Latest news with #Weaponization
CNN
6 days ago
- Business
- CNN
Ed Martin, in his new role after US attorney nomination fizzled, is reaching out to witnesses in DOJ weaponization probes
After failing to secure confirmation as the top US attorney in Washington, DC, Ed Martin is now actively serving in multiple new roles inside the Justice Department that give him even more power to punish President Donald Trump's adversaries and reward his supporters. After the Senate torpedoed his nomination, Trump tapped Martin to serve as the director of the department's Weaponization Working Group, which focuses on investigating officials who prosecuted Trump and to serve as the department's lead pardon attorney, a historically nonpartisan position. In his first few weeks on the job, Martin has already sent letters, made calls, and even visited some individuals he believes may have relevant information for his investigations into the alleged politicization of the department, according to a source familiar with this work. On her first day in office, Attorney General Pam Bondi issued a memo laying out how the weaponization group would focus on examining the state and federal investigations into Trump as well as the prosecutions related to the US Capitol riot on January 6, 2021, and other conservative causes. Martin, the source said, is breathing new life into the effort as he takes control of the project, which has expanded to include subjects such as pardons issued by former President Joe Biden. Trump has remained fixated on the investigations he has faced and having an ally like Martin in these jobs gives him new ways to retaliate. Martin recently sent a letter to the National Archives requesting information about White House operations under the Biden administration, the source said. He is also seeking information related to Operation Crossfire Hurricane, the code name for the investigation into links between the 2016 Trump campaign and Russia. He has not sent letters to any individuals informing them they are the target of an investigation, according to the source. Martin's multi-hyphenate role is unusual, even for an administration that wants to upend all the usual ways of doing business at the Justice Department. 'I worked at headquarters for years. Trust me that the jobs we are talking about here are all very senior and remarkably difficult. Installing one person with limited relevant experience to do three of them at once suggests that actually doing the hard work isn't a priority here — this is all about settling scores and nothing else,' former Obama Justice Department official and CNN legal analyst Elliot Williams said on Martin's new roles. During his time as interim US attorney, Martin also sought information on similar subjects, but since taking up his new position at the Justice Department, he has continued this outreach for investigations that will now consume much of his time and have the backing of the attorney general. Martin has already signaled that even if his investigation does not result in criminal charges, he will try to 'shame' individuals. 'There are some really bad actors, some people that did some really bad things to the American people. And if they can be charged, we'll charge them. But if they can't be charged, we will name them,' Martin told reporters at a news conference this month. 'And we will name them, and in a culture that respects shame, they should be people that are ashamed.' Historically, the Justice Department has had a strict policy of not releasing details from investigations where charges were not filed. A high-profile exception to that was former FBI Director James Comey's remarks on the investigation into former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's use of a private email server. 'This Department of Justice believes that ending the weaponization of government and restoring one tier of justice for all Americans are critical missions which Ed Martin is fighting every day to achieve,' a Justice Department spokesperson said of Martin's role. Martin's ascension to this new roles has raised concerns because of how he used his power as US attorney. One of his very first actions within hours of being installed into the position was dismissing all pending January 6, 2021, US Capitol riot cases and demoting at least eight senior federal prosecutors who worked on them. He also publicly defended Elon Musk, Trump's head of the 'Department of Government Efficiency.' Martin posted a letter online that he had written to Musk, vowing that anyone who threatened or interfered with DOGE's missions would be investigated. 'Martin is President Trump's favorite US Attorney,' one source familiar with his nomination process previously told CNN. When it came time for his confirmation, however, he was unable to garner enough support from Republican senators, even after Trump personally made calls on his behalf. That prompted Trump to pull his nomination and reassign him to the Justice Department main office in roles that did not require confirmation. As pardon attorney – Martin oversees an office and staff that are focused on vetting pardon requests that have come flooding in since his appointment. He has also received requests from big firm lawyers, lobbyists, and grassroots individuals seeking to secure clemency for specific individuals, according to the source. Historically, the pardon attorney is a nonpartisan position that reviews clemency applications and makes recommendations to the White House as to who should received pardons or commutations. 'The framers left no guardrails on the president's pardon power, and for decades, it's really gotten out of control. Nonpartisan career attorneys in the office of the pardon attorney have been the one speedbump getting in the way of presidents' worst impulses,' Williams said. 'Installing someone with no experience in clemency issues and an unabashed grudge-holding streak will be disastrous for the department.' President Trump has historically made many clemency decisions on his own, but Martin's arrival in the job presents an opportunity to reward his allies for what Trump alleges is a politicization of the criminal justice system with a whole office dedicated to vetting requests. Martin has already reviewed dozens of files on requests for commutations, according to a source. The pardon office usually employs a staff of roughly 35, but that number is down after a slew of recent departures. Martin intends to oversee a traditional paperwork process where everyone will be encouraged to submit a pardon application, according to a source familiar with his plans. If the initial application meets the threshold for consideration – there will then be another layer of review which includes background research to help inform a recommendation. Martin recently received a visit from his longtime colleague Peter Ticktin, a Florida attorney working pardon recommendations for January 6 rioters, including one for Oath Keepers leader Stewart Rhodes. Martin accepted the documents but had not personally reviewed them as of Tuesday. The White House did not respond to a request for comment.
USA Today
21-03-2025
- Business
- USA Today
Trump drops order against law firm after it pledges $40 million in legal services
Trump drops order against law firm after it pledges $40 million in legal services Show Caption Hide Caption Protests erupt over President Donald Trump's policies Demonstrators across the U.S. protested President Donald Trump's executive actions at state capitals nationwide. President Donald Trump agreed to withdraw an executive order targeting law firm Paul Weiss' contracts and employee security clearances in exchange for a series of commitments from the firm, including dedicating $40 million of free legal services to "mutually agreed projects," Trump announced. The March 14 executive order commanded agency heads to suspend security clearances for the firm's lawyers and threatened to snatch away government contracts for firm clients. Paul Weiss is the third law firm targeted by Trump since late February. The pattern has sparked concerns among free speech advocates and legal observers about the independence of law firms under the new administration. For some, Paul Weiss' agreement, announced late Thursday in a Trump post on Truth Social, heightened those concerns. "This Paul Weiss capitulation is the most disgraceful action by a major law firm in my lifetime, so appalling that I couldn't believe it at first," posted lawyer George Conway, a prominent Republican-turned-Independent Trump critic, on X. Why executive order threatened Paul Weiss business In targeting Paul Weiss, the March 14 executive order cited its former hire of ex-New York prosecutor Mark Pomerantz, who wrote in a letter published in the New York Times in 2022 that Trump was "guilty of numerous felony violations." The letter was written before Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg secured an indictment – and later a conviction – against Trump on charges of falsifying business records. Trump has appealed the conviction. 'The President is agreeing to this action in light of a meeting with Paul, Weiss Chairman, Brad Karp, during which Mr. Karp acknowledged the wrongdoing of former Paul, Weiss partner, Mark Pomerantz, the grave dangers of Weaponization, and the vital need to restore our System of Justice," a White House statement accompanying Trump's Thursday announcement said. The executive order marked a significant potential threat to the firm's business. Trump ordered agency heads to require government contractors to disclose any business they do with Paul Weiss and whether that business is related to the contract's subject – suggesting the administration may cancel contracts for some of Weiss' clients, not just any direct contracts with the firm. Other firm clients or potential clients may have also feared an association with the firm would bring them in the government's crosshairs. One client of the firm, former legal executive of Cognizant Technology Solutions Steven Schwartz, decided to terminate the firm as defense legal counsel due to the executive order, the firm said in a Wednesday court filing. Pattern of law firm targeting Trump also suspended security clearances on Feb. 25 for lawyers at Covington & Burling who helped former special counsel Jack Smith. Smith secured two indictments against Trump but dropped the charges after Trump won the 2024 election. In a March 6 executive order, Trump targeted security clearances and contracts for law firm Perkins Coie, which has filed a lawsuit alleging the executive order is unconstitutional. A Washington, D.C. federal judge issued a temporary restraining order March 12 halting several restrictions in the order. The executive orders targeting Perkins Coie and Paul Weiss also stated that the administration objected to what it described as diversity, equity, and inclusion policies at the firms. Trump suggested Paul Weiss acceded to the administration's demands on that front as part of its agreement. "Paul, Weiss affirms its commitment to merit-based hiring, promotion, and retention, and will not adopt, use, or pursue any DEI policies," according to Trump's announcement. "As part of its commitment, it will engage experts, to be mutually agreed upon within 14 days, to conduct a comprehensive audit of all of its employment practices." A spokesperson for Paul Weiss didn't immediately respond to USA TODAY's request for comment. According to Trump's Truth Social post, Paul Weiss Chairman Brad Karp said of the agreement, 'We are gratified that the President has agreed to withdraw the Executive Order concerning Paul, Weiss. We look forward to an engaged and constructive relationship with the President and his Administration.'
The Hill
30-01-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
House Speaker to create another select committee on January 6 attack
Shortly after President Trump pardoned nearly 1,600 people convicted in connection with the Jan. 6, 2021 assault on the U.S. Capitol, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) was asked his reaction. He said he would not 'second-guess' the president's pardons. 'The President made a decision, we move forward,' he said. 'There are better days ahead of us. … We're not looking backwards, we're looking forwards.' Nevertheless, the next day, the Speaker startled his colleagues by announcing he was forming a select subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee to further investigate the Jan. 6 attack with a view to taking a deeper look at such things as the security failures of the Capitol police and the flawed investigation of the original Jan. 6 select committee. The Speaker said he would appoint Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.) as the select subcommittee's chairman. Loudermilk, who previously conducted his own investigation into the matter as chair of the Oversight Subcommittee of the House Administration Committee in the last Congress, attempted to reconcile the Speaker's two-directional responses above by observing that sometimes 'you've got to look backwards to look forward.' On Dec. 17, 2024, Loudermilk issued his second 'Interim Report on the Failures and Politicization of the January 6 Select Committee.' Then, on Jan. 5, House Administration Committee Ranking Member Joe Morelle (D-N.Y.) released his own report as a rebuttal to Loudermilk's. The House seems to have a special penchant for birthing select committees to complement the work of its 20-plus standing committees. In the last Congress, for instance, it created select committees or subcommittees on the strategic competition between the U.S. and the Chinese Communist Party, COVID and the Weaponization of the Federal Government. It wasn't until Republicans took control of the House in 1995, after 40 years in the minority, that they abolished four select committees, all of which had existed for ten or more years: the select committees on Aging; Children, Youth and Families; Hunger; and Narcotics Abuse and Control. What is it about select committees that so entices Congress to propagate them? There are many possible explanations. Sometimes there are problems that need to be addressed immediately. Sometimes there is a partisan promise or priority that needs to be fulfilled. Sometimes, a member or group cause requires special attention. Sometimes, there is a jurisdictional conflict between committees that requires coordination and resolution. Sometimes, a longstanding popular public obsession requires constant boosting. And finally, sometimes there is a valued member of Congress who has not been named a standing committee chairman and needs to be mollified with a select committee chairmanship instead. In the Jan. 6 case, the prolonged obsession over what happened four years ago at the Capitol, fueled by Trump's repeated stoking of accusations that the other party is spreading false narratives that he was solely to blame for the riot, has confused and conflated events in order to pin the tail on the opposing party's mascot. The likely explanation for Johnson's reflexive move to create yet another Jan. 6 select committee was to take some of the onus off Trump for vowing throughout the campaign (and before) that he would vigorously pursue and prosecute his accusers at the Justice Department and on the original Jan. 6 select committee. Keep in mind that Johnson owes Trump at least one return favor for saving his speakership election on the first ballot on Jan. 3. The Speaker has promised Loudermilk full support and funding for his select subcommittee. Nevertheless, former President Joe Biden's preemptive pardons of the Department of Justice prosecutors and Jan. 6 select committee members has taken a lot of wind out of Loudermilk's sails. One of the Georgia legislator's central aims, judging from his earlier reports and what media attention he has attracted, has been to persuade the FBI to prosecute former Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.), the ranking Republican on the Jan. 6 committee, for communicating with one of the witnesses, Cassidy Hutchinson in the absence of the latter's lawyer. The Speaker's proposal for a select subcommittee must first be authorized by the full House before a chairman and members can be formally named. And then the special subcommittee must compete with others to ensure it has sufficient resources to do its work. Whether the House is up to revisiting this seemingly interminable and circular chase after elusive shadows remains to be seen. Don Wolfensberger is a 28-year congressional staff veteran culminating as chief-of-staff of the House Rules Committee in 1995. He is author of, 'Congress and the People: Deliberative Democracy on Trial' (2000), and, 'Changing Cultures in Congress: From Fair Play to Power Plays' (2018).
