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Kuwait Times
20 hours ago
- Business
- Kuwait Times
Kuwait advances environmental vision; execution in early stages
Government strategies target carbon neutrality, desertification, waste reform KUWAIT: Environmental sustainability has taken center stage in Kuwait's national agenda, with the government intensifying efforts over the past two years to outline long-term strategies aimed at reducing pollution, preserving natural resources, and tackling climate change. Backed by the country's leadership, including directives from His Highness the Amir Sheikh Meshal Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, the Kuwaiti Cabinet has been actively reviewing the national low-carbon roadmap — a key element of the country's sustainable development policy. Minister of Oil Dr Tareq Al-Roumi and officials from the Environment Public Authority (EPA) recently presented the roadmap's vision, which aims to boost national resilience to climate change through innovation, green investment, and circular carbon economy solutions. The roadmap remains in its early implementation phase. Kuwait has also expanded coordination with China through memorandums of understanding focused on low-carbon systems, renewable energy, waste recycling, and wastewater treatment infrastructure. These agreements are expected to support the country's broader environmental targets under its 'New Kuwait 2035' vision. Carbon neutral by 2060 In line with that vision, the EPA in November 2023 announced the 'Low Carbon Strategy 2050' in cooperation with the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) and other state sectors. Kuwait became the second Gulf country to submit such a strategy, reaffirming its commitment to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The strategy outlines Kuwait's long-term goal to achieve carbon neutrality by 2060 through expanded use of renewable energy and reduced reliance on fossil fuels. As of now, implementation details have not been made public. Progress has included the release of Kuwait's first State of the Environment report, published last year in cooperation with UNEP. The report offers an in-depth review of seven key issues: climate change, waste management, land and water resources, air quality, biodiversity, and marine and coastal environments. It also examines Kuwait's institutional and legal environmental frameworks, though follow-up actions on its findings have not yet been disclosed. The EPA has since announced four strategic environmental projects: The national environmental strategy; a monitoring and enforcement system for the national waste management strategy; a national strategy to combat desertification; and a plan to enhance environmental data management. Details on these projects, which are under development, are not publicly available, but they are expected to guide future policy. They aim to strengthen public-private cooperation, improve performance indicators, and enable better data sharing across agencies to support long-term environmental planning. Waste management strategy One of the most detailed initiatives is the National Waste Management Strategy 2040 (KNWMS), announced in mid-2024. It was developed by the EPA in partnership with the German Fraunhofer Institute for Environmental, Safety, and Energy Technology (UMSICHT), following a five-year study — one of the most comprehensive in the Gulf region to date. The project team analyzed waste generation trends, studied 20 major landfill sites, and interviewed over 400 waste stakeholders. They also tested hundreds of waste samples and installed 100 electronic 'e-noses' in odor-intensive areas to monitor air quality. The resulting strategy sets 28 national goals, including reducing landfill rates and increasing recycling of construction and municipal solid waste. A new geo-database and digital monitoring tools were created to help agencies track and manage waste more efficiently. While the strategy provides a robust framework, its implementation is still in the early stages. Renewable energy in-progress Efforts to integrate sustainability into everyday life are also reflected in Kuwait's development plans. A national program for environmentally harmonious living areas promotes efficient resource use and pollution reduction, with a focus on building eco-friendly cities that use green infrastructure and smart technology. The Fourth Kuwait Master Plan (2040) supports green buildings and improved urban sustainability. Many of these initiatives remain at the policy or pilot-project level. On the legislative front, Kuwait's environmental protection law outlines measures to safeguard ecosystems, reduce pollution, and promote biodiversity. It includes provisions to identify pollution sources, prevent harmful practices, and impose penalties for violations. At the 2025 Kuwait Sustainable Energy Conference, the government reaffirmed its plan to derive 50 percent of its electricity from renewable sources by 2050. Minister of Electricity, Water and Renewable Energy Dr Sabeeh Al-Mukhaizeem said Kuwait is pursuing 'carefully planned projects' that align with both international climate commitments and national development goals. However, specific milestones or progress updates are yet to be reported. Kuwait's renewable energy plans fall into three categories: Long-term initiatives such as the Shagaya project; medium-term projects like Abdaliya; and small-scale efforts under a national energy code requiring all facilities to produce at least 10 percent of their electricity from renewable sources. The Shagaya complex, developed via a public-private partnership, is expected to deliver 1,600 MW in two phases — 1,100 MW in the first and 500 MW in the second. Combatting desertification Other government bodies are also involved in environmental efforts. The Public Authority for Agricultural Affairs and Fish Resources (PAAAFR) is leading afforestation campaigns across Kuwait, including in northern and southern border areas. Drought-resistant trees like Sidr and Tamarix are being planted to reduce dust pollution and combat desertification. Public parks and green spaces are being expanded, though comprehensive data on completion rates or outcomes has not been made available. Urban green infrastructure is expanding through public gardens, some spanning entire residential districts. Projects for natural reserves and eco-tourism are under discussion, with some initiatives underway. International organizations have acknowledged Kuwait's recent environmental actions. UNEP's Regional Director for West Asia, Sami Dimassi, highlighted Kuwait's commitment to developing 'responsive strategies that meet both current needs and future goals.' Meanwhile, Ghada Al-Taher, the UN Resident Coordinator in Kuwait, praised the country's engagement in efforts to combat desertification, water scarcity, and biodiversity loss. — Agencies
Kuwait Times
2 days ago
- Business
- Kuwait Times
Kuwait environmental sustainability constitutes developmental strategic pillar, effective partnerships
KUWAIT: Kuwait is prioritizing environmental concerns as a pivotal and strategic pillar within its national plans and future programs. Over the past two years, the government has intensified its efforts to adopt strategies for environmental sustainability, guided by the directives of His Highness the Amir Sheikh Meshal Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah. The Cabinet has played a key role in advancing the national vision for environmental sustainability, regularly placing the long-term low-carbon development roadmap at the forefront of its this context, Oil Minister Tareq Al-Roumi and officials from the Environment Public Authority (EPA) presented a visual outline of the roadmap in July. This plan aims to enhance resilience against climate change by employing integrated, innovative, and technical solutions within a circular carbon economy, and it also includes supportive initiatives for environmental innovation and green investment across multiple sectors. Kuwait has strengthened coordination with China to activate memoranda of understanding (MoU) in key areas, such as low-carbon green systems for waste recycling, electrical infrastructure, renewable energy, and the environmental development of sewage treatment facilities. These agreements serve as key components in translating the country's ambitious goals into tangible steps toward a sustainable future aligned with Kuwait Vision 2035. A central aim is to preserve the environment for future generations. In parallel, Kuwait's 2050 Low-Carbon Strategy, launched by the EPA in November 2023 in collaboration with the UN Environment Programme and other state sectors, underscores its commitment to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Kuwait became the second Gulf country to present such a strategy. The country is targeting carbon neutrality by 2060, with a focus on diversifying energy revenue, increasing renewable energy use, replacing fossil fuels with natural gas, and utilizing waste to support environmental sustainability. The first State of the Environment Report, issued by the EPA last year, marks a major milestone in assessing environmental conditions and exemplifies successful cooperation among governmental in collaboration with the UN, the report focuses on seven key areas: Climate change, waste management, water resources, biodiversity, marine and coastal environments, and EPA's efforts have led to the launch of four strategic projects focused on environmental protection, sustainable development, waste management, and combating desertification. These initiatives aim to improve performance indicators and foster public-private partnerships in environmental planning efforts, such as Kuwait's Fourth Structural Plan (2040 Master Plan), promote green buildings and healthier living environments. On the legislative side, Kuwait's environmental protection law includes policies aimed at conserving natural resources and ecosystems. These measures are designed to prevent or reduce air pollution, ensure biodiversity, and promote sustainable living conditions. The law mandates the identification and regulation of fixed pollution sources and enforces penalties for environmental violations. During the recent Sustainable Energy Conference, Kuwait reaffirmed its commitment to achieving a balanced energy mix, aiming for 50 percent of its electricity to come from renewable sources by 2025. In his speech, Minister of Electricity, Water and Renewable Energy and Acting Minister of Finance and Minister of State for Economic and Investment Affairs, Sabeeh Al-Mukhaizeem, emphasized the adoption of comprehensive plans and ambitious projects that align with Kuwait's global commitments and its vision for a sustainable renewable energy strategy involves three tracks: Long-term projects like the Shagaya Renewable Energy Park, short-term solutions, and smaller-scale initiatives requiring all facilities to generate 10 percent of their electricity from renewable sources. The Shagaya project, a public-private partnership, is being developed in two phases: the first will generate 1,100 MW, and the second 500 Public Authority of Agriculture Affairs and Fish Resources is also advancing initiatives to expand green cover across the country by planting trees and increasing green spaces in parks and along streets. The authority has implemented plans for artificial barriers and redistributed agricultural areas to help control sand dunes, fight desertification, and mitigate pollution. Public parks remain a cornerstone of Kuwait's environmental efforts, offering diverse green spaces across the has consistently affirmed its commitment to regional and international environmental agreements and has actively collaborated with global organizations in this field. In this context, Sami Dimassi, United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) representative and Regional Director for West Asia, praised Kuwait's commitment to developing responsive strategies and action plans that address urgent environmental needs. He highlighted the progress Kuwait has made in promoting environmental initiatives and sustainable development. Ghada Al-Taher, UN Resident Coordinator in Kuwait, lauded the country's active role in environmental sustainability and its participation in initiatives addressing critical issues such as desertification, water scarcity, and biodiversity loss. Kuwait ratified the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1995 and the Kyoto Protocol in 2005 and has consistently participated in global climate the Middle East Green Initiative Summit 2022 in Sharm Al-Sheikh in Egypt, Kuwait reaffirmed its full commitment to the initiative's outcomes-marking a key regional turning point in climate action and a foundation for regional collaboration in combating climate change. — KUNA
Irish Examiner
3 days ago
- Politics
- Irish Examiner
Letters to the Editor: Agriculture in Ireland plays only a minor role in global warming
Recently, as a scientist long concerned with global warming, travelling throughout Ireland by foot, bike, car, bus, and train, I discovered a strange phenomenon — the complete absence of the vast herds of cows that we are told are producing vast quantities of methane and carbon dioxide, breaking our international climate agreements as well as having a devastating effect on the planet. Trips to Mayo, Kerry, and West Cork by car; to Dublin by train; walking and hiking through the Golden Vale — the heart of the mainly culpable dairy industry — climbing Croagh Patrick and Mount Brandon, I was surprised by the almost total absence of belching cattle in the fields as far as the eye could see, even during the grass feeding period. The vast mountainous areas throughout Ireland, representing nearly half of Ireland's landmass, are devoid of even a single cow. It is hard, if not impossible, to reconcile the reality on the ground and in the fields with the accepted rhetoric that agriculture is responsible for 37% of Ireland's CO2 equivalent emissions. One wonders if those commentators and academics who are calling for the major culling of the national herd ever take a trip to the countryside. To put it in context, this dichotomy may be resolved if one considers that — according to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, the foremost authority on all climate matters — Ireland's overall contribution to global warming is a mere 0.11% of the world total, which means that the contribution of agriculture is 0.0407% of the world total, hardly enough to warrant the enforced culling of a single cow. John Leahy, Wilton, Cork Let our sorrow become solidarity I write not as an expert or politician, but as a human being who is trying his best with a heart both broken and burning. Broken by the scale of suffering in our world, and burning with a hope that perhaps, still, we might choose compassion, care, justice, and love over complicity. How have we become so numb? Why are some lives headline news and others forgotten footnotes? Why does the world rally for some tragedies and turn away from others? What kind of people are we becoming if we allow compassion, caring, and even real love to be so selective? There can be no hierarchy of human worth. No neutrality between siege and survival. No future in a world where atrocity is livestreamed, analysed, and ignored. We Irish know hunger. We know occupation. We know what it is to be silenced. That history must shape our response now. We must be a voice for those the world would rather forget. We must demand a permanent ceasefire in Gaza and so many other parts of our world where conflict exists. Unimpeded humanitarian access in all conflict zones such as in Tigray, Sudan, Somalia, Ukraine, Ethiopia, and so many other countries where conflict exists. An end to arms sales that fuel the bloodshed. And, above all, a politics rooted in compassion and care. It is not enough to feel bad. We must act. We must write, give, march, vote, pray, protest. We must let our sorrow drive our solidarity. Let us not be remembered as the generation that watched genocide happen and did nothing. Let us, instead, become the answer to someone else's prayer. Lord of mercy, open our ears to the cry of the hungry, the homeless, the abandoned, the poorest of the poor in over 100 countries where conflict and war is taking place, especially in Gaza, Sudan, Ethiopia, Ukraine, and even at times on our own streets here in Ireland. Break our hearts for what breaks yours. Shake us from comfort. Disarm our indifference. Set fire to our compassion and our empathy. Let us never look away. Let us never grow numb. Let our outrage become action, our sorrow become solidarity, our prayers become protest, our faith become flesh. And may we remember: Where there is life, there is hope. And hope begins not in power, but in hearts brave enough to love without limits. Amen. Ronan Scully, Knocknacarra, Galway What's your view on this issue? You can tell us here Political pressure may help end this man-made disaster There is a stronger reaction from political leaders and politicians under pressure from their constituents to the Israeli government's man-made starvation crisis in Gaza. France is about to recognise the statehood of Palestine and British prime minister Keir Starmer said Britain will recognise it in September unless Israel calls a ceasefire and allows all food aid into Gaza. On a Jordanian food drop flight to Gaza last week, British journalist Jeremy Bowen said Israel told them to block side windows. He was banned by Israel from filming the ruins of Gaza. He said Israel allows 'symbolic' food drops now to lessen the international pressure, but it needs road convoys of food allowed in. Videos by citizen journalists of the dying children in Gaza caused this international response. International media has not been allowed in since the war began. Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, says there is no starvation in Gaza. In a recent large protest near 10 Downing St, they hit pots and pans mirroring the image of Palestinians rushing to only four badly run Israel-US Gaza Humanitarian Foundation food aid stations put in place there in May. The UN, vastly experienced in delivering aid, was banned by Israel from Gaza in March, with Israel saying it employed Hamas members — which the UN denied. Some within Israel's government are on record saying they want no food and water in to Gaza to force the population out. I am not anti-jewish or anti-Israel. Millions of people around the world hope for all aid to be let into Gaza for 2.2m people. The war has gone on too long. We hope Hamas will return to Israel the remaining 50 or more hostages, 20 or more of whom are believed to be dead. An enormous man-made disaster. Mary Sullivan, College Rd, Cork Pass the Occupied Territories Bill 'The European Union is consciously supporting Israel's genocide of the Palestinians,' according to Francesca Albanese, the UN special rapporteur for the Palestinian occupied territories. She added that the EU had already 'disgraced itself' by entering the association agreement with apartheid Israel. (That Israel is practicing apartheid — a crime against humanity — was a determination made last year by the International Court of Justice, the highest court on the planet). As perhaps never before, social media has helped expose the terms 'Western values' and 'Western democracy' as no more than hollow slogans used to cover the grossest violations of international law, including illegal occupation, apartheid, and now genocide against defenceless civilians. In an unprecedented gesture of support of Ms Albanese, close to 1m of the world's citizens have called online for her to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. A growing number of prominent political figures from around the world have added their voices. The Haughey-led government in 1987 defied the then EEC, and unilaterally banned all trade with apartheid South Africa. By enacting the Occupied Territories Bill now, in full and without further delay, an Irish Government would again strike a blow for international law and Irish democracy and, in the process, help bring an end to the most shocking examples of international criminality since the start of the Second World War. Billy Fitzpatrick, Terenure, Dublin 6W What's your view on this issue? You can tell us here Let Government decide on action We continue at all levels to find ways not to contribute to common defence, even trying to decide the types of ammunition unsuitable to kill our troops such as cluster munitions. We must acknowledge that one UN member state required to validate our triple lock is waging war on a European nation. Another is supplying the wherewithal to pound Gaza. Europe is being forced to prepare for its own defence, and we are on the fringes. The recent loan pool for defence of €159bn has been taken up to the extent of €127bn by a number of countries including even Cyprus — but not including Ireland. Only our government of the day should decide on participation in defence when requested by legitimate authorities. John Jordan, Naval service commander (retired), Cloyne, Co Cork
Indian Express
6 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
What the ICJ ruling means for the Kyoto Protocol
While defining the obligations of countries in the global fight against climate change, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) made a crucial clarification regarding the 1997 Kyoto Protocol and its validity in a landmark ruling last week. The ICJ has said the Kyoto Protocol not only continues to remain in force, but is also legally relevant, and that countries remain under a legal obligation to comply with its provisions. The ICJ ruling is the first time that an authoritative assertion has been made on the legal status of the Kyoto Protocol in the post-Paris Agreement period. The common understanding so far has been that the Kyoto Protocol was replaced and superseded by the 2015 Paris Agreement. In other words, the Kyoto Protocol had ceased to exist, or at least became non-operational or defunct, once the Paris Agreement came into effect in 2016, or at the most when the Kyoto Protocol's second commitment period ended in 2020. But the Kyoto Protocol was never terminated or abrogated by any process. The ICJ has now clarified that it continues to remain in force and has the status of international law. The Kyoto Protocol, which was finalised in 1997 and came into effect in 2005, was the first legal instrument under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The agreement sought to operationalise the provisions of the UNFCCC through specific climate actions from countries. It assigned specific targets to rich and developed countries to reduce their emissions in particular time frames, called commitment periods. Developing countries did not have any such targets, and were encouraged to take 'nationally appropriate' actions to help the fight against climate change. This was in keeping with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC), one of the foundational tenets of international climate law. This principle, in effect, says while the whole world has a responsibility to take actions against climate change, the bulk of the responsibility lies with rich and developed countries. That is because these countries accounted for the overwhelming majority of the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in the last 150 years, which have caused climate change. The Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period ran from 2008 to 2012, and the second from 2012 to 2020. Developed countries, a group of about 40 mentioned by name in Annex-I of the UNFCCC, had to reduce their GHG emissions by assigned amounts during these periods from baseline values in 1990. These countries also had to provide finance and technology to developing countries to help them tackle climate change, in accordance with the provisions of the UNFCCC. The United States did not ratify the Kyoto Protocol. As a result, the world's largest emitter, both in current terms at that time and historically, did not have any obligation to reduce its emissions. Several other countries, such as Canada and Japan, either walked out of the Kyoto Protocol at a later stage, or refused to accept binding targets for the second commitment period. Developed countries argued that climate objectives could not be achieved if large emitters, such as China, did not contribute to the effort. China, classified as a developing country in the UNFCCC, overtook the US as the world's largest emitter of GHGs by the mid-2000s. However, it did not have any obligation to reduce its emissions. This argument led to efforts to create another legal climate agreement that would ensure the participation of every country. It took the form of the Paris Agreement. Unlike the Kyoto Protocol, this agreement did not assign emission reduction targets to any country. Rather, countries themselves had to decide what climate actions they would take. This was called nationally-determined contributions (NDCs). So, while the Kyoto Protocol was top-down, the Paris Agreement took a bottom-up approach. The Paris Agreement did not supersede or terminate the Kyoto Protocol. But a third commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol, beyond 2020, was never defined. After the Kyoto Protocol's second commitment period ended, the understanding was that it would exist alongside the Paris Agreement for a few years. However, its legal status after 2020 was not very clear. Since it was not terminated, it continued to exist but was not understood to have any relevance. The ICJ has ruled that the Kyoto Protocol remains in force, and countries party to it still have to fulfil their legal obligations under its provisions. 'The Court considers that the lack of agreement on a further commitment period under the Kyoto Protocol after the adoption of the Paris Agreement does not mean that the Kyoto Protocol has been terminated. The Kyoto Protocol, therefore, remains part of the applicable law,' the ICJ said. The international court has also ruled that non-compliance with the provisions of the Kyoto Protocol would constitute an internationally wrongful act. '[T]he absence of a new commitment period does not deprive the Kyoto Protocol of its legal effect. The Kyoto Protocol remains in force… non-compliance with emission reduction commitments by a State may constitute an internationally wrongful act,' the ICJ said. The ruling has clarified that compliance with the targets of the first commitment period is still open for assessment. Note that not all countries have fulfilled their relatively modest emissions reduction targets in the first commitment period. 'While there is no active commitment period at present, the treaty remains in force and relevant, including as a means for assessing the compliance of parties with their commitments during the first commitment period,' the ICJ said. The ICJ ruling came after it was asked by the UN General Assembly to give its advisory opinion on the obligations of countries to protect the climate system, and the legal consequences of not fulfilling them. To give its ruling, the court examined the provisions of the three climate treaties — the 1994 UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol, and the Paris Agreement — and several other environment-related international laws that have a bearing on the climate system. Although the ICJ has held that countries are under a legal obligation to take steps to reduce GHG emissions and can be held liable to pay compensation if they fail to do so, the ruling is not binding on countries. That is because it is an advisory opinion. However, the ruling opens up the possibility of increased climate litigation, seeking greater accountability from countries to take more effective climate actions.
Daily Maverick
7 days ago
- Business
- Daily Maverick
A small UNFCCC budget fight signals a big climate justice crisis
Last month, I sat in a small room in Bonn as negotiators at the UN's midyear climate talks (SB62) haggled for days over something that rarely makes headlines: the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change's (UNFCCC's) core budget. At the 11th hour, while the closing plenary had already begun and mild panic had set in, negotiators eked out an agreement to a meagre 10% increase for 2026-2027 — well below what the Secretariat says is needed to deliver the promises of the Paris Agreement. The UNFCCC had proposed a budget increase of 24.4%, which would have allowed it to cover 84% of essential activities. But instead, it will only have enough for 74% of its core work. To many, this sounds like technical bureaucracy. And judging by chats I've had with friends and colleagues, most people don't think about where the budget for the UNFCCC comes from at all. But this budget fight cuts to the heart of climate justice — especially for developing countries in Africa, which rely most on a functioning, well-resourced UN climate system to secure fair support for climate finance and a just transition. Since the Paris Agreement, the UNFCCC's mandate and workload has ballooned — from the Global Stocktake to the New Quantified Goal on Climate Finance, the Global Goal on Adaptation, and Article 6 on carbon markets. A growing agenda is not necessarily a negative. If anything, it's partially a sign of success. Climate change is a multi-faceted crisis and countries most affected have continuously pushed for ambitious action. The UNFCCC may not have delivered the scale of finance and action needed, but securing expansive agenda items on finance, adaptation, and loss and damage has been key. It is currently the only platform where countries that are home to the major polluters and majority of the world's wealth have to stand toe-to-toe with the countries that are home to 80% of the world's population and those most affected by climate impacts. However Party-mandated activities have increased to around 500 events aimed at keeping negotiations moving forward. The core budget that keeps the Secretariat's doors open, and pays for services, supports national delegations and funds capacity-building, hasn't kept pace. How the UNFCCC funds its work Countries fund the core work of the UNFCCC just like in other UN bodies, although other actors can donate additional funds for supplementary activities. The UNFCCC uses the UN scale of assessments, adjusted to its membership, to calculate each Party's fair share of the agreed budget, meaning each Party pays roughly according to their GNI. Parties approve each new budget, and therefore how much they will have to pay. At SB62, the UNFCCC requested a 24.4% increase to cover new mandates and inflation. Instead, Parties settled for less than half that, and the budget shortfall now has to be made up by voluntary donations. This tension is not new. UNFCCC Executive Secretary Simon Stiell has increasingly warned Parties about the crisis – that chronic underfunding weakens the mechanisms that ensure countries deliver on climate commitments. The impact is beginning to show, including cancellations of regional climate weeks. But the direction of travel is now particularly concerning. The last UNFCCC budget approved a 19% increase, or roughly two-thirds of the increase requested. A 10% budget increase at SB62 is only half of what was requested and represents a dramatically widening budget shortfall. From core budgets to voluntary contributions It's difficult to accept that Parties cannot afford the additional increase when the money the UNFCCC is requesting is essentially pocket change. The Secretariat requested roughly €46-million, or R947-million, per annum. Those sound like big numbers, but the entire UNFCCC annual budget is only 1.6% of South Africa's modest defence budget. Or less than half of our R2.3-billion VIP protection budget. Or approximately 0.034% of South Africa's annual R2.59-trillion budget. The amount is so small South Africa could cover it in entirety — even without contributions from all 197 countries. But our actual contribution is €110,000, approximately 0.00004% of our annual budget. Wealthier countries pay slightly more — the largest share ($9.6-million) goes to the US — but that's still only 0.0001% of their $7-trillion annual budget. It's surreal that the wealthiest countries sit around a table telling each other they 'just can't afford' to spend another 0.00001% on the functioning of a platform they all say is 'essential' to climate action. As negotiators from small island states and least developed countries raised in budget negotiations, current practice has increasingly become that countries agree at COPs to big decisions, signalling ambition and action to the world and solidarity with one another — only to convene six months later in a small, sparsely attended room in which countries say they can't afford the big decisions they agreed to when the world was watching. Yet, the same countries who argue UNFCCC increases are unaffordable often offer large voluntary donations. In 2024, Japan voluntarily gave an extra $11.8-million to the UNFCCC, 300% more than the $2.9-million Japan owed. Many countries have done the same. In 2023, Spain offered an extra $7.9-million and Germany gave an extra $6.9-million. In 2020, in the middle of a global pandemic and unprecedented global spending increases, wealthy countries still managed to volunteer an extra $10.6-million. Those voluntary contributions can be earmarked for specific activities, although this is not always made public. So effectively, wealthy countries are pushing back on the compulsory core budget and instead opting to provide budget that they can earmark. They may prefer to have this flexibility for their own political and administrative reasons. But this shift gives them increasingly more influence over which of the underfunded mandates they wish to save, and which should languish in obscurity — another form of soft power in an already unfairly stacked playing field. The UNFCCC's legitimacy — especially for Africa — depends on whether it works for those with the least capacity to influence powerful blocs behind closed doors. Meanwhile, underfunding slows implementation of decisions that matter most for climate-vulnerable nations. A symptom of a bigger multilateral malaise The UNFCCC's struggles echo what's happening throughout the UN system, where budget shortfalls are even more extreme — as much as 20% of the UN's budget and 7,000+ UN jobs could be cut. The Trump administration and its allies have certainly escalated this crisis, but it is not new. Increasingly, critical global public goods are left to the mercy of voluntary donations which can be shaped by donor priorities, not shared needs. To some degree, the reason the UNFCCC hasn't faced a much bigger crisis is the whim of one billionaire — Mike Bloomberg has offered to pick up the US's tab for 2025 despite Donald Trump's decision to exit the Paris Agreement. But should the integrity of the only global multilateral platform dedicated to the largest crisis facing our planet rest on wealthy individuals? It's impossible to separate this from the wider climate finance crisis. The world's wealthiest countries have long dodged or fudged their contributions to global climate finance goals, and haggled over peanuts while dedicating 20 times those amounts to military spending and fossil fuel subsidies. Even where funds do flow, they come with strings attached and often favour mitigation investments over the adaptation priorities of African countries. This tiny UNFCCC budget fight is the institutional side of that same coin. A quiet fight that deserves more noise If the UNFCCC weakens, African countries lose one of the few spaces where their collective voice can put pressure on big polluters, demand fair access to finance and highlight their adaptation priorities. Climate justice advocates cannot afford to only watch over the big-headline negotiations. The fight for the UNFCCC is also in the tiny line items buried in 60+ pages of budget proposals. The credibility of the institution — and the fairness it offers the most climate vulnerable — will be written between those lines. And the rooms discussing them shouldn't be so sparse. DM
