Latest news with #VPSingh
Hans India
4 days ago
- Business
- Hans India
A uniform 10% EWS quota across states is quite contentious
The Union Government has been implementing a fixed 10 per cent reservation quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), exclusively for the general category (GC) population (castes other than SCs/STs/OBCs) in line with the 103rd Constitution Amendment Act in 2019. When it was challenged, the Supreme Court (Janhit case) upheld it in 2022. Most state governments began implementing a 10 per cent EWS quota, irrespective of the percentage of the GC population, which varies from state to state. Ironically, reservations for SCs, STs and OBCs vary across states. Such universality in the EWS quota is QUITE contentious. There are also other contradictions regarding the policy basis of this specific provision. Initial attempts: The quota for EWS began after overcoming the hurdles posed against its implementation in 1989. The then prime minister V P Singh proposed a five to 10 per cent EWS quota. However, this did not materialise. Subsequently, the P V Narasimha Rao government took the initiative forward and in 1991 mandated implementation of 10 per cent EWS quota and 27% OBC quota. The Supreme Court, however, struck down the EBC-quota in the Indira Sawhney case (1992) while upholding the Mandal Commission's recommendation of 27 per cent OBCs quota. The reasons cited was that the EWS quota was made purely on an economic-criterion, which has been contended in the judicial scrutiny of OBCs reservation in various occasions. A further, 10 per cent EWS quota exceeds the 50 per cent ceiling laid down by the apex court (Balaji and other cases). Commission and Amendment: The UPA government in 2006 constituted a S R Sinho Commission to study economic backwardness among the general category (GC) population and recommend specific policy provisions. In its 2010 report, the panel suggested an economic criterion for identifying EWS in the GC population- all persons in BPL families and those with annual income below the non-taxable income tax slab. The NDA Government considered the Sinho Commission report and brought in the 103rd Constitution Amendment Act 2019. When it was challenged in the Janhit case, the Supreme Court in 2022 upheld the 10 per cent EWS quota, following which the Centre laid a less than Rs eight lakh income-criterion for identifying the EWS eligible among GC population. Subsequently, the Union Government's Expert Group retained the criterion. Pending the final verdict, the apex court permitted the criterion. Contradictions: Certain contradictions persist in the implementation of 10 per cent EWS quota. Firstly, its policy basis is itself contradictory; study, methodology and procedures. Kaka Kalelkar chaired the first Commission for Backward Classes (1953-55) and identified BCs on the basis of four indicators-social status, education, government employment and participation in industry, trade and commerce). The B.P. Mandal chaired the second commission (1979-80) devised a three-dimensional (social, education and economic) 11-indicator criterion for identifying backward classes. The thrust was on social, educational and economic dimensions of backwardness. The Mandal Commission conducted a massive survey across 405 districts, including in urban areas. Concomitantly, many state-level committees and commissions for BCs contemplated a rigorous criterion in identifying backward classes. In contrast, the Sinho Commission solely relied on economic criteria without such rigorous study and methodology. Its recommendations are based on its visits to states and Union Territories and interacting with officials and functionaries implementing the welfare policies, experts and civil society organisations. When they were contested, the judicial proceedings did not validate the methodology and procedures conducted for the commissions and committees. In all previous verdicts, the economic-criterion has been contended the most in identifying BCs. However, there is a marked difference vis-à-vis the Sinho panel report. Secondly, the EWS quota exceeding the 50 per cent ceiling is allowed while strictly restricting the SC/ST/OBCs reservation to 50 per cent. The SC/ST quotas are fixed in proportion to the population share in states. Hence, a space for the OBCs reservation quota, at the Centre and in states, is the balance. The OBCs quota is adjusted for the creamy-layer among the OBCs. The OBCs' creamy-layer criteria differ across the Centre and states. In contrast, EWS quota at the Centre and in states is not bound by the above limitations. Of course, exclusion of GC creamy layer benefiting from EWS quota is applicable on the Rs eight lakh income criterion, the basis of which is again contentious (verdict pending). The 10 per cent EWS quota across states shall also follow the same creamy layer criterion. It is not subject to varying income levels across states and differences between the Centre and states. Thirdly, the uniform 10 per cent EWS quota is contentious as the population of SCs, STs and OBCs varies across states. Neither is the EWS quota adjusted to the GC share in a state, nor the EWS creamy-layer income to the state income. When the Centre's 27 per cent OBCs quota is not mandatory across states, then why should the 10 per cent EWS quota be? For instance it makes sense if Uttarakhand implements the 10 per cent EWS quota as more than a quarter of its population come under the GC category, which is not the same case as regards other states, in proportionate terms. BCs are the losers: The OBCs are the losers. Each social category is entitled to equal opportunity. Following democracy's basic principle of proportionate representation, quota should be earmarked in accordance with the population share in the states. The Constitution has ensured that reservations are near to the population share of SCs and STs. However, most Indian states have OBCs that are in excess of 50 per cent of their state population. The OBC quota is around 32 per cent. In many states, around 10 to 15 per cent of the population are in the GC bracket. Quota is earmarked for all the four mutually exclusive social categories-SC/ST/OBC/GC. However, the difference between reservation quota and population share of each indicates it is the highest for OBCs and hence their relative deprivation is higher. As a result, EWSs in GCs are safeguarded more than OBCs, who are historically deprived. (The writer is Associate Professor and Coordinator (Research Cell on Education), CESS, Hyderabad
Time of India
25-05-2025
- Automotive
- Time of India
BLW wins top honour in Loco Cab Design at MSG meet
1 2 Varanasi: The concept and design of the loco cab developed by the Banaras Locomotive Work (BLW) was adjudged the best at Loco Cab competition organised as part of the two-day 42nd Maintenance Service Group (MSG) meeting that concluded on Saturday. The event, hosted at BLW, focused on the maintenance, technical upgrades, and design innovations aimed at improving the efficiency and driver-friendliness of electric locomotives. In the competition, BLW won first prize in the production unit category, while in the zonal railway category, the Lallaguda Shed of South Central Railway and Royapuram (RPM) of South Railway jointly secured the first position. The second prize was awarded to Kanpur, Ajni, and Waltair Sheds jointly. The third prize was given to DDU, Hubli, and Vadodara Sheds jointly. BLW General Manager Naresh Pal Singh congratulated the participants of the Loco Cab competition, in which loco cab interiors were designed with participation from 14 electric locomotives from zonal railways and production units across the country. The evaluation was based on driver cab convenience, design, and efficiency. A special exhibition showcasing innovations for the convenience and safety of loco pilots was also organised. Additional Member (Traction), Railway Board VP Singh mentioned that new locomotives will be equipped with AC and urinals, and these features will soon be added to older locomotives as well. Comfortable seats like those in Vande Bharat trains, LED headlights, and electric wipers will be installed in new locomotives. The goal is to install the 'Kavach' safety system in about 10,000 locomotives by December 2025. He also announced that two-bedroom facilities are being developed in railway rest houses for running staff. He mentioned that with the completion of 100 years of electric traction, the electrification of 100% of railway tracks nationwide will be achieved by the end of this year, leading to a surge in demand for electric engines. To meet this demand, production units and sheds are being rapidly expanded. The meeting included extensive discussions on technical problems in electric locomotives, potential solutions, and innovations to enhance driver convenience.
News18
21-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
National Anti-Terrorism Day 2025: Why It Is Observed On May 21?
National Anti-Terrorism Day 2025: In a bid to aware the youth about terrorism and the cult of violence, the National Anti-Terrorism Day is observed on May 21 every year. The day also commemorates the death anniversary of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, who was assassinated on May 21, 1991, at Sriperumbudur village near Madras, now Chennai. Following his demise, the Anti-Terrorism Day was established by the VP Singh government in memory of Rajiv Gandhi and to educate people about the adverse effects of terrorism and violence in society. Read along to know more about the history of Anti-Terrorism Day and its significance.
Time of India
06-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Not as simple as ABC, but miss IBC deadlines and liquidation looms
Live Events The Supreme Court 's ruling in the JSW Steel-Bhushan Power & Steel case has put the spotlight on the slow pace of insolvency resolutions, with legal experts warning that many companies awaiting resolution may now be headed for liquidation . The court, in its May 2 order scrapping JSW Steel 's acquisition of Bhushan Power & Steel (BPSL), reaffirmed that the 330-day deadline for completing the proceedings-including time spent in litigation-is strict, with exceptions in rare cases."With many insolvency cases dragging on for over 1,200 days, the Supreme Court's reiteration of the 330-day ceiling sends a clear message: liquidation may soon become the default route," said VP Singh, senior partner and litigation head at AZB & Partners. "There are very few landmark cases like Bhushan Steel and Tata Steel, which were resolved well within this timeline," he of 6,302 Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC) cases pending before the National Company Law Tribunal NCLT ), 3,125 are over 330 days over, according to data from the Standing Committee for Finance Demand of Grants Report dated December 2024. They are now staring down the barrel of the liquidation gun. The top court in its ruling said the corporate insolvency resolution process (CIRP) of BPSL had already breached the statutory deadline before the resolution plan was even submitted in February 2019. The CIRP had commenced in July 2017 and any plan should have been resolved within the 330-day experts said the judgment will put added pressure on the committee of creditors (CoCs) of companies under CIRP to make quicker decisions and may lead to premature liquidations if timelines are not met."The judgment may dampen interest in acquisition of assets through CIRP," said Sudip Mahapatra, partner S&R Associates."Post the JSW Steel-BPSL order, if the lenders cannot submit a resolution plan within the specified deadline to the NCLT, they can either approach NCLT for an extension or initiate liquidation of the company," Mahapatra said. "Extension can only be granted in exceptional circumstances due to conditions that are beyond the control of the CoC."According to the latest data from the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board of India (IBBI), 1,119 CIRPs that led to approved resolution plans took an average of 585 days to conclude, even after excluding tribunal-approved SC ruling could mark a turning point in how tribunals and creditors treat insolvency timelines."If this judgment truly ensures that every case is resolved within 330 days, it could transform the system's efficiency," said RK Bansal former MD and CEO of Edelweiss ARC. "If CIRP has become a playground where a lot of payers are gaming the system, with lenders always losing, then maybe it is time to rethink the whole model. Lenders may be able to recover more by auctioning the unit upfront and be done in 90 days, rather than drag it for years?" While the IBC mandates a 330-day cap, with indicative timelines at each stage (including extensions), the average completion time reached 821 days during April-December 2024, according to IBBI's latest newsletter.
India Today
05-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Tumble after Mandal: How VP Singh's caste gambit cost him PM's chair
The Narendra Modi-led Centre's announcement that caste will be counted as part of the nationwide population Census, a first since 1931, has political pundits trying to gauge the potential implications of the move. The announcement has started heated debates on caste-based politics, policies and their ramifications. Could the upcoming National Census bring the next big rejig in India's political sphere, like the Mandal Commission implementation by then Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh in 1990? With the move, VP Singh attempted to counter the temple politics of a rising BJP and change the caste arithmetic in the Janata Party's favour. However, he ended up unleashing a political storm that threw him off the PM's Singh's decision to implement the Mandal Commission report can be called the biggest step in caste politics in Independent India. It reserved 27% of central government jobs and seats in public universities for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs).Singh's move triggered nationwide protests against quotas, with Delhi student Rajiv Goswami setting himself on fire, and a string of such self-immolation bids, and protesters consuming poison and hanging themselves. The Mandal move soon alienated key constituencies of VP Singh, and fractured his already shaky government. It cut short his term to just less than a year (December 1989 to November 1990).This is how the biggest caste move on the national stage before the announcement of a caste census shaped politics and brought the downfall of the then prime minister, VP SINGH'S MANDAL MOMENT: OBCs GET 27% RESERVATIONadvertisementOn August 7, 1990, PM VP Singh, leading the National Front coalition government, announced the implementation of the Mandal Commission's recommendations, which proposed a 27% reservation of seats in public universities and central government jobs and public sector undertakings (PSUs).The National Front government, formed in 1989, comprised parties like the Janata Dal, AGP, DMK, and TDP, and was running with the outside support of the BJP and the Left Front. Vishwanath Pratap Singh's Janata Dal government, with Devi Lal (L) as Deputy Prime Minister, was also supported by the Telugu Desam Party led by NT Rama Rao (R). (India Today Archives) VP Singh was leading a non-Congress government, and it was, in fact, the first non-Congress government that commissioned a study on commission, chaired by BP Mandal, was formed in 1979 on the orders of PM Morarji Desai of the Janata Party. The Mandal Commission identified OBCs as comprising 52% of India's population and suggested affirmative action to address historical caste Mandal Commission submitted its report in decision to implement the recommendations, increasing total reservations to 49.5% (including SCs and STs), was seen as a historic step toward social justice."Caste, for 5,000 years, has been the basis of unbridled torture and ostracisation. Now, it has become the basis of justice," VP Singh VP SINGH'S MANDAL IMPLEMENTATIONHowever, Singh's monumental step, aimed at uplifting OBCs, was seen more as an attempt at political survival. Singh was not only leading a minority government but also faced opposition from within his own party and the coalition he tensions with his deputy, Devi Lal, Singh sought to neutralise the Haryana leader's influence among backward castes of North Prasad Yadav, then a key ally, soon claimed credit for pushing Singh toward this RJD supremo, in his memoir, Gopalganj to Raisina: My Political Journey, co-authored with journalist Nalin Verma, claimed that he had advised VP Singh to implement the Mandal Commission report."There is a way out... The Mandal Commission gave its report in 1983, recommending a 27% quota for the backward classes in government jobs. The recommendation is gathering dust in your office. Implement it with immediate effect," Lalu claimed he told VP Singh, the then PM. Vishwanath Pratap Singh, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, IK Gujral, Devi Lal, LK Advani and Atal Vihari Vajpayee during an all-party rally in Ludhiana. (India Today Archive) advertisementYet the timing of Singh's announcement, made just before Devi Lal's kisan (farmers') rally, was initially hailed as a masterstroke. Aimed at consolidating the backward castes into a new vote bank, but the lack of broader consultation ultimately proved informed allies like the BJP's LK Advani and the Left's Harkishan Singh Surjeet only after the decision was finalised, alienating crucial supporters.150 STUDENTS TRIED TO SELF-IMMOLATION, PROTESTS RAGEDThe implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations sparked immediate and ferocious opposition, particularly in northern and western India, where upper-caste youths saw their job prospects protests became a norm on the streets. Students blocked roads, shut down schools and colleges. Things got extreme when Rajiv Goswami, a 19-year-old Delhi University student, set himself on fire on September 19, 1990. He became the face of the agitation. Hundreds of others, like Monica Chadha, followed I want to teach a lesson to VP. Singh. I am proud of what I have done [this]", 19-year-old student, Chadha, who was one of the 150 students and teenagers who, since the Mandal implementation, attempted to kill themselves by immolation, consuming poison or by hanging, was quoted as saying in The Los Angeles acts galvanised upper-caste resentment, with protests marked by bandhs, hartals, and dharnas. Public life took a hit. The backlash wasn't just societal, it turned political, given PM VP Singh's shaky government and some hostile allies. The October 1990 cover of India Today Hindi featured Rajeev Goswami, the student who attempted self-immolation against the implementation of Mandal Commission recommendations. (India Today Archive) The BJP (with 85 Lok Sabha seats), a key supporter of Singh's minority government, withdrew support, citing the divisive nature of the BJP was growing with its Ayodhya Ram Mandir movement and seeking to unite its vote base under the bigger Hindutva umbrella. The Mandal move has also been seen by experts as Singh's bid to counter the BJP's Mandir Advani's Rath Yatra intensified communal tensions. Following Advani's arrest on October 23, 1990, in Bihar by the Lalu Prasad Yadav's Janata Party government prompted the BJP to withdraw support from VP Singh's government. The CPI(M), a natural champion of affirmative action for the backwards, said it chose class-based struggles over caste-based the Janata Party, factionalism, led by Devi Lal and Chandra Shekhar, weakened Singh's position further. Chandra Shekhar was eyeing the prime minister's chair, and became the next November 1990, Singh's government collapsed after a no-confidence vote (142–346). The government led by VP Singh, which had a term till 1995, collapsed in just 343 VP Singh resigned, PM Chandra Shekhar's short-lived government kept the reservation issue on hold. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court paused OBC reservations after a challenge by advocate Indira Sawhney in 1990. By 1991, PV Narasimha Rao's Congress government continued the Mandal policy but tried to pacify upper castes by adding a 10% quota for the economically weaker among them. After VP Singh resigned as prime minister, Chandra Shekhar (right) became the PM with the support of Rajiv Gandhi's Congress, despite leading a breakaway Janata Party faction with just 64 MPs. (India Today Archive) In November 1992, the Supreme Court upheld the 27% OBC reservation but struck down the 10% upper-caste quota. It also capped total reservations at 50% and excluded the "creamy layer" from quota VP Singh's Mandal moment lit a fire for social justice, it burned his political fortunes in the agitation empowered OBC leaders like Lalu Yadav in Bihar, and Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar caste-based parties, with entrenched identities that we see to this day, gained a great deal. Despite fulfilling a bold promise to the OBCs that no other leader dared touch, VP Singh was never fully embraced by the castes he gave benefits to. He was also abandoned by the upper 2025 caste census announcement signals the BJP's bid to reclaim the caste narrative from the opposition, which revived it in 2023 and used it in the 2024 general election to dent the ruling party's electoral fortunes. VP Singh's Mandal moment is a reminder of the unintended consequences of big caste moves, some of which came at a steep InMust Watch
