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Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?
Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?

Al Jazeera

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Al Jazeera

Where does Poland's new president stand on Ukraine?

On May 30, the last day of Poland's presidential campaign, Karol Nawrocki laid flowers at a monument that has long sparked controversy. The 14-metre tall statue commemorating the Volhynian massacre depicts a crowned eagle, the symbol of Poland, with a cross shape cut out from its chest. In that cross, a child's body is impaled on a trident, representing the Ukrainian coat of arms, the 'tryzub'. The statue was revealed in July 2024 in Domostawa, a village in southeastern Poland close to Ukraine's border. It commemorates the ethnic cleansing of Poles by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in the Polish-Ukrainian borderland between 1943 to 1945. While statistics vary, it is assumed that between 40,000 and 100,000 people perished in the massacre. But before Domostawa accepted the monument, several cities, including Rzeszow, Torun and Stalowa Wola, refused to host it due to the brutality of the sculptor's vision and in order not to damage relations with Ukraine. To Nawrocki, formerly the head of the Institute of National Remembrance, a state research institute, the scene felt like the place to end his presidential bid. 'The Volhynian Massacre was a cruel crime. The methods of murdering Poles were cruel. It was a neighbourly crime, because neighbours murdered neighbours. It was also a robbery, because Ukrainian nationalists often robbed their neighbours,' Nawrocki said. 'We have the right to talk about it. I have the right to talk about it as the president of the Institute of National Remembrance and I will have this right as the president of Poland after June 1.' Dear President @ZelenskyyUa, thank you for your message. I am looking forward to countinue partnership of our countries, based on mutual respect and understanding. I believe it requires not only good dialogue but also solving overdue historical issues. Poland has been Ukraine's… — Karol Nawrocki (@NawrockiKn) June 3, 2025During his ultimately successful campaign, President-elect Nawrocki, a nationalist, said that Poles should have priority in queues for doctor's appointments and called to limit Ukrainians' access to benefits. He also said he was against Ukraine joining NATO and the European Union, a stark contrast from Poland's traditional position of support as Kyiv fights off Russian forces. Warsaw's support, Nawrocki believes, should depend on Ukraine making amends for the Volhynian massacre, which could include the exhumation of Polish victims. Following the start of Russia's full-scale invasion in early 2022, Poland, under the rule of the Law and Justice – or PiS – party, which supported Nawrocki, accepted more than a million Ukrainian refugees and backed Ukraine with weapons as Kyiv's other European allies, such as Germany, hesitated. Thousands of Poles hosted Ukrainians in their homes as Poland became the loudest pro-Ukrainian voice in the EU and NATO. But while PiS has a long history of supporting Ukraine throughout its revolutions in 2004 and 2014, and following the Russian onslaught, anti-Ukrainian rhetoric is now taking hold. In the first round of the presidential election, 51 percent of Poles voted for candidates who had touted positions at odds with Ukraine's ambitions. Even the liberal candidate from the Civic Platform, Rafal Trzaskowski, suggested that Ukrainians who do not pay taxes should be deprived of child benefits. According to research by the Mieroszewski Centre, in 2022, 83 percent of Ukrainians had a positive opinion of Poles, but by November 2024, this number fell to 41 percent. In January 2025, 51 percent of Poles said that Ukrainian refugees receive too much support. Almost half of respondents said that difficult historical issues should be solved to improve Polish-Ukrainian relations. Research published in February 2025 by CBOS found that just 30 percent of Poles had a positive attitude towards Ukrainians, down from 51 percent in 2023, while 38 percent had a negative attitude towards their Ukrainian neighbours, up from 17 percent in 2023. 'I think that Poland should continue its support for Ukraine, but I am disappointed with the position of the Ukrainian state. If not for Poland's strong and decisive reaction at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, which encouraged Europe's support, Ukraine would not survive. And then in front of the United Nations General Assembly, Ukraine's president compared Poland to Russia,' said Nawrocki voter Michal, a 33-year-old travel guide. 'Ukrainians never showed any remorse for the Volhynian massacre. And I find it unacceptable that figures like Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych, who are responsible for massacres of Poles during World War II, are considered Ukraine's national heroes,' Michal added, referring to the Ukrainian nationalist leaders and Nazi collaborators. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine considers the decision of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland to establish 11 July as a Day of Remembrance for the victims of the so-called 'genocide committed by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian… — MFA of Ukraine 🇺🇦 (@MFA_Ukraine) June 5, 2025Michal's views are not uncommon. Meanwhile, grudges against Ukrainian refugees have swelled. 'In February and March 2022, in a few weeks, Poland became a country that was no longer culturally uniform. For many Poles, who had no experience of diversity, the very fact that suddenly their neighbours spoke a different language became difficult to accept,' said Rafal Pankowski from the antiracism Never Again association. Currently, more than 50 percent of Poles declare solidarity with Ukrainian refugees, down from 90 percent in 2022, he said, citing his organisation's polling data. 'One of the reasons why support for Ukrainians has fallen is right-wing propaganda and conspiracy theories spread on social media. We have been monitoring the situation since the beginning of the war, and it has been clear that in the long run, playing the anti-Ukrainian card will bring the far right political benefits. And this is what happened in this campaign.' Igor Krawetz, a Ukrainian commentator who has lived in Poland for almost 20 years, said that he is surprised at the speed of the shift. Two years ago, open hostility towards Ukrainians was viewed as inappropriate, even among the right, he said. 'Polish anti-Ukrainian xenophobia is no longer limited to spaces where Ukrainian migrants compete with Poles, such as low-skilled jobs. Now xenophobia is expressed by the middle class, too, who see that Ukrainians moved businesses to Warsaw, buy expensive apartments and are no longer poor people that need the Poles' support,' he added. The shift brings back memories for Krawetz. Polish solidarity with Ukraine ended in disillusionment and mutual accusations in 2004, when Poles supported Ukraine's Orange Revolution and in 2014, after the Euromaidan. 'Poles have got used to seeing Ukraine's misfortunes as their own pain. For the past 20 years, during crises, there have been romantic waves of brotherly support that lasted for several months and were always followed by complaints: 'I helped you in 2022 and you still haven't won the war' type of thing,' Krawetz said. 'I have survived the first and second wave of solidarity with Ukraine. I will survive the last one, too. It always comes back full circle.'

Ukraine's Foreign Ministry criticises Poland for establishing memorial day on Volyn tragedy
Ukraine's Foreign Ministry criticises Poland for establishing memorial day on Volyn tragedy

Yahoo

time5 days ago

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Ukraine's Foreign Ministry criticises Poland for establishing memorial day on Volyn tragedy

Ukraine's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has criticised Poland's decision to establish a national day of remembrance for the victims of "genocide committed by the OUN [Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists] and UPA [Ukrainian Insurgent Army] in the eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic", calling it inconsistent with the spirit of good neighbourly relations between the two countries. [The Volyn (Volhynia) tragedy was a series of events that led to the ethnic cleansing of the Polish and Ukrainian populations in 1943 during World War II. It was part of a long-standing rivalry between Ukrainians and Poles in what is now Ukraine's west. Poland considers the Volyn tragedy a genocide of Poles – ed.] Source: a statement by Ukraine's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as reported by European Pravda Details: On 5 June, the Foreign Ministry of Ukraine condemned the Polish Sejm's decision to designate 11 July as a day of remembrance for the victims of "genocide committed by the OUN and UPA in the eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic". Quote: "Such unilateral steps do not contribute to achieving mutual understanding and reconciliation, which our countries have been working on for a long time, particularly in the format of the Joint Ukrainian-Polish Working Group on Historical Issues, which operates with the participation of the ministries of culture and national memory institutions from both countries." Details: The ministry emphasised that Ukraine "consistently advocates for a scientific and unbiased study of the complex pages of our shared history". Therefore, the ministry believes that the path to genuine reconciliation lies in dialogue, mutual respect, and collaborative historical research – not in unilateral political assessments. Ukraine's Foreign Ministry called on Poland "to refrain from steps that could lead to increased tension in bilateral relations and undermine the achievements gained through constructive dialogue and cooperation between Ukraine and Poland". The ministry also reminded both nations not to view each other as enemies, stressing that their common enemy is Russia. Background: In response to the mass destruction of Ukrainian monuments in Poland in 2015-2017 and the insufficient investigation of these crimes, Ukraine imposed moratoriums on the search and exhumation of the remains of Poles killed in 1943-1945 by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. For years, the issue of exhumations has been a bone of contention in relations between Ukraine and Poland. The new Polish government, headed by Donald Tusk, put pressure on Kyiv to lift the moratorium. Warsaw even said that the resolution of historical disputes would be a prerequisite for Ukraine's accession to the EU. In late April, the exhumation of the bodies of Polish citizens who were killed in 1945 began in Ukraine's Ternopil Oblast at the site of the disappeared village of Puzhnyky. Paweł Kowal, the head of the Joint Ukrainian-Polish Working Group on Historical Issues, called this a breakthrough in bilateral relations. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!

Exhumations of Volyn massacre Polish victims begin in western Ukraine
Exhumations of Volyn massacre Polish victims begin in western Ukraine

Yahoo

time24-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Exhumations of Volyn massacre Polish victims begin in western Ukraine

A team of Polish and Ukrainian researchers on April 24 began exhuming Polish victims of the World War II-era Volyn massacres in what is today western Ukraine, the Polish media reported. Forensic experts, archeologists, and geneticists began their work at 9 a.m. local time at the site of the destroyed Puzhnyky (Puzniki in Polish) village in Ternopil Oblast. This is the first such exhumation since 2017, when Ukraine imposed a moratorium in response to the destruction of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) memorials in Poland. The Volyn massacres, which peaked in 1943-1944, took place in the Nazi-occupied territory of what is now western Ukraine during World War II. UPA members killed tens of thousands of Poles, while thousands of Ukrainians were killed in retaliation. The massacre represents one of the most painful chapters of the Polish-Ukrainian history and has continued to strain mutual relations to this day. UPA fighters are believed to have killed between 50 and 120 Poles in Puzhnyky overnight on Feb. 13, 1945. The settlement no longer exists, and the area has been overgrown with vegetation, but close to 80 victims may remain buried here. The research team includes Polish experts from the Freedom and Democracy Foundation, the Pomeranian Medical University, and the Institute of National Remembrance, as well as Ukrainian researchers from the Society of Volyn Antiquities. Maciej Wrobel, state secretary at the Polish Culture Ministry, told Polsat News that the goal is to identify the victims and ensure dignified burial. He also said that the work is complicated by Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine, and warned against possible Russian disinformation operations. In recent months, the Polish and Ukrainian governments have made efforts to resolve the issue of the Volyn exhumations, with Poland's Prime Minister Donald Tusk announcing a "breakthrough" in January. Multiple Polish government and opposition officials have said that Warsaw would block Ukraine's entry into the EU and NATO unless the matter is resolved. Read also: Chechen scholar: Russia's cowardly violence in Ukraine is driven by desperation We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.

Ukrainian soldiers celebrate Easter at front, honouring Ukrainian insurgents and decorating Easter eggs
Ukrainian soldiers celebrate Easter at front, honouring Ukrainian insurgents and decorating Easter eggs

Yahoo

time20-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Ukrainian soldiers celebrate Easter at front, honouring Ukrainian insurgents and decorating Easter eggs

Ukrainians are celebrating Easter for the eleventh year not only in churches or their homes, but also at the front. Soldiers enjoy Easter bread, and military chaplains bless Easter baskets and pray together with their comrades. [Easter bread or Paska is a traditional Ukrainian bread made at Easter, typically sweet and round, often decorated with religious symbols – ed.] Source: Details: This year, the 15th Separate Artillery Reconnaissance Brigade Chornyi Lis (Black Forest) added deep historical symbolism to their celebrations. They recreated archival photos of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) fighters celebrating Easter in 1944. [UPA, or the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, was a nationalist paramilitary organisation that fought for Ukrainian independence during and after World War II, primarily against Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union – ed.] "We had long been considering the idea of symbolically touching the past and connecting the modern struggle with the struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. We are those who are continuing their fight today. And no matter how times or military uniforms change, the essence is the same – to fight for an independent Ukraine," the unit stated. The unit recalled that during Easter 1943, UPA fighters took the "Oath of the UPA Warrior" for the first time. The traditional greeting, "Christ is risen – Indeed He is risen," took on patriotic meaning, evolving into "Christ is risen – Ukraine will rise!" Due to the constant threat of Soviet raids, insurgent Easter services were often held in forests, sometimes led by commanders in the absence of clergy. "Easter for the Ukrainian insurgents was a symbol of the beginning of a new year of fighting and an especially important period after often hard and hungry wintering in hideouts," the brigade recalled. Soldiers of Ukrainian Insurgent Army on Easter 1944 and soldiers of 15th Separate Artillery Reconnaissance Brigade Chornyi Lis on Easter 2025. Photo: Brigade Chornyi Lis Incidentally, the name of the unit Chornyi Lis (Black Forest) is not accidental, but inspired by the memory of the UPA Tactical Sector No. 22 Chornyi Lis. Soldiers of the AREY Separate Assault Battalion of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army also held Easter rites – confession, anointing and blessing of Easter bread. "Even in battle, among trenches and silence before the storm, warriors seek not only victory – but peace in the soul. This Easter became a reminder: we are fighting not only for land – we are fighting for light. And light always finds its way to every heart, even at the front," the unit said. Soldiers of the AREY Separate Assault Battalion of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army Soldiers of the AREY Separate Assault Battalion of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army The 10th Separate Mountain Assault Brigade Edelweiss celebrated Easter on the line of contact, yet still found time to observe Easter traditions. This year, one of the soldiers created a special front-line pysanka (a traditional Ukrainian Easter egg, decorated using a wax-resist method with intricate folk designs), depicting three symbols: a wreath – a wish for well-being; arrows – an ancient symbol of victory; and an edelweiss flower – the symbol of the brigade. Pysanka made by a soldier from the Edelweiss Brigade. The 95th Separate Polissia Air Assault Brigade celebrated Easter at their positions. "For us, Easter is not just a holiday. It is a reminder that light always prevails over darkness. Just as Ukraine will certainly win this war. Our warriors are celebrating this holiday at combat positions, under the wind of the front, with faith in their hearts, love for their native land and care for every one of you. During these holy Easter days, the hearts of millions of Ukrainians beat in unison with those who defend our freedom," the brigade wrote. Easter basket from 95th Separate Polissia Air Assault Brigade Soldiers 95th Separate Polissia Air Assault Brigade. Soldiers of the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade shared Easter photos straight from the trenches. "Easter bread brought from afar is not just the taste of childhood or a memory of home. It is a gesture of love. It is the rear that holds the line. We feel your support in every piece, in every word, in every gesture that comes from home. Easter during war is not only a holiday honouring the victory of life, but also a symbol of our resilience. We are holding the line because we know that behind us are love, faith and the unbreakable spirit of those who are waiting for us," the brigade wrote. Soldiers of the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade with Easter bread Soldiers of the 40th Separate Coastal Defence Brigade also shared photos from the celebration. "Today the warriors of the 40th Coastal Defence Brigade are celebrating Easter with faith in God's blessing, peace and Ukraine's future. Where every day is a battle for life and freedom, their spirit remains unbroken," the brigade said in a post. Soldiers from the 40th Coastal Defence Brigade celebrating Easter. Ukrainian Christians have also received Easter greetings from the National Police of Ukraine units currently serving on the front line. "Today we are holding the line of defence and protecting each of you so that your homes may be filled with kids' laughter, Easter candles may glow and peace may prevail. We are fighting for a peaceful future and for a Ukraine that will never surrender to the enemy. We are a strong, free and unbreakable nation that will undoubtedly achieve Victory," the defenders wrote. Soldiers from the National Police of Ukraine units The State Border Guard Service of Ukraine also reminded: Easter is not only a holiday, but also a time to remember those who are no longer with us. "May the Lord bless our country and people! And also grant strength to overcome all hardships. Let us pray for everyone who fights for our peace on Easter and on all the days to come. Let us remember those heroes who have gone into eternity. Christ is risen! Indeed He is risen!" the border guards added. Soldiers of The State Border Guard Service of Ukraine Background: Last year, Ukrainian defenders also showed Ukrainians "combat" Easter bread, pysankas, and "surprises" for the Russian troops. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!

Ukrainian nationalists commemorate Nazi collaborator (PHOTOS, VIDEO)
Ukrainian nationalists commemorate Nazi collaborator (PHOTOS, VIDEO)

Russia Today

time08-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Russia Today

Ukrainian nationalists commemorate Nazi collaborator (PHOTOS, VIDEO)

Ukrainian nationalists gathered this week to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the death of Roman Shukhevich, a Nazi collaborator and leader of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), known for its role in ethnic cleansing during World War II. The events included a torchlit march, a flower-laying ceremony, and the unveiling of a virtual museum dedicated to him. One of the events included a ceremony on Wednesday near the site of the Museum of Shukhevich in Bilohorshcha outside of Lviv, which was allegedly destroyed by a Russian drone strike last year. It was attended by the acting head of the Lviv Regional Council, regional deputies, veterans, and nationalist organizations, according to local officials. The Lviv Regional Council also said priests conducted a memorial service commemorating Roman Shukhevich and his followers. A video of the ceremony shared by Suspilne shows a crowd singing the Ukrainian national anthem, with people laying yellow and blue bouquets after the Ukrainian flag. A day earlier, Ukrainian nationalists also held a torchlit march in Lviv to honor Shukhevich, with the event attracting over 1,000 participants, according to the newspaper Den. The marchers carried red and black UPA flags and banners of nationalist organizations, including those of the far-right groups Right Sector and Svoboda. The event ended with a prayer at a monument to Stepan Bandera, another nationalist leader linked to Nazi collaboration. Adding to the commemoration, the Lviv Historical Museum launched a virtual museum of Shukhevich based on the original museum. Russia has not confirmed the strike that was said to have destroyed it in 2024, with officials in Moscow stating that Russian forces only attack sites linked to the military. Shukhevich served in the Nachtigall Battalion, a unit formed by Ukrainian nationalists under German command in 1941. The battalion took part in the massacre of Jews in Lviv following the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. Later, he became a commander in the Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201, which conducted anti-partisan operations, targeting Jews and Belarusian civilians. In 1943, he assumed the leadership of the UPA, which was responsible for the Volyn massacres, in which tens of thousands of Polish civilians were slaughtered. Shukhevych was killed in 1950 during a Soviet raid, allegedly committing suicide after his hideout was surrounded by security forces. Russia has repeatedly sounded the alarm over the resurgence of Nazi ideology in Ukraine, and has listed 'denazification' as one of the key goals of its military operation against Kiev.

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