennessee jury found Scopes guilty of violating the state's Butler Act — of teaching 'any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible.' A century later, the role of religion in public schools — and whether to keep it out entirely — is still being fiercely debated. Some perceive a threat to their spot in the culture While attempts to interlace America and the divine are not new, from the last half of the 20th century to today they are driven by a perceived threat among white Christians who think their dominant spot in politics and culture is being eroded by secularism or multiculturalism, Tuttle says. Other recent examples of the debate over religion in schools include adding chaplains and Bibles to classrooms, infusing designated prayer time into the school day and expanding voucher programs that can be used at religious schools. At the Supreme Court, the justices effectively stopped the first taxpayer-funded Catholic charter school and gave parents a religious exemption for LGBTQ+-related instruction. Tuttle's scholarship was used in the recent federal appeals court ruling that declared Louisiana's Ten Commandments law unconstitutional, citing a similar Kentucky law the Supreme Court ruled against in 1980. Tuttle and his co-author, Ira Lupu, assert that the principles underlying the Establishment Clause — the First Amendment's ban on the government establishing a religion — remain alive despite arguments that cite a change made in a 2022 school prayer ruling by the Supreme Court. 'We have good reasons not to concede the battlefield to the forces aimed at eliminating the idea of a secular state,' their article states. 'When they overclaim their victories, others should speak up.' The day after the court ruling, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott signed the Texas Ten Commandments bill that had easily passed the GOP-controlled state legislature. Lawsuits have been filed to block it and the Arkansas law that was approved earlier this year. Abbott has taken on a Ten Commandments issue before. He reiterated his support for the new law while celebrating the 20th anniversary of his 2005 Supreme Court victory that prevented efforts to tear down the Commandments monument on the grounds of the state Capitol. 'I will always defend the historical connection between the Ten Commandments and their influence on the history of Texas,' he says in a video posted on X. Texas Values, a conservative Christian law and policy nonprofit, rallied support for the Texas bill. If other ideals are shared in the classroom, the Ten Commandments should be able to be shared as well, says Mary Elizabeth Castle, director of government relations for the organization. A similar argument was made in 1922 by Scopes prosecutor William Jennings Bryan, a onetime populist firebrand who became the face of the anti-evolution movement. 'If the Bible cannot be taught, why should Christian taxpayers permit the teaching of guesses that make the Bible a lie?' Bryan wrote in The New York Times. 'A teacher might just as well write over the door of his room, 'Leave Christianity behind you, all ye who enter here.'' The arc of the religion-in-schools debate is long About 60 years earlier, advances in biblical criticism caused conservative Christians to double down on rejecting anything they believe conflicted with their interpretation of the Bible, human evolution included, says Hudnut-Beumler. He blames weaponized post-World War I rhetoric for spreading anti-evolution beliefs to legislation. He sees parallels to today. 'Whatever we're going through now,' he says, 'it's the product of people manufacturing rhetoric in a way that stokes fear.' Castle sees the 2022 school prayer decision as a step in the right direction. 'There's always just going to be that conflict where people are trying to trample on religious freedom,' she says, 'and so that's why we do the work that we do.' The American Civil Liberties Union, joined by other legal groups, is representing the families in Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas that sued to block new Ten Commandments laws. A much younger ACLU, boosted by the star power of defense attorney Clarence Darrow, represented Scopes, who agreed to be a test case challenging the Butler Act and to bring attention to Dayton. Daniel Mach, who directs the ACLU program on freedom of religion and belief, sees a through line between 1925 and what he describes as a present-day assault on the separation of church and state. 'There are those who want to use the machinery of the state — and in particular, our public schools — to impose their religious beliefs on everyone else,' Mach says. 'The constitutional guarantee of church-state separation has served us as a nation quite well over the years in general. And there's simply no reason to turn back the clock now.' In 1925, the ACLU lost the Scopes case. It would be more than 40 years before the Supreme Court would overrule an anti-evolution teaching ban. But the trial, which took place from July 10-21, dealt a big hit to Bryan's reputation. He died days after it ended. Though a brief legal circus, the trial inflamed social divisions. Conservatives and fundamentalists in the Midwest and South felt mocked by those they considered liberal, East Coast elites. 'They were humiliated,' Tuttle says. 'That's internalized, and it carries through.' In the 1940s, tensions flared with a school funding case before the Supreme Court. They returned in the 1960s when the justices ruled against school-sponsored prayer and Bible readings. It was upsetting, Tuttle says, to conservative Christians who saw schools as a source of morality. 'The link you see with the Scopes case is a sense of alienation and devaluing of what civic experience means to them,' he says. Suzanne Rosenblith, an expert on religion in public education at the University at Buffalo in New York, sees the wave of court cases as primarily First Amendment tensions. 'Your argument for removing something can be seen as ensuring that Congress makes no law respecting the establishment of religion. And my wanting something included, that's my way of exercising my right to religious freedom,' she says. 'And it could be on the same issue.' A lesson to be learned from the last 100 years, Rosenblith says, is that America remains a pluralist democracy and needs to be approached as such. 'All sides are going to win some and lose some,' she says. 'But how can we treat each other, especially those with whom we disagree on these significant issues, how do we treat each other more seriously?' ___
10-07-2025
- Politics
Century after man was convicted of teaching evolution, school religion debate rages
NASHVILLE, Tenn. -- One hundred years ago, a public high school teacher stood trial in Dayton, Tennessee, for teaching human evolution. His nation is still feeling the reverberations today. The law books record it as State of Tennessee v. John T. Scopes. History remembers it as the ' Monkey Trial.' The case ballooned into a national spectacle, complete with a courthouse showdown between a renowned, agnostic defense attorney and a famous fundamentalist Christian politician who defended the Bible on the witness stand. In a sweltering, pre-air conditioning courtroom, the trial became a linchpin for a tense debate that wasn't just a small-town aberration. 'This is a broad-based culture war of which the Scopes trial is just one place lightning struck,' says James Hudnut-Beumler, professor of American religious history at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee. Today, new state laws requiring the display of the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms are facing legal challenges. As the Supreme Court leans right, there is an ongoing conservative push to infuse more religion — often Christianity — into taxpayer-funded education. Advocates of religious diversity and church-state separation are countering it in capitols, courts and public squares. 'We are fighting on an almost daily basis,' says Robert Tuttle, a religion and law professor at George Washington University Law School in Washington, D.C. That Tennessee jury found Scopes guilty of violating the state's Butler Act — of teaching 'any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible.' A century later, the role of religion in public schools — and whether to keep it out entirely — is still being fiercely debated. While attempts to interlace America and the divine are not new, from the last half of the 20th century to today they are driven by a perceived threat among white Christians who think their dominant spot in politics and culture is being eroded by secularism or multiculturalism, Tuttle says. Other recent examples of the debate over religion in schools include adding chaplains and Bibles to classrooms, infusing designated prayer time into the school day and expanding voucher programs that can be used at religious schools. At the Supreme Court, the justices effectively stopped the first taxpayer-funded Catholic charter school and gave parents a religious exemption for LGBTQ+-related instruction. Tuttle's scholarship was used in the recent federal appeals court ruling that declared Louisiana's Ten Commandments law unconstitutional, citing a similar Kentucky law the Supreme Court ruled against in 1980. Tuttle and his co-author, Ira Lupu, assert that the principles underlying the Establishment Clause — the First Amendment's ban on the government establishing a religion — remain alive despite arguments that cite a change made in a 2022 school prayer ruling by the Supreme Court. 'We have good reasons not to concede the battlefield to the forces aimed at eliminating the idea of a secular state,' their article states. 'When they overclaim their victories, others should speak up.' The day after the court ruling, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott signed the Texas Ten Commandments bill that had easily passed the GOP-controlled state legislature. Lawsuits have been filed to block it and the Arkansas law that was approved earlier this year. Abbott has taken on a Ten Commandments issue before. He reiterated his support for the new law while celebrating the 20th anniversary of his 2005 Supreme Court victory that prevented efforts to tear down the Commandments monument on the grounds of the state Capitol. 'I will always defend the historical connection between the Ten Commandments and their influence on the history of Texas,' he says in a video posted on X. Texas Values, a conservative Christian law and policy nonprofit, rallied support for the Texas bill. If other ideals are shared in the classroom, the Ten Commandments should be able to be shared as well, says Mary Elizabeth Castle, director of government relations for the organization. A similar argument was made in 1922 by Scopes prosecutor William Jennings Bryan, a onetime populist firebrand who became the face of the anti-evolution movement. 'If the Bible cannot be taught, why should Christian taxpayers permit the teaching of guesses that make the Bible a lie?' Bryan wrote in The New York Times. 'A teacher might just as well write over the door of his room, 'Leave Christianity behind you, all ye who enter here.'' About 60 years earlier, advances in biblical criticism caused conservative Christians to double down on rejecting anything they believe conflicted with their interpretation of the Bible, human evolution included, says Hudnut-Beumler. He blames weaponized post-World War I rhetoric for spreading anti-evolution beliefs to legislation. He sees parallels to today. 'Whatever we're going through now,' he says, 'it's the product of people manufacturing rhetoric in a way that stokes fear.' Castle sees the 2022 school prayer decision as a step in the right direction. 'There's always just going to be that conflict where people are trying to trample on religious freedom,' she says, 'and so that's why we do the work that we do.' The American Civil Liberties Union, joined by other legal groups, is representing the families in Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas that sued to block new Ten Commandments laws. A much younger ACLU, boosted by the star power of defense attorney Clarence Darrow, represented Scopes, who agreed to be a test case challenging the Butler Act and to bring attention to Dayton. Daniel Mach, who directs the ACLU program on freedom of religion and belief, sees a through line between 1925 and what he describes as a present-day assault on the separation of church and state. 'There are those who want to use the machinery of the state — and in particular, our public schools — to impose their religious beliefs on everyone else,' Mach says. 'The constitutional guarantee of church-state separation has served us as a nation quite well over the years in general. And there's simply no reason to turn back the clock now.' In 1925, the ACLU lost the Scopes case. It would be more than 40 years before the Supreme Court would overrule an anti-evolution teaching ban. But the trial, which took place from July 10-21, dealt a big hit to Bryan's reputation. He died days after it ended. Though a brief legal circus, the trial inflamed social divisions. Conservatives and fundamentalists in the Midwest and South felt mocked by those they considered liberal, East Coast elites. 'They were humiliated,' Tuttle says. 'That's internalized, and it carries through.' In the 1940s, tensions flared with a school funding case before the Supreme Court. They returned in the 1960s when the justices ruled against school-sponsored prayer and Bible readings. It was upsetting, Tuttle says, to conservative Christians who saw schools as a source of morality. 'The link you see with the Scopes case is a sense of alienation and devaluing of what civic experience means to them,' he says. Suzanne Rosenblith, an expert on religion in public education at the University at Buffalo in New York, sees the wave of court cases as primarily First Amendment tensions. 'Your argument for removing something can be seen as ensuring that Congress makes no law respecting the establishment of religion. And my wanting something included, that's my way of exercising my right to religious freedom,' she says. 'And it could be on the same issue.' A lesson to be learned from the last 100 years, Rosenblith says, is that America remains a pluralist democracy and needs to be approached as such. 'All sides are going to win some and lose some,' she says. 'But how can we treat each other, especially those with whom we disagree on these significant issues, how do we treat each other more seriously?' ___
