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Burkina Faso grants Nordgold mining licence for Niou gold deposit
Burkina Faso grants Nordgold mining licence for Niou gold deposit

Yahoo

time28-04-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Burkina Faso grants Nordgold mining licence for Niou gold deposit

Burkina Faso has awarded an industrial mining licence to Russian mining company Nordgold for the Niou gold deposit in the Kourweogo province of the country, reported Reuters. The licence aims to capitalise on high gold prices to bolster the country's economy, which has been impacted by security challenges. Burkina Faso, a significant gold producer, has been combating Islamist militants since 2015. Swissaid reports that the country produced more than 57 tonnes (t) of gold in 2023. The surge in gold prices, which have increased by more than 25% this year, is attributed to geopolitical tensions and the trade policies of US President Donald Trump. The licence is expected to strengthen economic relations between Burkina Faso and Russia as the country shifts its focus from traditional Western partners. The Niou gold project in Burkina's Plateau-Central region spans 52.8km² within Jilbey Burkina's exploration licence area, now owned by Nordgold. Nordgold also operates the Bissa and Bouly mines in the region. According to the Council of Ministers, the Niou mine is projected to produce approximately 20.22t of gold over eight years. Jilbey Burkina will maintain an 85% interest in the project, with the Burkinabe Government holding a 15% stake, in line with the nation's new mining laws. This arrangement does not require any financial contribution from the government. The project is expected to contribute CFA Fr51.5bn ($89.2m) to the state budget and CFA Fr7.06bn to the state's mineral wealth fund over its lifetime. Germany's Konrad Adenauer Foundation Sahel programme head Ulf Laessing said: "The cooperation with Nordgold and other industrial mines is important as the country faces a budget crunch." However, Laessing also noted that the Niou project might impact local artisanal miners by displacing their source of income. The government has announced that the mine could create 204 jobs and support employment at the nearby Bissa Gold SA mine. Earlier this month, Fortuna Mining, a Canadian company specialising in precious metals mining, finalised an agreement with Soleil Resources International to sell its stake in Roxgold Sanu, which operates the Yaramoko gold mine in Burkina Faso, along with its other subsidiaries, for $130m (C$180.57m). "Burkina Faso grants Nordgold mining licence for Niou gold deposit" was originally created and published by Mining Technology, a GlobalData owned brand. The information on this site has been included in good faith for general informational purposes only. It is not intended to amount to advice on which you should rely, and we give no representation, warranty or guarantee, whether express or implied as to its accuracy or completeness. You must obtain professional or specialist advice before taking, or refraining from, any action on the basis of the content on our site. Sign in to access your portfolio

Burkina Faso grants mining lease to Russia's Nordgold for gold project
Burkina Faso grants mining lease to Russia's Nordgold for gold project

Reuters

time25-04-2025

  • Business
  • Reuters

Burkina Faso grants mining lease to Russia's Nordgold for gold project

April 25 (Reuters) - Burkina Faso has granted an industrial mining licence to Russian miner Nordgold for a gold project, the military-led West African government said, aiming to capitalise on record-high gold prices to strengthen an economy hit by insecurity. The move signals deepening economic ties between Russia and Burkina Faso, as the junta that seized power in 2022 continues its pivot away from traditional Western allies towards Moscow. here. The Niou gold deposit, located in the Kourweogo province of Burkina's Plateau-Central region, covers 52.8 square kilometres (20.4 square miles) within the exploration licence area held by Jilbey Burkina, which is now owned by Nordgold. Nordgold already operates the Bissa and Bouly mines. The council of ministers said late Thursday that the Niou mine was expected to yield approximately 20.22 metric tons of gold over its eight-year lifetime. Jilbey Burkina will retain an 85% stake in the project, while the Burkinabe government will hold the remaining 15% without financial contribution, in accordance with the country's new mining regulations. The project will contribute 51.5 billion CFA francs ($89 million) to the state's budget over its lifespan and 7.06 billion CFA francs to the state's mineral wealth fund, the council of ministers said. Gold prices have risen by over 25% this year, fuelled by geopolitical instability and U.S. President Donald Trump's trade policies. Burkina Faso, which has been fighting Islamist militants since 2015, is a major gold producer. According to non-governmental organisation Swissaid, which analyses mining, the country produced over 57 tons in 2023. Mining companies operating there include Canada's IAMGOLD ( opens new tab and Endeavour Mining (EDV.L), opens new tab, and Australia's West African Resources Ltd ( opens new tab. "The cooperation with Nordgold and other industrial mines is important (for Burkina's government) as the country faces a budget crunch," said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel programme at Germany's Konrad Adenauer Foundation. However, the Niou project will be located in a large artisanal mining area and might deprive the people working as artisanal miners of key income, he said. The government said the mine could generate 204 jobs, while also helping sustain employment at the nearby Bissa Gold SA mine.

How an intercepted drone escalated Mali-Algeria tensions
How an intercepted drone escalated Mali-Algeria tensions

Times of Oman

time12-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Times of Oman

How an intercepted drone escalated Mali-Algeria tensions

Bamako: Yet another conflict story unravels from Tin Zaouatine, a desert region in Mali's far north-east. The same region that had witnessed an unprecedented defeat of Russian mercenaries who were ambushed by Tuareg rebels in August 2024 is again at the epicentre of an unfolding crisis. On the night between March 31 and April 1, a Turkish-manufactured Akinci surveillance drone operated by the Malian military literally fell from the sky. Video footage circulating on social media depicted burning debris falling and crashing into an uninhabited area. Hours later, the Algerian army stated that an air defence unit in the border region shot down an armed reconnaissance drone that had entered Algerian airspace. Bamako, the capital of Mali, disagreed, arguing that the wreckage was found almost 10 kilometres (6 miles) into Malian territory. The unprecedented incident has since created a major diplomatic rift between the neighbors. While it appears that neither side has an interest in escalating the issue, the crisis has been intensifying. Protests, retaliation and solidarity Shortly after Algeria took responsibility, hundreds of protesters gathered in front of the country's embassy in Bamako, according to a DW reporter. "They destroyed the drone on our territory. Enough is enough! We're here to show the world that we stand with our authorities," one of the demonstrators told DW. Mali's military junta retaliated through diplomatic means: In a coordinated step with its close allies Niger and Burkina Faso – both also governed by juntas — all three Sahel Alliance (AES) states withdrew their ambassadors from Algeria. Algiers quickly reciprocated. A day later, both Mali and Algeria closed their airspace to each other's aircraft. While it might have been an easy choice for Burkina Faso to stand in solidarity with its ally, the decision might have been more difficult for Niger. "From a Nigerien perspective, this is not a good development, because they have just improved their ties with Algeria," said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel program of the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS), which is affiliated with the German conservative party CDU. "Algeria had made an effort for Niger, especially because the relations with Mali are this bad. Algeria's state oil company Sonatrach has signed a contract in Niger, from which Niger profits economically," Laessing told DW. Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop accused Algiers of supporting terrorism. "The council of AES leaders consider the destruction of the drone operated by Malian armed forces as a hostile action against all AES members and a perfidious step that in a way promotes terrorism and destabilization of the region," Diop told DW. Algeria denied any wrongdoing in the drone incident and accused Mali of trying to redirect blame for its internal problems. "The junta of putschists ruling in Mali is vainly attempting to make our country a scapegoat for the setbacks and woes of which the Malian people are paying the heaviest price," Algeria's foreign ministry said in a statement. Mali-Algerian relations have deteriorated since 2023 Mali and Algeria share a common history of French colonial oppression. Since they became independent in 1960 and 1962 respectively, relations between both countries have been through rough patches. Security on the 1,300-kilometre-long (808-mile-long) border has always been a contentious issue. In 2015, after three years of fighting between Mali's army and northern rebels, Algeria successfully mediated a peace contract — the Algiers Accords. However, both the security in Northern Mali and relations with Algeria have remained fragile — especially after Mali's military coups in 2020 and 2021. Amid new clashes between the Algiers Accords signatories, reports of atrocities committed by Malian soldiers and their new brothers in arms, Russian Wagner mercenaries, surfaced. According to Laessing, relations further deteriorated in late 2023, when Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune hosted Mahmoud Dicko, a powerful imam from Mali's Tomboctou region, whom the military junta perceives as a threat due to his popularity. "This was seen as a provocation in Bamako. Mali subsequently terminated the Algiers accords. Algeria retaliated verbally. This way, the crisis aggravated — and because of that, we've already been on a level of crisis," Laessing said. Malian analyst Paul Oula told DW that the diplomatic relations between Mali and Algeria lack trust. "Today, Malian authorities completely disapprove of the Algerian authorities' interference in the management of the security crisis in Mali," Oula said. At the same time, Oula believes that the falling out is of greater benefit to Morocco. Rabat has increased its footprint in the Sahel region over the last years, offering the landlocked AES countries a connection to maritime trade without having to rely on ECOWAS countries. Ways to resolve the tensions Outside actors are worried that further hostilities between Mali and Algeria could be detrimental for the region's already fragile security. The West African economic bloc ECOWAS, where the three AES states had been members before their wave of coups, appealed in a statement to both sides to "de-escalate the tension, foster dialogue and use regional and continental mechanisms to settle differences". Mohamed Si Bachir, political analyst and professor at the National School of Political Science (École Nationale Supérieure de Sciences Politiques) in Algiers, says there are ways to defuse the crisis. "We could use the social and diplomatic leverages," Si Bachir told DW. "In diplomacy, Algeria maintains good capabilities and has long experience in regional conflicts. We can assume that this machine is starting up and going in search of a solution." But also the personal relations between communities on both sides of the Algerian-Malian border could help to bridge the gaps. While neither side seems to benefit from the fallout, it remains to be seen whether Mali and Algeria will be able to summon enough political will to settle their dispute.

Sahel juntas drive new era in mineral extraction
Sahel juntas drive new era in mineral extraction

Yahoo

time03-04-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Sahel juntas drive new era in mineral extraction

Niger wants to boost its economy and expand its mining industry by mining copper in the Agadez region. The country granted a permit to national firm Compagnie Miniere de l'Air (Cominair SA). "Niger is continuing its programme of diversifying mining production" with a move that "marks its entry into the restricted circle of countries producing this strategic mineral," according to a statement from Niger's military government, which took power following a July 2023 coup. Ulf Laessing, head of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation's Sahel regional program in neighboring Mali, said the concession is part of Niger's strategy to reduce its reliance on foreign companies for mineral extraction. Laessing said that it was impossible to predict how successful the project will be. "The copper mine is in the north, not far from Libya, where the security situation is very poor," he noted, adding that Niger is following a trend seen in Burkina and Mali, where military governments rely more on local companies, rather than Western ones. The operators of the mine located in Niger's second largest city, Moradi, expect to produce an average of 2,700 tons of copper per year over a period of ten years. Niger's government hopes that the mine will create hundreds of new jobs and a lucrative business. Copper is currently traded on the world market for $9,700 (€8,789) per ton. A small scale permit has meanwhile been granted to Nigerien firm Compagnie Miniere de Recherche et d'Exploitation (Comirex SA) at Dannet to produce lithium, a key component of the rechargeable lithium-ion batteries that power everything from cellphones to electric vehicles. The company expects to produce 300 tons of lithium a year. The Nigerien state holds a 25% stake in the Cominair copper mine and a 40% stake in Comirex in order to maintain the government's control over the nation's resources. For decades, the desert state was also a major producer of uranium, known as the "white gold" of the renewable energy revolution. According to the World Nuclear Association, Niger has two significant uranium mines, where around 5% of the uranium produced worldwide was mined in 2022. Since junta leader Abdourahamane Tchiani seized power in the military coup , uranium production has come to a standstill. "This is because the border with Benin is closed and uranium can only be exported via Benin," Laessing told DW, noting that only the Beninese port of Cotonou has been licensed to do so, highlighting the difficulties on the ground. "The government wants to do much more itself and no longer work with French companies or other Western companies," he said. However, Laessing noted that this does not guarantee the success of "in-house mining" due to a lack of local experience, technical qualifications and the necessary mining equipment. As long as the border with Benin is closed due to disputes following the coup, said Laessing, "nothing will happen" in uranium production and it is questionable how quickly progress will be made with copper mining. The source of funding for the mining projects is not clear, said Laessing, who suggested that copper mining could be partially financed with revenues from oil production, he told DW. Niger's former colonial ruler, France, has become unpopular in the Sahel and has lost influence. The junta no longer considers itself bound by partnership agreements from the aegis of Nigerien President Mohamed Bazoum, who was ousted in the 2023 coup. The military junta recently withdrew French nuclear company Orano's license to mine uranium — after 50 years of operation in Niger. Canadian company GoviEX also no longer has a permit to operate the Madaouela uranium mine. "These are symbolic acts to make us less dependent on Western companies," said Laessing. "The chances of success is difficult to assess." When it comes to raw materials for energy transition, neighboring Mali is also well positioned for the future: In recent months, two new lithium mines have started production, partly in cooperation with China. The new concessions complement the extraction of mineral resources, which are abundant in the Sahel states of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. Niger, for example, has significant deposits of uranium, tin and phosphate, as well as crude oil. Burkina Faso has copper, zinc and manganese. Mali has several previously untapped oil fields. All three countries have large gold deposits. All three countries are also pursuing an anti-Western course and are looking for new allies: Russia wants to profit from uranium mining through its nuclear company Rosatom; the mining company Azelik is majority-owned by China. According to the Africa Defense Forum, Niger's ruling junta and Iran have been "working secretly on a deal" to buy 300 tons of uranium. "Iranian officials approached the Niger junta in August 2023, about one month after the July 2023 coup," according to an October 2024 article in the military magazine. "The visit was the first step toward circumventing international sanctions aimed at preventing Iran from developing a bomb." However, in 2024 Prime Minister Ali Mahaman Lamine Zeine insisted that "nothing" had been signed with Iran with regards to uranium. Following coups between 2020 and 2023, all three Sahel countries are under military governments. In an effort to emancipate themselves from their old partners and avoid sanctions, they also withdrew from the West African bloc ECOWAS — and founded their own Alliance of Sahel States. "There has long been a strong desire for diversification in international relations in these countries," said Seidik Abba, head of the Sahel think tank CIRES, based in Paris. Even after the end of the colonial era, economic relations with the West were never on an equal footing, Abba said in an interview with DW. "The conditions were dictated unilaterally by Western countries. For example, they set the prices for the raw materials they bought from African countries. And that was and is perceived as unfair in Africa," said Abba. Burkina Faso is Africa's fourth largest gold producer with an estimated 58 tons per year. "The country has not yet taken the step like Mali, where they want a lot more money, royalties and taxes from Western mining companies in gold production; they still rely on cooperation," said Laessing. "Burkina Faso has understood that it would be difficult to continue producing gold without foreign companies." After producing 66 tons of gold in 2022, Mali is considered the center of gold production in Africa and exerted pressure on the companies exploiting the gold deposits. Mali's military-led government, for example, is demanding 125 billion CFA francs ($199 million) in back taxes from Canadian gold giant Barrick Gold. Officially, the government's discourse is that they are now sovereign and pan-African. In practice, though, Laessing noted that foreign companies still play a major role. Antonio Cascais and Eric Topona contributed to this article. The article was originally written in German.

Niger's junta withdraws from Lake Chad anti-Islamist force
Niger's junta withdraws from Lake Chad anti-Islamist force

The Guardian

time01-04-2025

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

Niger's junta withdraws from Lake Chad anti-Islamist force

Niger's ruling junta has quit a regional force fighting armed Islamist groups in west Africa's Lake Chad area, cementing an acrimonious split from former allies in the region. The decision to exit the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) was announced in a bulletin on state television over the weekend. The move 'reflects a stated intent to reinforce security for oil sites', the bulletin stated, without providing further details. The MNJTF was formed in 2015 by Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria in the wake of increasing jihadist attacks across their territories. At its peak, it had an estimated 10,000 troops and fought many armed groups, especially Boko Haram and its offshoots. But any serious progress has been hampered or even undone by poor collaboration and equipping, analysts say. 'The force was never that effective, said Ulf Laessing, the Bamako-based director of the Sahel programme at Konrad Adenauer Foundation, a German thinktank. Its decline, he added, was 'good news for jihadists and it is bad news for villagers on the lake side, fishers or farmers who just want to go about their business but who will now get less military support'. Niger's exit from MNJTF came days after the junta's leader, Abdourahmane Tiani, was sworn in as president until 2030 under a new charter that suspended the constitution and dissolved all political parties. Niger has also isolated itself from the Economic Community of West African State (Ecowas), after Ecowas imposed a range of sanctions following the coup that ousted the democratically elected president, Mohamed Bazoum, in July 2023. Within two months of the coup, it had joined the splinter Alliance of Sahel States (AES) along with Burkina Faso and Mali, where there have also been military takeovers since 2020. Since then, AES has introduced new biometric passports to replace the old regional passports and on Monday, it announced a 0.5% levy on imported goods from Ecowas states. Ikemesit Effiong, managing partner at Nigerian geopolitical risk advisory SBM Intelligence, said the levy put an end to 'a long history of free trade across the western Sahel' and could change the dynamics of Ecowas's negotiations with AES. 'When squared with Ecowas's statement commitment to keep open trade and borders with AES states, I think this [levy] will force Ecowas to drop its kids' gloves strategy and be more forceful with the AES,' Effiong said. It remains unclear what impact Niger's withdrawal from the MNJTF will have on a security agreement signed with neighbouring Nigeria last August. Both countries share centuries of history and a border that spans 1,000 miles but Nigeria-led Ecowas's push for a rapid return to democratic governance has caused friction between both countries. Effiong said recent moves in the capital, Niamey, which has been seeking new military and economic partners since expelling French troops in 2023, are unsurprising. 'Niger has been pulling out of all its main regional bilateral and multilateral commitments, much of which it sees as western influenced or inspired,' said Effiong, who noted that MTNJTF had received military and intelligence aid from western partners in the past.

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