Latest news with #Waker-Uz-Zaman
India.com
2 days ago
- Politics
- India.com
Bangladesh belongs to all, says army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman during Janmashtami celebration at Dhaka's Dhakeshwari temple
(Image: New Delhi: Bangladesh Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman has said that Bangladesh is a country of people of all religions and communities. All citizens living in Bangladesh are equal, irrespective of their religion or region. He said this while addressing the Hindu devotees gathered on the occasion of the inauguration of the Janmashtami rally at Dhaka's Dhakeshwari temple. What did Waker-Uz-Zaman say? General Zaman's drawing attention towards the secular structure of the country from the Dhakeshwari temple is a veiled message for the Yunus government. After Yunus took over the command of the interim government in August last year, minority Hindus and temples have been targeted in Bangladesh. In such a situation, the Army Chief has given a strong message to the fundamentalists in his speech. People of all religions should live together General Zaman thanked the temple committee for inviting him to the Janmashtami celebrations and said, 'Bangladesh is a country of harmony, where Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Paharis, and Bengalis have been living together peacefully for centuries. On this auspicious occasion of Janmashtami, our resolution should be to always maintain this brotherhood.' 'Bangladesh belongs to everyone; there will be no division here. There can be no discrimination based on religion, caste or sect. We are all citizens of this land, and we all have equal rights in it. We all wish for a golden future together,' said Zaman. Bangladesh army will maintain unity Waker-Uz-Zaman said that the army is committed to maintaining the spirit of unity. He told the Hindu devotees, 'Armed forces are deployed throughout Bangladesh for your security and order. You celebrate your religious festivals with joy, and we will also join you in this moment of joy.'
The Diplomat
05-08-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
One Year After Sheikh Hasina's Fall: How Is Bangladesh Holding Up?
Chalk writing on the street proclaiming '36 July' – i.e. August 5, 2024, the day Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced out of office – as 'Victory Day Bangladesh.' On August 5, 2024, as the clock struck noon, news spread rapidly that Bangladesh Army General Waker-Uz-Zaman was set to address the nation. Across the country, people sensed the bloody mass uprising that had been raging for over a month was about to reach its climax. Many believed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's 15-year-long autocratic rule was finally coming to an end. Just moments later, Hasina resigned and fled the country, seeking refuge in India. By that time, protesters and ordinary citizens had already stormed state landmarks like the Prime Minister's Office, Ganabhaban (the prime minister's residence) and Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban (the national parliament building), engaging in widespread vandalism and destruction. Simultaneously, attacks on police stations broke out in Dhaka and across other regions. The Road to an Uprising The protests that summer originally focused on a single limited issue: reforms to the quota system in government jobs. But the brutality shown by law enforcement during the protests – allegedly under Hasina's direct orders – sparked unprecedented public outrage. According to United Nations estimates, around 1,400 people were killed, while thousands were injured during the protests. From late July through early August 2024, calls mounted for Hasina to resign. This was not Bangladesh's first mass uprising. Since its independence in 1971, the country has experienced frequent political upheavals. But this was the first time in history that a sitting prime minister was forced to flee. The last major uprising occurred in 1990, leading to the fall of military ruler Hussain Muhammad Ershad and a democratic transition. Within two decades, Bangladesh had made progress in consolidating democracy. However, in 2007-2008, another major disruption occurred known as the 1/11 period when an army-backed caretaker government took power. Both Hasina and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) leader Khaleda Zia were arrested, Zia's son Tarique Rahman was exiled under a no-politics condition, and new political forces were introduced – but failed to gain traction. Hasina and her Awami League (AL) returned to power in 2008 through elections under the caretaker government, raising hopes for democratic revival. Yet, over time, Hasina's government systematically suppressed opposition, the media, civil society, and state institutions. Through legal amendments and the abolition of the caretaker government system in 2011, the AL ensured its dominance of the 2014, 2018, and 2024 elections. Gradually, the country's democratic space shrank. Dissent was silenced. Enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, politically motivated court cases, and corruption became normalized, often shielded by AL loyalists. While the government completed mega infrastructure projects, many came with heavy foreign debt. Simultaneously, efforts intensified to idolize Hasina's father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, one of the leading leaders of the 1971 Liberation War. Textbooks were rewritten to glorify Mujib while other historical figures were sidelined. Overall, Hasina's nearly 15-year reign was the longest and most entrenched authoritarian period Bangladesh has seen. After Hasina's fall, Bangladeshis hoped for deep reforms. On August 8, three days after Hasina fled the country, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was appointed to lead the interim government. Its mission was to implement urgent reforms and hold fair elections. Yet, one year on, these promises remain largely unfulfilled. Rising lawlessness has raised doubts over whether the promised elections will be truly free and fair. Political tensions have resurfaced, especially between the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), while other Islamist groups are gaining ground. Women's safety is also becoming a serious concern. Although fear of state-sponsored oppression has eased, people still long for deep structural reforms. A Nation Freed, But Not Yet Safe Since Yunus took office, one of the biggest challenges his interim government has been facing is restoring law and order. Every passing week brings fresh headlines – murders in broad daylight, rape, robbery, mugging, and extortion. In one recent incident in Old Dhaka, a businessman was beaten and crushed to death with bricks and stones over an extortion scheme. The brutality of the killing shocked the nation and signaled that crime is once again spinning out of control. In January 2025 alone, 294 murder cases were filed, up sharply from 231 the previous January. In February, 300 murder cases were reported; in March, 316; and by June, the monthly total had reached 344. Robberies rose to 171 in January, compared to 114 a year earlier. Abduction cases have more than doubled. Dhaka is among the worst-hit. Between August and November, the capital saw 379 murders, 65 kidnappings, and muggings. Business owners are being extorted openly. People are frightened, and many avoid going out after dark. To tackle the growing unrest, the government launched Operation Devil Hunt, a joint force crackdown involving the Bangladesh Army, which is still ongoing. Over 10,000 people were arrested between February and July. However, the crime rate remains stubbornly high. So what's holding back the state? Dr. Tawohidul Haque, associate professor and crime analyst at the Institute of Social Welfare and Research at the University of Dhaka, told The Diplomat in March 2025 that the police force is now viewed with public distrust. 'They're seen more as oppressors than protectors,' Haque said, adding that this perception has made many officers reluctant to act. Internal tensions within the force have also deepened. After the fall of the AL, officers who were long sidelined for political reasons were promoted. But now they face pushback from juniors still loyal to the previous government. Local informant networks, critical for tracking criminals, have also collapsed. 'Even the criminals don't fear the police anymore,' Haque said. He believes part of the solution lies in better coordination between the police and judiciary – especially around bail decisions. 'When courts release high-profile suspects without informing the police, it weakens law enforcement efforts,' he added. Meanwhile, a disturbing rise in mob justice is creating fresh fears. The Hindu community, Bangladesh's largest religious minority, has faced scattered attacks too since August 2024. However, the scale and intensity of these incidents do not match the exaggerated portrayals often circulated by India's right-wing-leaning media. Still, the atmosphere remains tense, with concerns about whether the interim government can ensure the safety of all citizens equally. Even though the authoritarian regime has ended, Bangladeshis continue to live in deep insecurity. The post-Hasina interim government has yet to restore law and order effectively. Many are now questioning: in such a climate, is it even possible to organize a free and fair election? From United Uprising to Divided Politics Before and during the uprising, nearly all major political parties in Bangladesh – aside from the AL itself – stood united against the authoritarian rule of Hasina. But following her ouster, that unity quickly started to fracture. A year on, competing interests and power struggles have returned to the forefront, as each group now seeks to expand its own influence in the post-Hasina landscape. Although all parties currently support the interim government, they remain deeply divided over the proposed structural reforms introduced by the National Consensus Commission (NCC). These reforms – such as limiting prime ministerial terms, separating the roles of party leader and head of government, shifting to proportional representation, and forming a National Constitutional Council to oversee key appointments – have sparked contentious debates across the political spectrum. The BNP, now the largest political force in the absence of the AL, has largely rejected the NCC's key reform proposals, instead favoring a return to electoral politics without overhauling existing institutions. The BNP has consistently pushed for early national elections, initially agreeing to a mid-February 2026 date in a meeting between Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman of BNP and Yunus in London. In contrast, JI and the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), which comprises student leaders of the July uprising, insist that justice must precede elections. They demand prosecution of those involved in the violent state crackdown during the uprising and a commitment to structural reforms before the nation goes to the polls. These parties have backed most of the NCC's recommendations and have even called for a constitutional referendum and the formation of a constituent assembly, ideas the BNP opposes. The divide over reforms also extends to how they should be implemented. The BNP prefers parliamentary procedures, while JI supports direct public referendums, and the NCP advocates for a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. These disagreements reveal a deeper philosophical clash over where democratic legitimacy should stem from in a post-Hasina Bangladesh. Analysts suggest that the BNP's reluctance stems from strategic calculations. Historically, JI has never contested national elections alone, and its calls for systemic change are often dismissed by centrist actors. The NCP, on the other hand, is increasingly seen as receiving state support, as evidenced by the tight security at its rallies and the interim government's apparent responsiveness to its demands. This has led critics to label it a potential 'king's party.' Tensions between the BNP and JI have escalated. Jamaat leaders have accused the BNP of extortion and corruption, while BNP supporters have branded JI as collaborators for their role in the 1971 war. These public exchanges have nearly led to confrontations on the streets, suggesting that the old alliance between the two is rapidly deteriorating. Meanwhile, JI has moved to form a new coalition with other Islamist parties, including Islami Andolon Bangladesh and Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish and other islamist parties. The BNP's absence from a massive gathering arranged by JI in Dhaka on July 19, where the NCP and other parties were present, further underscored the growing isolation of the BNP within the broader opposition landscape. The situation became even more volatile when, during the NCP's 'Desh Gorte July Podojatra' (July March to Build the Nation) campaign, its procession was attacked in Gopalganj. In a rare move, members of the armed forces, police, and Border Guard Bangladesh reportedly opened fire on AL-affiliated assailants, killing four. NCP activists were then escorted out of the district in military armored vehicles. The lack of post-mortem examinations for the deceased and their rushed burials sparked widespread condemnation and raised serious human rights concerns. For many, this was a grim reminder that even in a post-autocratic era, extrajudicial violence and state-sanctioned abuses remain possible. With just months to go before the proposed February election, the lack of political consensus risks plunging the country back into chaos. If the opposition fails to reconcile its differences and agree on a common reform roadmap, the dream of democratic transformation born from the July Uprising may be lost to renewed polarization, elite dominance, and public disillusionment. Women Fought, Men Rule During the uprising, women were on the frontlines. They organized protests, shared resistance stories on social media, and even faced bullets alongside their male peers. For many, it was a rare moment of empowerment. The country watched in awe as mothers brought food to students, young women led processions, and an entire generation demanded both democracy and equality. But a year on, those promises ring hollow. Not only has gender-based violence sharply increased, but women remain politically sidelined. The reserved seats in Parliament, originally intended to ensure representation, now serve as a token gesture. Most political parties agree on reserving 100 seats for women in the upcoming national election. However, there is disagreement over how these seats should be filled – Although the BNP and some parties favor the current nomination-based system rather than direct polls to fill women's seats. That means women must rely on party nominations for reserved slots, reinforcing the idea that women belong in politics only when handpicked by male leaders. Even in the ongoing national consensus dialogues, where parties debate electoral reforms and the future of governance, women are barely present. Out of dozens of delegates, only a handful are women – and none hold central negotiating power. This exclusion is not a coincidence, but a reflection of how deep-rooted patriarchy still controls decision-making in Bangladesh. Meanwhile, attempts at reform have faced fierce pushback. Earlier this year, the National Women's Commission proposed legal amendments to expand protections for survivors of domestic and sexual violence. But within days, Islamist groups staged protests, calling the proposals 'anti-Islamic' and 'Western propaganda.' Under pressure, the interim administration quietly shelved the proposal, signaling that the fear of offending religious hardliners still outweighs the political will to defend women's rights. Statistically, the situation is worsening. A total of 441 rape cases were reported in just the first half of 2025, already surpassing the total number for all of 2024. Incidents such as mob lynching of women for wearing Western clothing or on allegations of prostitution have also occurred in several places inside the country. What began as a hopeful chapter for women during the uprising has now become a cautionary tale. Bangladesh may have ousted its autocratic regime, but its patriarchal structure remains intact, and women's voices have been silenced once again. Is Freedom of Speech Truly Free? Although the initial protests in July began over the discriminatory quota system in government jobs, it did not take long for the movement to escalate into a full-fledged anti-government uprising. Two key reasons drove this transformation. First, the state's violent crackdown – especially the killing of protesters by law enforcement – outraged the public. Second, pent-up frustration from the past 15 years, during which citizens were denied a fair election since 2008, finally exploded. Under the AL's prolonged rule, freedom of speech gradually eroded. From opposition leaders to ordinary citizens, anyone who dared to criticize the government faced harassment, arrest, or digital surveillance. The Digital Security Act 2018 was widely used to silence dissent, creating an atmosphere of fear. However, following the fall of Hasina in August 2024, some changes began to emerge. People started speaking more openly against the government without the immediate threat of state retaliation. The notorious cyber laws were no longer weaponized as before. Critics of the interim leadership and independent media found more space to operate. That said, the promise of free expression is far from universally fulfilled. Questions are now being raised about the freedom of speech of AL supporters, many of whom claim they are being targeted or silenced. Moreover, the recent incident in Gopalganj raised serious concerns as four people were reportedly killed, and their bodies were buried without any autopsy. Such incidents suggest that while Bangladesh has taken significant steps forward since the collapse of Hasina's regime, true nationwide freedom of speech and accountability remain elusive. The road to democratic recovery is evidently still under construction.
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First Post
01-06-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Yunus's obsession with power and support for Islamists are pushing Bangladesh to the brink
Muhammad Yunus likes conflict because he uses it to gain power. Conflict gives him the leeway to pronounce his continuity. He will try to muddy the water to secure as much leverage as he can read more Yunus was supposed to restore normalcy and clear the clutter to initiate the election. Paradoxically, the election does not feature in his political itinerary. Image: AFP The drama of Muhammad Yunus's resignation will not end anytime soon. The octogenarian's love for power is insatiable. He can go to any extent to save his skin and to hold onto power. Bangladeshi Army Chief Waker-Uz-Zaman's insistence on conducting the election in the fag end of this year or early next year and his resentment over Yunus's unbridled use of power despite being an unelected chief advisor have unearthed a feud between the chief advisor and the army chief. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Yunus has jihadis on his side to exercise street veto to ensure continuity. Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT) reportedly secures patronage from Yunus and expands its tentacles to safeguard the political status quo. Is the resignation drama a dog-whistling? Yunus may encourage antagonism between opposing forces to underline the persistence of the shaky reality of Bangladesh. The impatient Bangladesh requires no compelling trigger to intensify the ongoing chaos. This will ensure the deferral of the electoral process and insurance for his continuity. Nine months have passed since Yunus took power under the carefully planted and measured mechanism called the students' protest, overthrowing Sheikh Hasina for the alleged death of democracy. This is the most convenient phraseology the Western propaganda machinery uses to inflict regime change. Being an American Trojan horse, Yunus did not deviate from pursuing the standard Western line to seize power. Yunus was supposed to restore normalcy and clear the clutter to initiate the election. Paradoxically, the election does not feature in his political itinerary. He behaves more like an elected entity and carries out crucial decisions, signs, and nullifies deals on a whim or to satisfy his bosses. Waker-Uz-Zaman is right to remind Yunus of his duties. This will surely fall on deaf ears. Yunus will not change his colour. He will toe the line that he is told to do. He has been brought to power with a purpose. Unless he does that, his relevance will dissipate. Waker-Uz-Zaman's resentments or concerns will have ripple effects. It is time to see how he exercises his weight as the Army Chief. Inarguably, he wields power and can act as a counterweight to Yunus's jihadi-led street power. The political travesty undoubtedly takes an interesting turn now. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Yunus likes conflict because he uses it to gain power. Conflict gives him the leeway to pronounce his continuity. He will try to muddy the water to secure as much leverage as he can. He weaponises clutter to exercise his relevance. Deception is his survival tactic. Bangladesh has become the battleground for the shadow war between China and the US. Yunus goes to China and makes comments on India's landlocked Northeast. He tactically deployed a slip of the tongue to deliver a message and provoke India. This, Yunus thinks, will make the Chinese happy. The Chinese never foreground emotion. They underline only their interest. On the other hand, Yunus serves the US interest because he was reportedly brought to power by the US deep state. With Yunus as a Trojan horse, the US has entered fully into Bangladesh to check the increasing Chinese interest. Rakhine Corridor The bone of contention between Yunus and Waker-Uz-Zaman is the Rakhine Corridor. The former succumbs to the US interest. The latter construes that the Rakhine corridor compromises Bangladeshi sovereignty. This critical issue puts them at loggerheads. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD China has penetrated significantly into Myanmar. The latter's chronic political instability has helped Beijing to push its interests. Connecting China to the Bay of Bengal through Myanmar is its core strategic objective. This will strengthen China's connectivity architecture and geopolitical footings in the Bay of Bengal region. It will also ease its Malacca dilemma. Rare earth deposits in coastal Myanmar also attract China. The China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) is a Chinese flagship project that includes the ambitious Yunnan-Kyaukphyu oil and gas pipeline, the Kyaukphyu port, and a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rakhine state. To counter the growing Chinese influence, the US enters the region. There is also reportedly Russian interest in Myanmar. The Russian Su-30 fighter jets in the Junta air force increase the latter's air power to carry out precise strikes at rebel strongholds. The US also pushes its interests to thwart the Chinese hegemony in the region. Since Bangladesh shares a border with the Rakhine state, the US finds the passageway to enter Myanmar. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The US insists that Bangladesh should allow the aid and supplies, including military, medical, and other essentials, to the insurgents in Chin and Rakhine states for their fight against the military junta. The Arakan Army has succeeded in securing territories under its control in Rakhine province. The US emphasises supply routes to strengthen the Arakan Army. The Cox Bazar airport has also become important because of its proximity to Rakhine state. It can be used if the junta intensifies the air attacks on the insurgents. These developments disturb China and its ambitious Yunnan-Kyaukphyu connectivity. Bangladesh's economy depends largely on China. Its military equipment is imported from Beijing. Yunus finds himself between Scylla and Charybdis. He can upset neither China nor the US. He finds himself in the curious middle. China has increasingly come closer to the Junta because of the US support for the Arakan Army. The grey zone war has already begun between the US and China in Myanmar. In the great power rivalry in Myanmar, India may support the Arakan Army to safeguard its interests because of its $484 million land-and-sea Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Corridor (KMMTTC). STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Yunus tiptoes dangerously to secure a place in the middle. Can he really steady his shaky political career in Bangladesh? He has become increasingly unpopular in Bangladesh. His authoritarianism has crossed all conceivable limits. If the Arakan Army and other rebel outfits in Chin and Rakhine states succeed in their fight against the military junta, can there be risks to Bangladesh's sovereignty? They allude to something gravely problematic. The Arakan Army has reportedly gained control of Myanmar's key border points along Bangladesh. Waker-Uz-Zaman understands the volatility of the region and the possible intensification of conflict. Bangladesh is not economically sound to wage any war, small, medium, or large. In case of hostility between Bangladesh and the Arakan Army, the situation of the former may exacerbate beyond repair. Since Yunus entered Bangladesh politics, he has messed up everything. Moreover, his political inexperience, love for power, and weird experimentations will further push Bangladesh to the brink of disaster. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Jajati K Pattnaik is an Associate Professor at the Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Chandan K Panda is an Assistant Professor at Rajiv Gandhi University (A Central University), Itanagar. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
The Print
27-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Bangladesh Army Chief wants elections. Muhammad Yunus wants to get rid of him
'Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers,' one source quoted the army chief as saying in an Officers' Address. On 22 May, The Daily Star , Bangladesh's highest-selling English newspaper, reported that Chief of Army Staff General Waker-Uz-Zaman said the national election should be held by December this year, 'according to three sources with direct knowledge of his remarks made at a high-level gathering in Dhaka cantonment'. Among military chiefs in the Indian subcontinent, Bangladesh Army chief Waker-Uz-Zaman must have the most unenviable job right now. While his Pakistan counterpart Asim Munir has been elevated to Field Marshal after a military confrontation with India, General Waker-Uz-Zaman risks losing his job. Or worse. His one big mistake? Saying that the national election be held by December this year so that Bangladesh can return to being an electoral democracy. This was not the first time the General had spoken about the national election. The Daily Star report mentioned an event marking the National Martyred Army Day at Raowa Club on 25 February this year, where the General was quoted as saying—'Every time I spoke with Dr Yunus, I completely agreed with him that there should be a free, fair, and inclusive election and that the election should be held within December or close to that.' Soon after, reports that Muhammad Yunus, caretaker to the interim government in Bangladesh, was mulling resignation came out. 'He (Yunus) said he is thinking about it (resignation). He feels that the situation is such that he cannot work,' Nahid Islam, student-led National Citizen Party chief, said on the night of 22 May, after a meeting with Yunus. Two days later, on 24 May, it was clarified that Yunus would remain as the head of Bangladesh's interim government by an adviser in his cabinet. Former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh Veena Sikri claimed that the speculation about Yunus resigning was 'complete drama' to distract from the Bangladesh Army chief's statement on elections. 'He had no intention of resigning at all, and in fact, he never said himself that he would resign,' the former High Commissioner said in an interview. But this 'complete drama' generated hate towards Yunus's perceived detractors, the main target being General Waker-Uz-Zaman. Students, radicals, and some of Bangladesh's most popular and influential YouTubers openly attacked the army chief. Bangladeshi journalist Sahidul Hasan Khokon told ThePrint that both the student-led, newly formed political party National Citizen Party and the Islamist political outfit Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami have been busy channelising mob rage against General Waker. 'The local media is not reporting this, but the mob is ready. If need be, there will be violent street protests against the Army, like there were during the July revolution against Hasina when the mob turned against the police and killed many policemen,' Hasan said. Hasan added that Jamaat had got a free rein ever since Yunus took over and the new student's party will need more time to organise itself. Hence, December polls, as suggested by General Waker, would suit neither of them. Meanwhile, some of Bangladesh's most influential YouTubers, such as Elias Hossain and Pinaki Bhattacharya, have been busy drumming up support for Yunus and channelising hate against General Waker. In a video that has now gone viral, Hossain said that even if General Waker prays five times a day, it will be in vain as he became a kafir the day Hasina made him the Army chief. There have been speculations about 'foreign hands' that are firmly in support of Yunus during his hour of need. Foreign affairs commentator and Bangladesh specialist Ayanjit Sen told ThePrint that Yunus has support not only from within but outside the country as well. 'Apart from the strong presence and regular interference of the ISI in dictating Bangladesh's foreign and internal policy decisions, the role of China cannot be ruled out. Remember, China was the first country Yunus visited after taking oath as caretaker, and there has been a surge of Chinese business setups inside Bangladesh now,' Sen said, adding China wouldn't want to deal with a new Bangladeshi premier since Yunus has been working in their interest. Also read: Muhammad Yunus wants women's rights in Bangladesh. First rein in Islamic radicals The Hasina stain With so many pressure groups working for Yunus and against him, these are difficult days for General Waker-Uz-Zaman. In January this year, there were reports of a pro-Islamist senior officer in the Bangladesh army, Lieutenant General Mohammad Faizur Rahman, plotting a coup. Though it hasn't taken place yet, General Waker has had to fend off criticism ever since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on 5 August last year. The main reason for that is General Waker is related to Hasina. The four-star general is a distant relative—his mother-in-law Sarhanaz, was a first cousin of Hasina's father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. General Waker-uz-Zaman's father-in-law, General Mustafizur Rahman, served as the 9th Army chief of Bangladesh from December 1997 to December 2000 during Hasina's first tenure as Prime Minister. His family ties with Hasina have made General Waker a target of hate campaigns. Bangladeshi political columnist SM Faiyaz Hossain told ThePrint that when the Army chief starts sounding more democratic than a Nobel Peace Prize winner, you know Bangladesh's political theatre has become a stage for satire. 'The country will do well to hear what General Waker has to say. But who is listening!' he said. Deep Halder is an author and a contributing editor at ThePrint. He tweets @deepscribble. Views are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
Hindustan Times
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Bangladesh army chief, Yunus differ on holding elections
New Delhi: Differences between Bangladesh's caretaker administration and the military appear to have come to a head, with the army pushing chief adviser Muhammad Yunus to hold elections by the end of the year so that an elected government is in place by early 2026, people familiar with the matter said on Thursday. The interim government's inability to fix a timeline for the elections and a controversial proposal to establish a corridor from Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh to Myanmar's Rakhine state to help Rohingya refugees are among the key issues of divergence between the army and the interim government, people in New Delhi and Dhaka said on condition of anonymity. Nobel laureate Yunus became head of the caretaker administration last August after protests spearheaded by students led to the dramatic collapse of the government of Sheikh Hasina, who is currently in self-exile in New Delhi. In recent months, Yunus has told interlocutors from several countries, including India, that he intends holding elections by the year-end provided certain reforms are carried out. If the reforms require more time, he has suggested the elections could be held by mid-2026. The issue of the elections figured in two key meetings this week in Dhaka – a meeting on the law and order situation chaired by Yunus on Tuesday that was attended by army chief Gen Waker-Uz-Zaman, navy chief Admiral Mohammad Nazmul Hassan and air force chief Air Marshal Hasan Mahmood Khan, and an internal meeting of senior army officials held on Wednesday that was addressed by Waker-Uz-Zaman, the people said. 'The Bangladesh Army chief has been saying for a long time that elections should be held within 18 months of the formation of the interim government so that the troops can return to the barracks. This has been conveyed to the interim government again, with the expectation that an elected government will be in place by January or February at the latest,' a person familiar with the thinking within the army said. Waker-Uz-Zaman's remarks at Thursday's internal army meeting in Dhaka cantonment were also leaked to the Bangladeshi media. 'Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers,' he was quoted as saying at the meeting by The Daily Star newspaper. 'The army is meant for defending the nation, not for must return to barracks after elections,' he also said, according to the daily. The general rejected the proposal for a corridor with Myanmar's Rakhine state on the grounds that Bangladesh's sovereignty is not negotiable, the people cited above said. Such 'risky and sensitive' matters cannot be decided by an unelected government while keeping the armed forces in the dark, Waker-uz-Zaman contended, according to the people. The army chief also questioned the handling of the economy and expressed concern at high-risk decisions made by unelected administrations, such as allowing the launch of Elon Musk's Starlink satellite internet services, the people said. The officer corps of the Bangladesh Army has expressed support for the chief, the people said, adding that the army wouldn't tolerate mob violence or lawlessness of any kind. The people said most of the differences between the military and the interim government had emerged because of decisions made by people around Yunus, particularly National Security Adviser Khalilur Rahman, who has been widely seen as pushing the Rakhine corridor proposal. 'There appear to be multiple power centres in the interim government, and its actions have lacked consistency,' a second person said. 'No one appears to have a firm grip on matters of governance and things seem to be drifting.' On Thursday, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) called for the removal of Rahman, with party leader Ruhul Kabir Rizvi questioning his appointment by Yunus. 'How did someone as controversial as Rahman, known as an architect of the conspiracy to hand over corridors, channels and ports to foreigners, get appointed as the NSA?' Rizvi said at a news conference. India's relations with Bangladesh have hit an all-time low since the dispensation led by Yunus came to power, and New Delhi has decided to adopt a wait and watch approach in light of the latest developments, the people said. However, the Bangladesh Army is being seen as a factor of stability at a time when the interim government's actions have emboldened radical elements and led to the release of militant leaders from jail, they added. The Indian and Bangladesh governments have repeatedly clashed over the issue of the repression of Bangladesh's religious minorities. India last week restricted imports of ready-made garments from Bangladesh only to Kolkata and Nhava Sheva ports and barred imports of a range of consumer goods through 13 land border posts in the northeast and West Bengal in response to restrictions adopted by Dhaka, reflecting the downturn in ties.
