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US Ambassador to UAE visits Liwa Dates Festival
US Ambassador to UAE visits Liwa Dates Festival

Emirates 24/7

time21-07-2025

  • Emirates 24/7

US Ambassador to UAE visits Liwa Dates Festival

Martina Strong, Ambassador of the United States of America to the United Arab Emirates, praised the 21st Liwa Dates Festival, currently taking place in Al Dhafra Region. During her visit to the festival, Ambassador Strong expressed her deep admiration for the distinguished event, which offers visitors a unique opportunity to explore dates and the diverse products derived from the palm tree. She noted that the experience provided her with valuable insight into traditional crafts and local cuisine. She also commended the rich educational content presented by the organisers and their tremendous efforts in hosting such diverse heritage festivals. These events, she emphasised, offer an authentic window into the UAE's vibrant cultural heritage, blending the past with the present. As part of her tour, the US Ambassador viewed several pavilions in the date and fruit beauty competitions. Follow Emirates 24|7 on Google News.

America's Caucasus Gambit: Zangezur Corridor's $50B Trade Boost and Geopolitical Risks in 2025
America's Caucasus Gambit: Zangezur Corridor's $50B Trade Boost and Geopolitical Risks in 2025

Forbes

time18-07-2025

  • Business
  • Forbes

America's Caucasus Gambit: Zangezur Corridor's $50B Trade Boost and Geopolitical Risks in 2025

Tom Barrack, the U.S. Ambassador to Turkey, has floated an audacious proposal—a century-long, ... More privately-managed lease of the contested Zangezur corridor between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Inspired by historical precedents such as the Panama Canal and Cold War Berlin corridors, this proposal could unlock an estimated $50-100 billion annually in regional trade flows by 2027 .(Photo by Rami Alsayed/NurPhoto via Getty Images) In a world scrambling for non-Russian energy amid escalating global tensions, could a 43-km strip of Armenian land become America's masterstroke against Moscow and Tehran? The US's bold bid to lease the Zangezur Corridor for a century promises $50-100 billion in annual trade flows—but risks igniting a new Cold War flashpoint in the Caucasus. The United States has thrust itself into the center of a high-stakes diplomatic gamble that could fundamentally alter energy flows across Eurasia. Through its ambitious proposal for the Zangezur Corridor—a strategic 43-kilometer passage through Armenia's Syunik province—Washington aims to break decades-old deadlocks, diversify Europe's energy supplies away from Russia, and counter the growing influence of Moscow, Beijing, and Tehran in a critical transit region. The initiative reflects America's broader ambition to exploit a rare power vacuum in the South Caucasus, a region historically dominated by Russia but now ripe for realignment following Moscow's stark failure to protect its ally Armenia during Azerbaijan's decisive September 2023 offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh. Strategic Realignment in the Caucasus Russia's credibility as a security guarantor in the South Caucasus lies in ruins. Despite the presence of Russian peacekeepers established under the November 2020 ceasefire agreement, Moscow failed to intervene when Azerbaijan retook control of Nagorno-Karabakh, displacing 100,000 ethnic Armenians. This inaction was perceived in Yerevan as a profound betrayal, shattering faith in Russian security guarantees and catalyzing Armenia's historic pivot westward. ANKARA, TURKIYE - JANUARY 9: An infographic titled 'Construction of roads and railways extending to ... More the Zangezur Corridor continues without interruption' created in Ankara, Turkiye on January 9, 2023. Once constructed, the corridor will connect Azerbaijan's western provinces and Nakhchivan via Armenia, further stretching to China, Central Asia, the Caspian Sea, the Caucasus and Türkiye. (Photo by Yasin Demirci/Anadolu via Getty Images) The strategic consequences have been swift and dramatic. Armenia's parliament passed EU accession legislation in April 2025, while a US strategic charter with Armenia formalized the growing partnership. As former US Undersecretary of State James O'Brien noted , "The future built around the axis of Russia and Iran as the main players in regional security is unstable and undesirable, including for the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan." This Western alignment creates an unprecedented opening for US influence. Russian imports to the region, which supplied 20-30 percent of regional trade pre-2022, now face sanctions constraints. Meanwhile, US Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations Louis Bono has advanced proposals for international oversight of the corridor, drawing on precedents like the Panama Canal and Cold War Berlin corridors. The Economic Prize The potential economic rewards are vast enough to override political and security concerns. World Bank modeling suggests the corridor could unlock $50-100 billion in annual trade value by 2027. This surge would be driven by dramatic logistical improvements—Bloomberg data from May 2025 indicates the route could cut Europe-Asia transit times by 12-15 days compared to existing routes. The return on investment appears compelling. The Caspian Policy Center estimates infrastructure costs of $3-5 billion over 5-10 years, while Oxford Economics models project $20-30 billion in annual logistics savings. For Azerbaijan, the Center for Economic Reforms Analysis and Communication projects the corridor would increase total exports by over $700 million and boost non-oil GDP by 2 percent annually. Energy flows underscore the urgency. Azerbaijan's Southern Gas Corridor delivered 12 billion cubic meters to Europe in 2023, targeting 20 billion by 2027 under a 2022 EU memorandum. Kazakhstan plans to transit increasing oil volumes through Azerbaijan, with actual flows reaching 1.2 million tons between January and October 2024, despite technical challenges limiting capacity. For European energy security, the implications are profound. The IEA's 2025 World Energy Outlook projects Europe needs 20 billion cubic meters more non-Russian gas by 2030. Normalized Armenia-Turkey borders could enhance access to Caspian reserves, potentially cutting import costs by 10-15 percent for firms like BP. The Diplomatic Innovation The core challenge lies in irreconcilable positions: Azerbaijan demands an unimpeded corridor as dividends from its 2023 military victory, while Armenia adamantly refuses to cede sovereignty over what it views as critical territory. The US "lease" proposal represents a creative attempt to use corporate-legal frameworks to circumvent this deadlock, offering Baku security guarantees while allowing Yerevan to maintain nominal sovereignty. This approach draws inspiration from historical precedents where creative governance arrangements solved seemingly intractable disputes. Like the Panama Canal under US administration from 1914-1999, the model promises to facilitate global trade while addressing security concerns. Yet critics warn of potential neo-colonial overtones and the risk of long-term backlash. The March 2025 peace agreement drafts marked significant progress, finalizing terms on mutual territorial recognition, border delimitation, and non-use of force. However, they stalled on transport guarantees and enclave access—precisely where the US proposal seeks to break through. Geopolitical Calculations and Rival Responses The corridor's success would fundamentally alter regional power dynamics, explaining why rival powers are recalibrating their strategies. Iran faces the prospect of losing 20-30 percent of its transit role, disrupting critical trade lifelines including the 43,000 Turkish trucks that pass annually to Central Asia. Russia confronts potential revenue losses of $10-20 billion over a decade and a 10-15 percent erosion of its leverage over European energy markets. Strategic Takeaway: The Zangezur Corridor represents a defining test of US capacity to engineer win-win solutions in contested regions, with implications extending far beyond the South Caucasus to America's broader competition with revisionist meanwhile, eyes $20-30 billion in Belt and Road efficiencies by 2030 through improved connectivity. Yet Beijing must balance these gains against the risk of reduced dependence on Chinese-controlled routes. The corridor could position Turkey as a critical energy hub with direct access to Turkic states, potentially capturing $10-15 billion in annual transit revenues by 2030. Energy majors are positioning for opportunity. SOCAR expands pipeline capacity while ADNOC explores hydrogen joint ventures. BP and Chevron project $5-10 billion in upstream investment boosts from expanded export capacity. However, political stalemates could inflate project costs by 20 percent, while regulatory delays might push timelines beyond viable investment windows. The Turkish Dimension and Regional Reset Turkey's strategic calculus adds complexity to the equation. Ankara explores Kurdish de-escalation through PKK dialogues, signaling a "big reset" that could stabilize borders and unlock economic potential. This diplomatic thaw, if successful, could complement the Zangezur initiative by creating a more stable regional environment for major infrastructure projects. Turkish businesses in eastern Anatolian provinces project a 310 percent increase in export capacity—from $160 million to $500 million annually—if the corridor materializes. This economic momentum provides powerful incentives for sustained diplomatic engagement, even amid domestic political sensitivities. Risks and Implementation Challenges Despite compelling economics, significant risks persist. Eurasia Group assigns a 60 percent probability to stalled talks, potentially delaying implementation by 12-18 months. Lloyd's data from June 2025 warns of 20 percent commodity volatility if negotiations fail, while insurance premiums could spike 20 percent. Armenia has explicitly denied discussions regarding any lease or transfer of territorial control. Press secretary Nazeli Baghdasaryan stated firmly that "Armenia has not discussed and is not discussing the transfer of control over its sovereign territory to any third party." This resistance highlights the fundamental challenge facing US mediators. The feasibility of international oversight remains uncertain. CSIS analyses estimate only 40-50 percent success probability even with UN guarantees, vulnerable to Armenian vetoes over perceived sovereignty encroachment. The model's success depends on addressing core security concerns while maintaining sufficient international legitimacy. Strategic Implications The Zangezur initiative represents more than infrastructure development—it embodies a broader test of American diplomatic creativity in an increasingly multipolar world. Success would demonstrate Washington's ability to forge solutions that counter rival influence while serving tangible economic interests. Failure could signal diminished US capacity to shape outcomes in contested regions. For European allies, the corridor offers a pathway toward genuine energy diversification. EU energy savings could reach $20-30 billion by 2030, supporting net-zero transitions while reducing dependence on authoritarian suppliers. These gains explain why European capitals quietly support the American initiative despite public caution about regional tensions. The project also tests whether economic incentives can overcome historical grievances. Armenia's potential access to $2.5 billion in EU development funds creates powerful inducements for compromise, yet only if sovereignty concerns receive adequate consideration. The Path Forward By 2027, successful implementation could yield $20-50 billion in annual trade flows through enhanced Middle Corridor capacity. The World Bank estimates potential cargo capacity of 11 million tons, fundamentally altering Eurasian logistics. Yet this prize remains contingent on navigating Armenian sensitivities while maintaining international support. Corporate boards must hedge against Zangezur uncertainties through diversified strategies, capturing potential 10-15 percent gains through Azerbaijani-Turkish partnerships while preparing contingencies for diplomatic failure. Companies should actively engage US mediators to help navigate sovereignty risks while positioning for eventual success. The US-led Zangezur proposal ultimately encapsulates bold vision—fostering peace, securing energy transitions, and countering strategic rivals. Yet it carries high stakes in a world where great power competition increasingly shapes regional outcomes. Success hinges on addressing legitimate sovereignty concerns while unlocking transformative economic potential, testing whether American diplomatic innovation can still reshape the global order.

To prevent war, Lebanon must act like a state
To prevent war, Lebanon must act like a state

Arab News

time13-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Arab News

To prevent war, Lebanon must act like a state

Lebanon risks missing its moment. That was the verdict delivered by US Ambassador Tom Barrack during his trip to Beirut last week. 'If you don't want change, it's no problem,' he said. 'The rest of the region is moving at Mach speed and you will be left behind.' His comments cut to the core issue shaping Lebanon's future: Hezbollah's weapons. The country's promising new leadership is running out of time and credibility. With progress in nearby Syria attracting US and regional support, Beirut must heed Barrack's warning. It needs to roll out a credible, Lebanese-led initiative that demonstrates the will and capacity to see through the full implementation of the November ceasefire agreement between Lebanon and Israel — and disarm Hezbollah before it is too late. The ceasefire deal, brokered by the US and France, was not simply a pause in fighting but a roadmap based on two core principles: that the Lebanese state would disarm Hezbollah and achieve, through statecraft, what Hezbollah's militancy could not: Israel's full withdrawal and an end to the military strikes that suffocate any chance for the country's recovery. The Lebanese government has so far focused on dismantling Hezbollah's infrastructure in southern Lebanon, clearing 80 to 90 percent of military sites. The regular Israeli strikes on Lebanon, however, make clear that this progress is not enough. The ceasefire agreement and UN Security Council Resolutions 1701 and 1559 require not only demilitarization in the south but the disarmament of all nonstate armed groups throughout the country. As President Joseph Aoun vowed when he took office in January, and the new government later affirmed in a ministerial statement, the state must, and will, hold a monopoly on force. This is not only a matter of international law; ensuring it is the Lebanese state that decides matters of war and peace is a prerequisite for the rehabilitation of its legitimacy at home and abroad. In line with that mandate, Beirut has chosen negotiation over confrontation. Aoun has called for direct talks with Hezbollah to oversee its disarmament and started the parallel process of disarming Palestinian factions in the country. But what this means in practice remains unclear. There are still no details about what such a disarmament will look like, when it will start or end and how it will be verified. Beirut's new leaders cannot make the mistake of their predecessors and ignore the shift in Israel's security doctrine in the aftermath of Oct. 7, 2023. Tel Aviv will not accept half-measures that give Hezbollah time to regroup, rearm and threaten its future security. While Hezbollah has largely cooperated in the south, a de facto consequence of its defeat, its leaders continue to publicly decry the calls for full disarmament. Instead, the group appears to be buying time by pursuing partial disarmament and limited cooperation until international pressure eases or spoiling opportunities emerge. The Lebanese government finds itself in a bind. On the one hand, if it fails to fully disarm Hezbollah, an Israeli military escalation might be right around the corner. On the other, if it takes up arms against Hezbollah, it risks plunging the country into an internal conflict with no end in sight. Disarming Hezbollah within the capital is about ending the group's ability to hold hostage the future of Lebanon. Dr. Fadi Nicholas Nassar Neither of these scenarios needs to be Lebanon's future, however. Its people and economy are exhausted. There is no appetite for conflict, either with Israel or between the state and Hezbollah. The government and the Lebanese Armed Forces demonstrated the credibility of their desire not only to disarm Hezbollah's positions in the south but to keep them out of the area. Now, Aoun must build on his call for the peaceful full disarmament of Hezbollah by establishing a decisive starting point that can help rally public support: the demilitarization of Beirut. Unlike the sprawling terrain of the south, such an effort in Beirut would demand fewer resources and personnel from the strained army. It would also carry significant symbolic weight; while disarming Hezbollah positions in the south is primarily about securing Israel's border and doing so in the north is about safeguarding Syria's, disarming Hezbollah within the capital is about ending the group's ability to hold hostage the future of Lebanon. Beirut is the lifeline of the Lebanese economy. Demilitarizing the capital would stabilize it enough to allow investors, tourists and businesses to return. Strategically, it would also ensure that the city's airport and the Port of Beirut continue to fall firmly under the control of the state, effectively curtailing Hezbollah's efforts to regroup and rearm. Most of all, the removal of Hezbollah's armed presence from the capital would dismantle the architecture of intimidation that continues to paralyze Lebanese politics and help generate the momentum, and precedent, to foster the political resolve needed to finish the job. It would be an irreversible step toward nationwide disarmament, a hard but unavoidable concession made more dignified if it met with an internationally backed effort for reconstruction of the hard-hit Beirut suburbs. Israel must take steps of its own by withdrawing from the five hilltops it continues to occupy in Lebanon and give the Lebanese state a chance to succeed. It has established escalatory dominance and achieved its primary military objectives. Hassan Nasrallah and the founding military leadership of Hezbollah are dead. The narrative that Hezbollah's weapons can deter Israel has been replaced with the reality that its weapons have brought only war and occupation. A military escalation would yield diminishing returns for Israel, open the door for unknowns and risk the country becoming bogged down in a protracted conflict with an adversary it has already defeated. Time is running out. But taken together, these steps can restore the trust needed to enable the full implementation of the November ceasefire agreement and ensure that the conflict it ended was the last war between Israel and Lebanon.

Anjani Sinha: Trump's pick for Singapore envoy grilled in Senate hearing
Anjani Sinha: Trump's pick for Singapore envoy grilled in Senate hearing

BBC News

time10-07-2025

  • Business
  • BBC News

Anjani Sinha: Trump's pick for Singapore envoy grilled in Senate hearing

The nominee for the US ambassador to Singapore, Anjani Sinha, drew criticism during his Senate confirmation hearing when he struggled to answer questions about the Wednesday Dr Sinha was grilled by Senator Tammy Duckworth on the US's relationship with Singapore and the island-state's role in South East Asia. At one point Ms Duckworth told him he was "unqualified" for the posting, and that he needed to "shape up and do some homework". The exchange has since gone viral in Singapore and attracted critical comments Sinha's nomination was first announced by Donald Trump in March, when the US President praised him as a "highly respected entrepreneur". "I have no doubt that Anji will strongly represent our Nation's Interests, and put America First. Congratulations Anji!" said Trump in a Truth Social post, using a nickname for Dr in India, Dr Sinha is an orthopaedics and sports medicine surgeon now based in Florida who started several clinics in New York.A US State Department report said his "native respect for both American and Asian values, and his deep social and cultural ties to the Indo-Pacific region", as well as his business expertise, "render him well qualified" for the the confirmation hearing by the Senate's foreign relations committee, he was introduced by Republican Senator Lindsey Graham as "a friend of President Trump for over a decade".In his introduction speech and answers to other senators' questions, Dr Sinha billed himself as a "lifelong bridge builder" and promised to "create a very strong relationship with Singapore" and "defend the defence, security and economic ties". 'More embarassador than ambassador' But it is his exchange with Ms Duckworth, a senator with the Democratic Party, that has drawn the most Duckworth began by asking him about Singapore's trade surplus with the US, which he initially answered as $80bn (£58.8bn) before changing his answer to $18bn. Ms Duckworth noted the correct answer was $ asked how he would convince Singaporeans of Trump's decision to slap a 10% tariff - a controversial topic in the island-state - Dr Sinha gave various answers before ending with "the dialogue is not closed".Ms Duckworth also questioned him about issues that would be important to Singapore, the country's upcoming chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) regional bloc, and the US Navy's presence in Sinha either did not know the answers or stumbled in his the end of the exchange Ms Duckworth appeared exasperated and said: "I just feel you are not taking this seriously."You think this is a glamour posting, that you're going to live a nice life in Singapore, when what we need is someone who can actually do the work."Noting that Singapore was a key US ally in the Indo-Pacific, she said: "You are not currently prepared for this posting, period, and you need to shape up and do some homework."The exchange has prompted a deluge of online comments from Singaporeans criticising Dr Sinha's performance and questioning his suitability to be the US ambassador."Not sure which is a worst insult, the tariffs or having him as an ambassador to Singapore," wrote one commenter."This guy is more 'Embarassador' then Ambassador," said praised Ms Duckworth, who had first come to Singaporeans' attention earlier this year when she grilled US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth during his confirmation hearing and he failed to name a single country in the controversy, Dr Sinha's confirmation remains a strong Republicans dominating the Senate and its committees, the foreign relations committee appears set to approve his nomination which would then tee up a full Senate vote.

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