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Hans India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Kerala Community Leader Sparks Controversy Over Religious Demographics And Birth Rates
A prominent Kerala community leader has generated significant controversy by making provocative statements about religious demographics and their impact on the state's political landscape. Vellapally Natesan, a key figure in the Hindu Ezhava community, has drawn criticism for his remarks connecting birth rates to electoral representation and warning about potential changes in Kerala's religious composition. During a leadership gathering of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam in Kottayam on Saturday, Natesan made statements that have since sparked intense debate across Kerala's political and social circles. His comments addressed what he perceives as shifting demographic patterns and their implications for political influence within the state. Natesan expressed concerns about both major political coalitions in Kerala, claiming that the ruling Left Democratic Front and opposition United Democratic Front were providing preferential treatment to the Muslim community. He argued that these political alignments necessitated greater unity among Hindu communities to maintain their influence in state governance. The SNDP leader specifically addressed members of Kerala's largest Hindu caste group, suggesting that their collective action could determine electoral outcomes. He emphasized the potential power of unified community voting, stating that coordinated efforts could significantly impact who governs the state. His remarks included criticism of what he characterized as religious considerations influencing public policy decisions. Natesan referenced a recent educational controversy where extending school hours was discussed, citing objections from religious organizations about reducing holidays for traditional festivals as evidence of growing religious influence in administrative matters. The community leader invoked previous statements by former Kerala Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan regarding potential demographic changes by 2040, suggesting that such shifts might occur sooner than anticipated. He pointed to specific examples from electoral constituencies to support his assertions about changing population patterns. Natesan drew attention to constituency delimitation changes in different districts, arguing that seat reductions in some areas contrasted with increases in others, which he attributed to varying demographic trends. He specifically mentioned Alappuzha district experiencing constituency reductions while Malappuram district gained additional seats. This recent controversy follows earlier statements by Natesan that generated criticism in April, when he made contentious remarks about Malappuram district during a convention speech. His previous comments characterized the Muslim-majority district in terms that many found divisive and inappropriate for public discourse. The leader's statements reflect ongoing tensions in Kerala's complex religious and political landscape, where community identities intersect with electoral calculations. His appeals to specific demographic groups highlight the sensitive nature of religious representation in state politics. These remarks have prompted responses from various political parties and community organizations, with critics arguing that such statements promote divisiveness rather than unity. The controversy underscores broader debates about secularism, demographic representation, and political mobilization along religious lines. The SNDP Yogam, which represents significant portions of Kerala's Hindu population, plays an important role in the state's political dynamics. Statements from its leadership often carry considerable weight in community discussions and electoral considerations. Kerala's diverse religious composition has historically been a subject of political attention, with various communities seeking to maintain their influence in governance and policy-making. The current controversy adds another dimension to ongoing discussions about representation, demographics, and political strategy in the state.
The Hindu
18-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Local body polls: State Election Commission to hold meeting of political parties on Saturday
With the delimitation of local body wards entering the final phase in Kerala, the State Election Commission is in the process of revising the electoral rolls ahead of the crucial elections to local bodies planned towards the end of 2025. The commission, tasked with the preparation of electoral rolls and the conduct of elections to local bodies, will publish the draft rolls which is being updated by repositioning the population on the basis of the delimited wards and reorgansied polling booths, commission officials said. The commission headed by A. Shajahan is convening a meeting of political parties in Thiruvananthapuram on Saturday in connection with the revision of the rolls. The State Delimitation Commission is hoping to wind up the delimitation process by the middle of August. Launched last year, the mammoth exercise is in the third and final phase, where the wards of the district panchayats are being reorganised. The number of polling booths is also expected to see a revision following the delimitation. The Opposition Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) has petitioned the State Election Commission to reorganise the per-booth voter numbers from 1,300 to 1,100 in panchayats and from 1,600 to 1,300 in municipalities. Through a State government notification last year, the number of wards in grama, block, district panchayats, municipalities, and corporations had been increased from 21,900 to 23,612. The 87 municipalities now have 3,241 wards, the six Corporations 421 wards, and the 941 grama panchayats 17,337 wards. In the 152 block panchayats, the number has been revised to 2,267, and in the 14 district panchayats to 346. In 2020, the elections were held to 1,199 local bodies (except Mattannur municipality) on December 8, 10, and 14. The elections were held in three phases on account of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Hindu
17-07-2025
- Health
- The Hindu
UDF Health Commission website launched
The website of the Health Commission appointed by the United Democratic Front was formally opened by Leader of the Opposition V. D. Satheesan recently. The website address is This website is envisioned as a platform for comprehensive study and analysis of the healthcare sector in Kerala. Visitors to the website will have the option of reporting any issues they have noticed in the health sector and of suggesting possible solutions. The email address to contact the commission is contact@ and the phone/WhatsApp number is +91 7306635291. The aim of the commission will be to conduct an in-depth study of the general issues in Kerala's health-care sector, especially the government health system, and the difficulties faced by the public as a result. The commission will hold detailed discussions with people from all walks of life including the general public, healthcare workers and professionals from related fields. The Commission will also hold sittings in different districts. The commission will prepare the report, 'Health Mission 2050', with the firm conviction that the people of Kerala have the right to access the highest quality healthcare services. The report will include recommendations to preserve Kerala's existing healthcare achievements and to prepare the State to effectively face emerging challenges, an official release said here.
The Hindu
13-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Government ready to clear doubts regarding revised timing in high schools: V. Sivankutty
The State government is prepared to clear any doubts related to the revised high school working hours in the 2025-2026 academic calendar, Minister for General Education V. Sivankutty has said. Addressing a press conference here on Sunday, Mr. Sivankutty said the current objections against the time revision were suspicious given that similar revisions in the past were not met with protests or disputes. There is a misconception that the revision applies to all classes from Classes I to Class X. On the contrary, the increase of 15 minutes each in the morning and afternoon sessions (9.45 a.m. to 4.15 p.m.) applies only to high schools. Organisations such as the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama had expressed concerns that the revised schedule would affect madrassa education. Mr. Sivankutty said on Sunday that the sections now criticising the time revision raised no objection when the higher secondary schools timings were revised from 9.30 a.m. to 9 a.m. and 4 p.m. to 4.30 p.m. during the United Democratic Front rule in 2014. The State government had constituted a five-member expert panel in January 2025 to study issues related to the academic calendar. In publishing the academic calendar, the State government only sought to ensure academic standards in school education and to guarantee the required 220 working days and 1,100 instructional hours, excluding examination days, as required by the Kerala Education Rules, Mr. Sivankutty said. To compare, Gujarat has 243 days, Uttar Pradesh 233, Karnataka 244 days, Andhra Pradesh 233 days and Delhi 220 days.
The Wire
11-07-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Shashi Tharoor's Kerala Dream Fades as Congress Looks Elsewhere
Ahead of last month's Nilambur assembly by-election, a narrative had gained ground – mostly outside Kerala – that Shashi Tharoor, four-time MP from Thiruvananthapuram, would be the best prospect to lead the Congress back to power in the 2026 state elections. That hope now seems misplaced. In its four-decade history, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) has never been out of power for two consecutive terms. The CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) broke that pattern in 2021, when Pinarayi Vijayan secured a rare second consecutive term. With nine years in office, the LDF appeared confident of securing a third. But the Congress's by-election victory in Nilambur last month has changed the political mood. Wresting the seat from the CPM just eight months before the next assembly polls has infused the Congress with fresh energy and elevated V.D. Satheesan, the Leader of the Opposition, as the man who could lead the party to power. A praise-driven disconnect By contrast, Tharoor's stock within the party has fallen. His praise for Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the aftermath of 'Operation Sindoor' and his enthusiastic participation in an MPs' delegation sent abroad has alienated him from both the central and state leadership – and from grassroots workers in Kerala. His explanation that 'nation comes before party' has only deepened that disconnect. Once seen as a possible CM candidate – either through his own ambition or the encouragement of supporters – Tharoor now finds himself sidelined. Indeed, his recent actions have made it clear he is out of the reckoning. None of this comes as a surprise to the party's Kerala unit. They are familiar with Tharoor's lone-wolf approach. Back in 2022, he undertook a solo tour across the state – meeting writers, religious leaders and cultural figures – without consulting state party leaders. His outreach gave the impression he would skip the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and instead build a base ahead of 2026. But he abandoned that effort and chose to contest from Thiruvananthapuram for the fourth time. Tharoor has long projected himself as larger than the Congress in Kerala. But despite his wins, many within the party see him as a Delhi imposition – lacking roots in the state. His entry into politics was circumstantial: in 2009, after his unsuccessful bid to head the UN, the Congress offered him a safe seat. Had he lost that first election, his political career might have ended there. Another leadership style In fact, Tharoor's trajectory mirrors that of only one other politician in Kerala's history, K.P. Unnikrishnan – another outsider who won from Vadakara in 1971. But unlike Tharoor, Unnikrishnan had local roots. Tharoor remained an outsider both within the party and in Kerala society. Though he won four times, he never built a genuine political base. Tharoor's victory over the BJP's Rajeev Chandrasekhar in 2024 was narrow. But he appeared to believe it was a personal triumph. Many in Congress disagree, insisting he wouldn't have won without the party's backing – and wouldn't again. Some don't rule out the possibility of Tharoor contesting from Thiruvananthapuram in future with CPM support, a scenario unthinkable just a few years ago. The Nilambur by-election, by contrast, showcased a very different leadership style. Satheesan, credited with crafting the UDF's strategy, kept out P.V. Anvar – a known disrupter and former aide of Vijayan. Even the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the UDF's second-largest partner, accepted the decision reluctantly. Tharoor did not campaign in Nilambur, later claiming he wasn't invited. One Congress MP quipped: 'It wasn't a wedding that Tharoor needed a formal invite.' Also read: Five Reasons Why Shashi Tharoor's Praise of Narendra Modi Could Not Have Been Worse Timed 'Team UDF' was how Satheesan described the win. Tharoor is rarely seen as a team player—more often, a loner. In Parliament, he seldom joins protests or mingles with Kerala MPs. 'He's ornamental—good for visibility, not one who rubs shoulders with the common man,' says poet and activist Kalpatta Narayanan. 'Has he ever praised Rahul Gandhi? But he found time to praise Modi.' 'Tharoor can no longer be trusted,' says MN Karassery, academic and Gandhian, who once admired him. 'Even the title of his book, Why I Am a Hindu, is provocative. It's a pointer to where he's headed.' Karassery, like many others, sees Tharoor's ideological moorings as shallow. Satheesan is now the natural CM candidate if the UDF returns to power. Unlike Tharoor, he has risen through the ranks. So too has Ramesh Chennithala, another likely contender. Tharoor, in contrast, remains an alien presence – a bit like VK Krishna Menon, who also represented Thiruvananthapuram but never quite belonged. 'He's one of us, but you know…' is the typical refrain in Kerala. Marooned Tharoor's recent praise for Modi has also cost him Muslim support. His criticism of Hamas did not sit well with the IUML or the community more broadly. Once welcomed by the Nair Service Society – the organisation which 'represents' his caste – his ties there too have cooled. In Kerala, he is politically marooned. There may have been a time when the Congress saw value in projecting Tharoor as its CM face. That moment has passed. As political analyst Rammohan KT notes, 'Tharoor's credibility has taken a beating. He's seen as a self-seeker. The Congress no longer needs him. In fact, it's doubtful whether he can win another election on his own.' For now, Tharoor's political future seems increasingly tied to New Delhi, not Kerala. Santosh Kumar is a Kerala-based journalist. click here.
