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Indian Express
30-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
What early feminist movement tells us about today's gender inequality
— Mohammad Asim Siddiqui Recently, the Supreme Court set aside the judgment declining maternity leave to a school teacher, and said she was entitled to receive maternity benefits despite having two children. But other structural inequalities faced by women remain very much in place. According to The Time Use Survey 2024 (January-December), while men spend 132 minutes more than women on employment and related activities, women spend much more time on unpaid domestic services – 289 minutes daily compared to 88 minutes by men. In this context, how far have we come in addressing the structural inequalities? Can legal interventions correct such entrenched disparities, or a deeper shift in societal attitude is required? These questions, which constitute the core of feminist thought, may be better understood by revisiting the emergence of the feminist movement. The term feminism existed as early as the mid-nineteenth century, though at the time it simply meant 'having the qualities of a female'. The term became widely known in the 1890s when anti-suffragists began using it negatively to refer to women's rights activists. Political parties and other organisations soon adopted the term Feminism's history has been marked by many ruptures. It was only during the second wave of feminism beginning in the 1960s in the US when feminism began to take shape as a concerted and continuous movement. It advanced on various fronts simultaneously, with activists working at the grassroots level while legal and political scholars were sharpening their theoretical tools. Cut to the present, often referred to as the fourth wave of feminism, the movement has branched into diverse approaches, frameworks and methodologies, and has continued the work of what feminist scholar bell hooks described as 'a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression'. The concrete beginning of the First Wave of Feminism, dating from 1830 to 1920 and generally identified with the suffragette movement, can be traced to the Women's Rights Convention held in Seneca Falls, New York in 1848. Attended by more than 300 men and women, the Convention passed many resolutions stressing the equality of the sexes and issued the Declaration of Sentiments – the movement's manifesto. One of the main organisers of the event was Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a pioneering figure in the first wave who continued to champion women's causes all through the 19th century. The Declaration of Sentiments marked the formal beginning of the suffrage movement. In the same year, women groups across England, France, Germany and Italy joined workers and other marginalised groups to demand equality, giving the movement an international character. Around this time, many feminist journals also started publishing news and commentaries on women's activities. Women attacked many oppressive laws that denied them the right to make contracts, bequeath property, have rights over their children or write wills. Common demands during this phase included opportunities in education, property rights and suffrage. The rise of capitalism and democracy in the late 18th and 19th centuries awakened a new consciousness about individual rights. Yet the change in the nature of the economy, work and wages brought about by capitalism largely benefited men, leaving women disadvantaged and increasingly dependent on men. Similarly, early theories of individual rights also placed men at the centre. The feminist movement addressed such issues, asserting the value of women's economic labour and their rights. Estelle B. Freedman in her book No Turning Back: The History of Feminism and the Future of Women (2002) argues that 'feminist politics originated where capitalism, industrial growth, democratic theory, and socialist critiques converged, as they did in Europe and North America after 1800. Women and their male allies began to agitate for equal educational, economic, and political opportunities, a struggle that continues to the present.' During the first wave of feminism, Marxism and liberalism were the two important intellectual frameworks that were deployed to talk about women's exploitation and to address the issue of inequality. While Marxism envisioned women's emancipation through the overthrow of capitalism, liberalism, rooted in the principle of rationalism and belief in just governance, emphasised equality before the law. The liberal position on women's equality was articulated forcefully by thinkers like Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill. In her most famous work A Vindication of the Rights of Woman: With Strictures on Political and Moral Subjects (1792), Wollstonecraft, drawing on insights from enlightenment ideals of liberty, equal opportunity and rationalism, questioned the divine rights of husbands and challenged the notion of women's inferiority. Sharply disagreeing with Rousseau, who held a contemptuous view of women's education in Emile, Wollstonecraft advocated education for both men and women. She urged women to focus on cultivating their minds rather than prioritising beauty and fashion. Wollstonecraft wrote: 'Contending for the rights of women, my main argument is built upon this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. 'And how can women be expected to cooperate unless she knows why she ought to be virtuous? Unless freedom strengthens her reason till she comprehends her duty, and sees in what manner is connected with her real good.' Exhorting women to develop their own potential, she said that 'I do not wish them to have power over men, but over themselves.' It was partly due to her influence that education was the earliest demand of women in the first wave. John Stuart Mill's The Subjection of Women (1869), an important liberal-feminist text that influenced the future development of feminism, makes a strong case for the emancipation of women and for female suffrage in Britain. Stressing the principle of equality, Mill categorically stated: 'The principle which regulates the existing social relations between the two sexes – the legal subordination of one sex by the other – is wrong in itself, and now one of the chief hindrances to human improvement; and that it ought to be replaced by a principle of perfect equality, admitting no power or privilege on the one side, nor disability on the other.' The women's movement in the US was linked with the abolition and temperance (abstinence from alcohol) movements. However, many women found themselves excluded from the rank of the men-led abolitionist groups, forcing them to form women's rights groups. One reason behind the organisation of the Seneca Fall Convention was the exclusion of five US female delegates from the World Slavery Convention in London in 1840. With alcohol consumption reaching unprecedented levels in the nineteenth century, women were the main victims of men's alcohol abuse. The formation of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) in 1874, and later the emergence of its many branches, accelerated women's efforts to protest alcohol abuse and its association with immorality. In a pioneering study of women's speeches and writings, Man Cannot Speak for Her: A Critical Study of Early Feminist Rhetoric, Vol. 1(1989), Karlyn Kohrs Campbell notes that 'temperance was an acceptable outlet for the reformist energies of women during the last decades of the nineteenth century'. Traditionally, 'good' women could participate in the temperance movement without facing any disapproval. 'Although the WCTU accepted traditional concepts of womanhood', Campbell continues, 'it came to argue that woman's distinctive influence should be extended outside the home via the vote. Consequently, woman suffrage became acceptable to more conservative women (and men), who had rejected it before, when presented as a means for woman to protect her domestic sphere from abuses related to alcohol.' The civil war in the US adversely affected the women's movement as the focus of the nation gradually turned to patriotism and national interests, with women's demands becoming secondary. Women's groups had fully supported the cause of the Union and the abolition of slavery, expecting in return support for their rights. However, their hopes were dashed when Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment, which dealt with voting rights and was ratified in 1868, introduced the word male into the US Constitution for the first time. This provision granted voting rights to all American males above 21 years. Women challenged their exclusion in the Supreme Court, which rejected their demand for suffrage in 1875. An important development in the suffrage movement was the merger of two rival women organisations – the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The merger led to the formation of a more influential organisation – the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) on February 18, 1890. Though its leaders often differed sharply over methods and policies, the new organisation made serious efforts for woman's right to vote. The entry of fiery activist Alice Paul into the NAWSA in 1910 took the concerns of the organisation from state suffrage to national Constitutional amendment. Her conflict with the policies of NAWSA led her to form the National Woman's Party. These efforts culminated in the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution in 1920, granting women the right to vote. What were the key demands of the First Wave of Feminism? How did early feminist movements navigate societal expectations of womanhood and morality? What role did Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill play in shaping early feminist thought? Do you think the Supreme Court's ruling on maternity leave signal a genuine shift in the broader approach to gender justice? In a country where women spend over three times as much time as men on unpaid domestic work, what policy interventions can ensure equitable sharing of household responsibilities? (Mohammad Asim Siddiqui is a Professor in the Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
Yahoo
22-03-2025
- Yahoo
7 Cheap Places To Live in the US That Are Rich in History
There are plenty of locations in the U.S. with rich historical pasts, but many, like Washington, D.C., are out of reach as places to live for those on a more conservative budget. Read Next: Find Out: That doesn't mean that all areas with a story to tell are completely out of the question, though. For history buffs looking to live somewhere historic that's also affordable, these places are worth a look. Average home value: $182,997 Average rent: $1,600 Home to the birthplace of 'The Star-Spangled Banner' and the historic Inner Harbor, Baltimore has centuries of history packed into its neighborhoods. For literature lovers, the Edgar Allan Poe House & Museum is a must. Housing prices here are a lot lower than in Washington, D.C., offering a more affordable option for those looking to live in a city with a strong historical identity. Explore More: Average home value: $140,829 Average rent: $1,275 Once the heart of the Civil Rights Movement, Montgomery is home to the Rosa Parks Museum and the National Memorial for Peace and Justice. It's a midsize city with a low cost of living and a past that shaped the nation. Average home value: $108,327 Average rent: $750 Natchez is a historic city nestled along the Mississippi River with over 1,000 structures appearing on the National Register of Historic Places. The city encourages visitors and residents to acknowledge its complicated history through its numerous cultural heritage sites, including the Natchez Museum of African American History and Culture. Average home value: $268,411 Average rent: $1,749 New Castle was established in 1651 under the Dutch and originally named Fort Casimir. Today, its cobblestone streets make living here feel like stepping back in time. The waterfront views and close proximity to Philadelphia make it a convenient yet affordable choice for history lovers. Average home value: $235,861 Average rent: $1,299 A key site in the Civil War, the city has an old-town district packed with historic sites, like the Petersburg National Battlefield, for those who want to better understand the complexities of America's past. It's also close to Richmond, Virginia, but a lower cost of living in Petersburg makes it a budget-friendly alternative. Average home value: $180,911 Average rent: $1,179 Often called the birthplace of women's rights, Seneca Falls is where the first Women's Rights Convention was held. The charming downtown, historic sites and proximity to the Finger Lakes make it an attractive option for those who want history with a side of scenic beauty. Average home value: $159,676 Average rent: $947 Known for its role in the Pony Express in the 1800s, St. Joseph is just an hour north of Kansas City, Missouri. The city is home to the Pony Express National Museum and the Pony Express Memorial. Editor's note: Average home and rent values were sourced from Zillow. More From GOBankingRates 4 Things To Watch for as Elon Musk Takes on Social Security I'm a Retired Boomer: 6 Bills I Canceled This Year That Were a Waste of Money Warren Buffett: 10 Things Poor People Waste Money On 25 Creative Ways To Save Money This article originally appeared on 7 Cheap Places To Live in the US That Are Rich in History
Yahoo
12-03-2025
- Entertainment
- Yahoo
Ashland Business and Professional Women host inspiring history presentations
National Women's History Month took center stage at this month's meeting of Ashland Business and Professional Women. Guests included teacher Amy Nelson, four eighth grade students and two mothers. To honor National Women's History Month, the students portrayed significant women in history. Avery Bauer and Kyla Obrien presented on Susan B. Anthony, while Victoria Deaton and Jordyn Thomas focused on Elizabeth Cady Stanton, , according to an announcement. Both pairs used technology to share facts, and Bauer dressed as Susan B. Anthony. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, born Nov. 12, 1815, was a key figure in the women's rights movement. She attended the first Women's Rights Convention in 1848 and wrote the Declaration of Sentiments. Susan B. Anthony, born in 1820, also was a prominent advocate for women's rights. She collected 400,000 signatures to abolish slavery and was later arrested for voting illegally. During the business portion of the March 3 meeting, Kathy Norris and Beth Wood were elected to the nominating committee. They will present a slate of officers at the April meeting. Additionally, the first of two garage sales is scheduled for June 13-14 at Karen McCready's home. This story was created by Jane Imbody, jimbody@ with the assistance of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Journalists were involved in every step of the information gathering, review, editing and publishing process. Learn more at This article originally appeared on Ashland Times Gazette: Ashland Business and Professional Women celebrates women's history
USA Today
09-02-2025
- Politics
- USA Today
Opinion/Guest column: Remember the Women's Rights Convention in Worcester
Opinion/Guest column: Remember the Women's Rights Convention in Worcester I took AP United States history when I was a junior in high school. I was already in love with history by that time. I still have "United States History: Preparing for the Advanced Placement Examination" by John Newman and John Schmalbach next to my bed six years later. It became my Bible, something I returned to repeatedly throughout my academic career. Despite my love for my precious textbook, through my research at Clark University in public history classes and my internship at Historic New England, I recognize the shortcomings presented in historical education. In 1850, just down Main Street in Worcester, women from all over the nation gathered for the first National Women's Rights Convention at Brinley Hall. This convention is not mentioned in the 2018 edition of the textbook. How could an event held in Worcester, centered around securing social and political equality for women across the country, be forgotten in modern textbooks? Still today, we are fighting and attempting to secure rights that may be taken away in the coming years, beginning on Jan. 20 with the inauguration of President Trump. The voices of the Women's Rights Convention have fallen short. The United States has forgotten women for generations. Since the founding of this country, women and minorities have been pushed to the side and their stories forgotten. Here in Worcester, there are an infinite number of stories about brave women who lived, worked and thrived in Worcester. One such story has become famous and is discussed in classrooms, in textbooks and children's books. Deborah Sampson was a 20-year-old woman when, on May 20, 1782, she disguised herself as a man and enlisted in the Continental Army. She used the name Robert Shurtiff and was marched to Worcester where, on May 23 of the same year, she was mustered by Capt. Eliphalet Thorp and taken to West Point to commence her training as a Revolutionary War soldier. Born and raised in Massachusetts, Sampson was the first woman to receive a pension for her service in the military. She was also the first known and documented woman to go on a nationwide lecture tour promoting herself and her story in order to gain a congressional pension for her service. On July 21, 1802, Isaiah Thomas published in his Massachusetts Spy that Deborah Sampson, referred to as Mrs. Gannett, was arriving in Worcester to give her speech at the courthouse. On July 22, 1802, she delivered her speech to the people of Worcester in full military regalia. It is unclear to scholars today if Sampson wrote the speech she delivered across New England and New York. Many speculate that Herman Mann, her memoir writer, also wrote the speech for her campaign. Despite the speculation, Sampson performed the speech in front of crowds, legitimizing her story, leading to a military pension being awarded to her in 1805. The speech was commanding. Sampson attested to the horrors she witnessed in battle and promised her audiences that everything was true. Throughout, Sampson tread along the fragile line between femininity and masculinity. To appease the masses, she admitted that her actions were not appropriate for women. However, rather than admit that she was incorrect by her own fault, she brought into question the larger social issue. She calls 'it an error and presumption because I swerved from the accustomed flowery path of female delicacy to walk upon the heroic precipice of feminine perdition!' Sampson demonstrated her understanding of the patriarchy that forced women into specific roles, and punished them for stepping out of line. She did not shy away from her femininity and apologized for breaking stereotypes, yet presented it in a way that did not take away her bravery. Sampson, like Abigail Adams, called for the rights of women to be equal to men. In Sampson's diary, the only written source left by her person, she mentions her time in Worcester and that she did in fact take the stage. The diary is not filled with her interpretations, but rather just recounts her days and wishes to see her family. While it would have been fascinating to read her account of the crowd and her thoughts on her experiences, this diary is powerful. It provides historians with her own voice, a voice beyond Herman Mann's and those of other modern historical writers. While historians are right to question whether aspects of her story are true, one cannot discount the power of her story and her voice. Fifty years after Sampson stood in front of the courthouse, Worcester hosted the first national Women's Rights Convention. Abby Kelley Foster was an abolitionist and women's rights advocate who lived on Mower Street in Worcester, who not only housed runaway slaves but also refused to pay property taxes until women had the right to vote. She, like Sampson, died before the United States allowed white women the right to vote. They died before women had the right to divorce their husbands, they died before women could hold a credit card in their name, and they died before women had the right to control their own bodies. Today, in 2025, women once again must fight for their rights. It is a never-ending battle. The voices of women in Worcester, more now then ever, must preserve their history. The Worcester Women's History Project, founded in 1994, and the Worcester Women's Oral History Project, founded in 2004, are active in the community preserving the history and voices of Worcester women, continuing to fight the battle for gender equity. Kenzie Landsittel is a graduate student in Clark University's accelerated master's fifth-year history program. Her work with Deborah Sampson originated at her time as a curatorial intern for Historic New England.
