Latest news with #Whack-a-Mole
Yahoo
20-05-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
Dodgers activate Teoscar Hernández, restoring lineup to full strength amid pitching concerns
The Los Angeles Dodgers are getting a key part of their lineup back. Teoscar Hernández has been activated from the injured list, the team announced Monday. Hernández, 32, sustained a left groin strain while chasing down a line drive in the outfield during the Dodgers' game versus the Miami Marlins on May 6. At the time of his injury, he was batting .315 with a .933 OPS, 10 doubles and 9 home runs and leading MLB with 34 RBI in 33 games (136 plate appearances). With Hernández's return, outfielder James Outman was sent back to Triple-A Oklahoma City. He was recalled from the minors to fill Hernández's spot on the roster. Outman, 28, was batting .125/.222/.375 with two homers and four RBI. The Dodgers might not be finished making moves with their outfielders now that Hernández and Tommy Edman have been activated. The team released veteran utilityman Chris Taylor on Sunday, deciding to keep Hyeseong Kim (.452/.485/.581 in 33 PAs) instead. Andy Pages has also been playing very well, batting .280 with a .987 OPS, 9 homers, 27 RBI and 5 stolen bases. Dodgers manager Dave Roberts will likely opt to use Edman and Kim, in addition to Enrique Hernández, at multiple positions based on pitching matchups and the need for days off to keep players fresh. However, Michael Conforto could be pushed out of the outfield mix, carrying a .171/.305/.279 batting line with nine doubles and two home runs. With just 44 games played, the Dodgers will probably give Conforto more time to turn his season around. But he signed only a one-year deal and thus might be viewed as expendable in a roster crunch. Still, moving Taylor and veteran catcher Austin Barnes off the roster shows that the Dodgers feel the urgency to make some tough decisions as they face a close race in the National League West. Three straight games with a home run for Teoscar Hernández! — MLB (@MLB) April 29, 2025 Going into Monday's MLB slate, the Dodgers lead the San Diego Padres and San Francisco Giants by one game in the National League West at 29-18. The Arizona Diamondbacks aren't far behind either, just four games back. Of greater concern is the team's pitching, which ranks 11th in the NL (and 21st in MLB) with a 4.18 ERA. Starters Tyler Glasnow, Blake Snell and Roki Sasaki are all on the injured list, in addition to relievers Blake Treinen, Evan Phillips and Kirby Yates. Clayton Kershaw made his first start of the season Saturday but looked like a work in progress after returning from multiple surgeries. As Dodgers president of baseball operations Andrew Friedman said Sunday, building pitching depth is an endless chase. 'It's like a game of Whack-a-Mole, and things keep popping up," Friedman said, via the Los Angeles Times. "The definition of enough depth, I think, is a fool's errand. I don't know what enough depth means. I think more is always better with pitching depth.' Figuring out the team's outfield mix is a luxury by comparison. That's a problem the Dodgers will surely accept right now while there are far more pressing issues to address.
Yahoo
19-05-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
Dodgers activate Teoscar Hernández, restoring lineup to full strength amid pitching concerns
The Los Angeles Dodgers are getting a key part of their lineup back. Teoscar Hernández has been activated from the injured list, the team announced on Monday. Hernández, 32, sustained a left groin strain while chasing down a line drive in the outfield during the Dodgers' game versus the Miami Marlins on May 6. At the time of his injury, he was batting .315 with a .933 OPS, 10 doubles and nine home runs, while leading MLB with 34 RBI in 33 games (136 plate appearances). Advertisement With Hernández's return, outfielder James Outman was sent back down to Triple-A Oklahoma City. He was recalled from the minors to fill Hernández's spot on the roster. Outman, 28, was batting .125/.222/.375 with two homers and four RBI. The Dodgers may not be done making moves with their outfielders now that Hernández and Tommy Edman have been activated. The team released veteran utilityman Chris Taylor on Sunday, deciding to keep Hyeseong Kim (.452/.485/.581 in 33 PAs) instead. Andy Pages has also been playing very well, batting .280 with a .987 OPS, nine homers, 27 RBI and five stolen bases. Dodgers manager Dave Roberts will likely opt to use Edman and Kim, in addition to Enrique Hernández, at multiple positions based on pitching matchups and the need for days off to keep players fresh. However, Michael Conforto could ultimately be pushed out of the outfield mix, carrying a .171//.305/.279 batting line with nine doubles and two home runs. Advertisement With just 44 games played, the Dodgers will probably give Conforto more time to turn his season around. But he only signed a one-year deal and thus may be viewed as expendable in a roster crunch. But moving Taylor and veteran catcher Austin Barnes off the roster shows that the Dodgers feel the urgency to make tough decisions as they face a tough race in the National League West. Going into Monday's MLB slate, the Dodgers lead both the San Diego Padres and San Francisco Giants by one game in the National League West. The Arizona Diamondbacks aren't far behind either, just four games back. Advertisement Of greater concern is the team's pitching, which ranks 11th in the NL (and 21st in MLB) with a 4.18 ERA. Starters Tyler Glasnow, Blake Snell and Roki Sasaki are all on the injured list, in addition to relievers Blake Treinen, Evan Phillips and Kirby Yates. Clayton Kershaw made his first start of the season on Saturday, but looked like a work in progress after returning from multiple surgeries. As Dodgers president of baseball operations Andrew Friedman said on Sunday, building pitching depth is an endless chase. 'It's like a game of Whack-a-Mole, and things keep popping up," Friedman said, via the Los Angeles Times. "The definition of enough depth, I think is a fool's errand. I don't know what enough depth means. I think more is always better with pitching depth.' Figuring out the team's outfield mix is a luxury by comparison. That's a problem the Dodgers will surely accept right now while there are far more pressing issues to address.
Yahoo
09-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Yahoo
‘Poker Face' Brings TV's Best Mystery Back for Season 2
"Hearst Magazines and Yahoo may earn commission or revenue on some items through these links." OUR FAVORITE HUMAN lie detector is back. More than two years after Poker Face's 10-episode first season wrapped up, Rian Johnson's brilliant whydunnit mystery series is back for an even-larger but still star-studded 12-episode second season. Of course, our drifter extraordinare Charlie Cale (the always vibrant Natasha Lyonne) is once again the connective tissue between episodes, finding her way into one situation or another—and always using her impressive ability to parse out the truth to figure out why one sinister plot or another went the way it did. And while season 2 is once again filled with brilliant guest stars—including Oscar nominee Cynthia Erivo, John Mulaney, Giancarlo Esposito, Katie Holmes, and more—it's always going to be the time spent hanging out with Lyonne's Charlie, and seeing how she's going to solve each increasingly-funny or strange mystery, that keeps viewers coming back. "To me, the key to this kind of show is casting Natasha Lyonne," Johnson told Men's Health in an interview back in 2023. "Making the show with her. I think, ultimately, that's where the show places its chips, is the character of Charlie Cale, and having her be someone you're going to want to come back to every single week and see her win. With Poker Face now in its supersized second season, we don't want to miss a single episode—and know you won't want to either. Below, you can see the complete release schedule for Poker Face season 2 on Peacock. Shop Now New episodes of Poker Face season 2 release on Peacock on Thursdays. The next episode will be available on Thursday, May 15. Poker Face season 2 will be 12 episodes in total, bumped up from the 10 that were in season 1. After the three-episode premiere, the show is shifting to a weekly release schedule; That means that there's still nine weeks—and nine mystery-filled episodes—remaining in season 2 of Poker Face. Episode 1, "The Game is a Foot - Now streaming as of May 8Episode 2, "Last Looks"- Now streaming as of May 8Episode 3, "Whack-a-Mole"- Now streaming as of May 8 Episode 4, "The Taste of Human Blood"- Streaming on May 15Episode 5, "Hometown Hero"- Streaming on May 22Episode 6, "Sloppy Joseph"- Streaming on May 29Episode 7, "One Last Job"- Streaming on June 5Episode 8, "The Sleazy Georgian" - Streaming on June 12Episode 9, "A New Lease on Death" - Streaming on June 19Episode 10, "The Big Pump" - Streaming on June 26Episode 11, "Day of the Iguana" - Streaming on July 3Episode 12, "The End of the Road" - Streaming on July 10 You Might Also Like The Best Hair Growth Shampoos for Men to Buy Now 25 Vegetables That Are Surprising Sources of Protein
Yahoo
06-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
I know speech is protected at Davidson College. I see it all the time.
Conservative writer Andrew Dunn recently questioned whether Davidson College protects 'controversial' speech, particularly pro-Israel views. I've spent the past few years at Davidson looking into, reporting on and teaching about the importance of free expression. Every issue of importance is being discussed on campus. But every false claim of censorship, as YAF alleged here, further roots in the public consciousness a distorted perception of colleges, who are stuck having to play Whack-a-Mole to correct the record. A conservative student group, a chapter of Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), handed out an anti-Muslim pamphlet made available to them by national YAF to counter what they believed was an anti-Israel campus atmosphere. The group also retweeted what some considered transphobic. They then faced the usual student disciplinarian process and could choose between a hearing, where they could be found guilty or not guilty for harassment, or accept an accountability plan. They chose neither, convinced they were targeted for their beliefs. But they weren't. The college was responding to complaints from other students, some of whom said they felt unsafe because of the pamphlet's contents, which was handed out near the student union's entrance. Davidson is required to take seriously every student concern for legal, practical and ethical reasons. That's what triggered the potential hearing – not the group's stance on the Gaza war. I know this because I know pro-Palestinian students and others have faced the same process disciplinarian, which is necessarily opaque because of privacy laws. I know pro-Israel views are welcome because professors, students and staff shared them before the Oct. 7 Hamas terror attack on that country, and since. I know because those voices can be so loud and persistent that they can pressure the college to cancel a Jewish speaker critical of Israel, as happened just weeks ago. (The college didn't cave.) I know because I have colleagues holding pro-Palestinian views who've rethought public presentations for fear of being falsely labeled antisemitic. I know because colleagues expert on the long-complex history of the Israel-Palestine conflict led well-attended teach-ins on the subject. They explained every side of the issue from an educational rather than ideological perspective. I know because students have shared those views in my classes during deliberative discussions and debates infused with passion. Here's what's also true: Students, faculty and staff often disagree about this subject, and many others. Many often feel reluctant to speak openly about this Israel-Gaza, and many other subjects. They fear the judgment of peers – a human instinct not unique to college campuses. Many of us even disagree about the nature of the student disciplinary process. Should speech of any sort short of flagrant-obvious harassment – like the hurling of epithets or stalking – be subject to that process? Or maybe it would be better to allow students to resolve uncomfortable disputes among themselves. Many Davidson students, faculty and staff disagree about when free expression advances or hampers the college's mission. When a student spreads misinformation on an important topic, should the college remain neutral to honor that student's right to speak freely? Or point out the falsehoods and correct them? If so, how can that be done in a way that doesn't feel punitive? What if a professor's expression of personal beliefs makes it less likely students will engage in class, even if inadvertently. Should the college step in? Colleges aren't gloried debate clubs who don't care about facts or the context in which they need to be grounded, the kinds of exchanges regularly on display in prime time on cable news. Free expression is a right. But it comes with responsibilities, particularly for institutions of higher education whose objective is greater than simply gathering together people to exchange words no matter if truth is cultivated or undermined. It's hard to determine where to draw the line between protected speech on a college campus, and that which should be shunned. But trying to get it right becomes more difficult each time an underinformed argument misleads the public about what we do and who we are. Issac Bailey is a McClatchy opinion writer in North Carolina and South Carolina.
Yahoo
19-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
‘I knew that threats would increase': Clashes over abortion clinic safety intensify after Trump's pardons
Abortion rights supporters across the country are scrambling to strengthen protections for clinics in response to moves by the Trump administration that they believe will put providers and patients in danger. Democratic lawmakers have introduced bills in Illinois, Michigan, New York and elsewhere to restrict demonstrations outside of clinics, increase criminal penalties for people who harass doctors and patients, or allocate more funds for abortion providers to buy security cameras, bulletproof glass and other protections. In recent weeks, a handful of Democratic governors have held phone calls to debate whether to push for new laws or ramp up enforcement of existing ones. And some Democratic attorneys general are visiting abortion clinics to hear their workers' fears and requests, and training law enforcement on how to respond when demonstrators break the law. The moves come in response to President Donald Trump pardoning abortion protesters convicted of federal crimes and reducing enforcement of a decades-old law that prohibits interference with anyone seeking reproductive health services. 'Even though the federal administration is backing away from an important duty and obligation to enforce the law and protect access, we'll step in to that breach,' California Attorney General Rob Bonta told POLITICO. 'We will take up the mantle of safety and access that they are abandoning.' The anti-abortion movement is ramping up as well. Activists are discussing which clinic protest tactics to deploy in the coming months and training the next generation on what they call 'rescues' — entering clinics by stealth or by force in order to shut down operations. The movement's legal arm is also working to eliminate state and city protections for clinics, and they're often winning. Carbondale, Illinois, Westchester, New York and Minneapolis have all rolled back laws restricting protests outside abortion clinics after challenges from the Thomas More Society — the conservative legal powerhouse that successfully lobbied Trump to pardon nearly two dozen people who violated the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act. And while the Supreme Court recently declined to hear two more of the group's lawsuits challenging clinic protections in Illinois and New Jersey, it has several cases in the pipeline and believes it can eventually convince the high court to rule that activists have an unrestrained right to stand in front of clinic doors, hold up signs, and tell patients and doctors that the procedure is akin to murder. 'We do feel like we are, to some extent, playing Whack-a-Mole,' Peter Breen, the head of litigation for the Thomas More Society, said. 'But we're going to play Whack-a-Mole until we get a result.' The Trump administration's pledge to only enforce the federal FACE Act in 'extraordinary circumstances' has, like the fall of Roe, created a national patchwork of laws protecting abortion providers and patients seeking care. In a March letter to Attorney General Pam Bondi, 72 House Democrats demanded answers by the end of the month on exactly what the Department of Justice considers an 'extraordinary circumstance' and whether she will rescind what they see as a 'potentially illegal directive.' They have not received a response. In the meantime, abortion-rights advocates warn the erosion of federal protections will leave clinics vulnerable in Missouri, Montana and other states where courts have ruled that abortion is legal but Republicans control all levers of power. And even in states where Democrats hold key offices, advocates say officials are not doing enough, and warn that legal protections for abortion will become meaningless if protesters harass and intimidate doctors and patients without consequences. 'That's not enough if there aren't providers that are safe and have the support and resources they need to keep their practices open,' said Melissa Fowler, the chief program officer for the National Abortion Federation. 'There's definitely more that needs to be done.' Renee Chelian, the founder of Northland Family Planning clinics in the Detroit and Ann Arbor suburbs, said she has dealt for decades with armed protesters, threats and 'rescues' that have temporarily shut operations and terrified patients and staff. Her clinics, which provide contraception, ultrasounds and other services in addition to abortion, have long had security cameras, panic buttons, bulletproof glass and armed private guards. In August, she sat in a federal courtroom as seven anti-abortion activists received felony convictions for chaining themselves to the entrances of her clinics in 2020 and 2021. The Justice Department presented evidence that one of the pregnant women the activists prevented from accessing the clinic had a fatal fetal abnormality, and the 'coordinated campaign of physical obstruction posed a grave and real threat to her health and fertility.' When Trump won in November and Democrats lost their majority in Lansing, Chelian immediately worried that protections for clinics like hers would be on the chopping block and urged her state lawmakers to act before Inauguration Day. But Michigan Democrats failed to pass a state-level FACE Act in their final months in power amid the defection of one of their members and a revolt by Republicans that denied them the quorum needed to hold votes. 'Democrats really fell down on the job,' Chelian said. 'It felt like a blow.' In January, Trump pardoned all of the people who had blockaded Northland Family Planning centers, raising Chelian's fears that they will make good on vows to return. In February, Michigan Democratic Rep. Laurie Pohutsky reintroduced her clinic-protection bill that floundered in the lame duck, but it faces an uphill battle. 'There's probably going to be a significant challenge in getting state-level Republicans on board with enshrining those protections in state law,' Pohutsky said, even though the bill covers not just abortion clinics but anti-abortion crisis pregnancy centers that have also been the target of vandalism and protests. 'So we have concerns of safety, concerns of patient access — being able to physically get into a clinic — concerns about the clinic's ability to continue providing care if people feel emboldened to intimidate and physically block and potentially even harm people.' Following Trump's pardons and guidance urging reduced enforcement, Bonta urged Democrats around the country to copy his state's version of the FACE Act, arguing that it's even stronger than the federal version because it includes criminal penalties for actions like taking videos of patients going into abortion clinics without their consent. 'California provides not just a beacon of light and hope with respect to what can be done but also a blueprint for tangible action that can be taken,' he said. 'Other states can literally pull our state FACE act off the shelf and introduce it.' Yet only a few states have done so since Trump took office, and in several of those that have, the bills face narrow prospects for becoming law. Legislation drafted by Virginia Democratic Sen. Scott Surovell bars anyone from obstructing or delaying another person's entry to a health care facility. The bill specifically prohibits individuals from approaching someone within eight feet in the 40-foot radius of a facility's entrance to protest, leaflet or counsel a person without their consent. Surovell's legislation passed out of the General Assembly in late February through a mostly party-line vote. But Surovell suspects Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin may veto it if it reaches his desk, and because Democrats hold a slim majority in the state's Legislature, an override of that potential veto is unlikely. Youngkin, who has pushed for a 15-week abortion ban, vetoed multiple bills last year that would have strengthened protections for reproductive health care providers. His office did not respond to a request for comment. 'I don't see the bill as expanding or limiting abortion,' said Surovell, who drafted the legislation after a reproductive health clinic in his district told him it was dealing with an uptick in aggressive protesters. 'It just says, 'If you want to get health care, people have to leave you alone.'' Similar legislation by Pennsylvania Democratic Rep. Lindsay Powell also faces a challenging path. Pennsylvania has a Democratic majority in the state's House and a Republican-dominated Senate, meaning Powell's bill would need bipartisan backing to become law. Powell said she's still working to win that support from across the aisle. 'My biggest hope is that we prove to the American public that Democrats will stand up for what's right,' Powell said. 'That we're not just armchair politicians who are out there pontificating and thinking about the issue at hand — that we're doing the hard work on the ground to keep people safe.' Other bills in states where Democrats hold majorities have rosier prospects. Proposals in New York would enact a state-level FACE Act and create a new misdemeanor offense for photographing individuals entering or leaving reproductive health care facilities. An Illinois bill would designate attacks on abortion clinics as acts of terrorism. And legislation in New Jersey would set aside millions for clinics frequently targeted by protesters to beef up security, and prohibit interference or intimidation of patients and providers. New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin, who visited Cherry Hill Women's Center in January, said staff there convinced him there's a growing danger that requires government action to protect both state residents and those traveling from states with strict abortion laws for the procedure. 'I knew that threats would increase when [Trump] pardoned extremists, and that's what we've seen,' Platkin said. 'While the Department of Justice is no longer apparently going to enforce federal law that protects people's ability to access reproductive health care clinics, states can still enforce that law, and we are absolutely going to in New Jersey.' Democrats working on clinics' physical safety acknowledge that state officials' attention is divided by a myriad of other threats to abortion access — from the possibility that the Trump administration could reimpose restrictions on telemedicine prescription of abortion pills to a surge in digital tracking of people who visit abortion clinics to attempts by Louisiana and Texas to reach across state lines and prosecute a New York abortion provider. 'Those are really big threats, because medication abortion is really the method of choice across the country,' said Christina Chang, executive director of the Reproductive Freedom Alliance that Democratic governors created to better coordinate their efforts after the fall of Roe. 'Two thirds of abortions are medication abortions nationwide, and it's a critical access point for people who are living in rural communities or other care deserts.' At the same time, some activists worry that the threat to brick-and-mortar clinics — which are the only option for people with pregnancies past the first trimester — is getting pushed to the backburner amid an overwhelming focus on protecting access to abortion pills. And others fear the shift from national to state and local protections will leave patients in GOP-controlled states that still have some abortion access, including Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina, at risk. 'The reliance on FACE, or at least the knowledge it was there and protective, was meaningful,' said Rosann Mariappuram, the senior policy counsel for the progressive group State Innovation Exchange. 'To know that there isn't going to be a federal path for protection is a really hard truth for clinics in that position.' But the moment Democratic officials enact clinic protections, the Thomas More Society and other conservative groups are challenging them as infringements on the First Amendment rights of anti-abortion activists. On March 10, the legal group defeated a contempt motion filed by New York Attorney General Letitia James against pro-life activists associated with Red Rose Rescue, an anti-abortion group. James had accused the group's members of violating a court order prohibiting them from coming within 15 feet of abortion care facilities in New York with the intent to engage in 'force, threat of force, or physical obstruction.' The group is also awaiting a ruling out of the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals after arguing in December against Clearwater, Florida's law creating a 'bubble zone' around abortion clinics that Breen sees as 'flagrantly unconstitutional.' He is also preparing to sue the city of Detroit for a similar law it adopted last year. 'It's a very dangerous road to go down, whatever your position on the issue,' he said of the state and local clinic protections. 'If you believe in the public's right to use the sidewalk to leaflet, to express ideas, you shouldn't want to restrict anybody's speech.'
