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New Statesman
30-07-2025
- Politics
- New Statesman
Trump in the wilderness
A video showing Donald Trump dictating social media posts to an aide while watching Kamala Harris deliver a speech at the Democratic National Convention in August 2024 offers a glimpse of a magician at work. Seated at a table along with a dozen or so of his campaign team, the presidential candidate – sipping from a bottle of Coca-Cola with what appears to be a plate of chicken nuggets before him – is in charge. His comments are typed up by the aide, corrected and approved, then posted on X and Truth Social. Working as a clairvoyant channelling the American unconscious, he voices the fears that gave him a popular majority. 'We've got to get to the border, inflation and crime,' he says. His tweets may be peppered with exclamation marks and capital letters, but he speaks softly. The mood in the room is calm. The message of the footage – broadcast in October 2024 as part of a documentary series, Art of the Surge, backed by Tucker Carlson – is clear. Trump was the sole author of the regime change that took place with his sweeping victory last November. However, to view him as a mere political thaumaturge, a sorcerer of social media, is to understate his historical importance. If that were so, he would be an anomaly – as liberals would like to believe. But, six months along from his second inauguration, there is no going back to the world as it was before him. Trump, a harbinger of things to come, has released forces that neither he nor the baffled remnants of the liberal order have any idea how to control. In a letter to a friend, Hegel described seeing Napoleon the day before the French emperor crushed the Prussian army in the Battle of Jena in 1806 and recognising him as 'world history on horseback'. Trump on his golf cart has a similar significance – without embodying any emerging rationality of the kind that the windy German philosopher believed was unfolding in history. Driving more erratically than any Napoleon, Trump is unloosing a new logic in politics and history. There will be no restoration of the ancien régime. Another round of liberal lawfare will achieve nothing of substance. The weaponisation of the courts by the Biden administration did not prevent Trump's return to office. Lawfare is a game anyone can play. In his first term, he appointed three conservative judges to the Supreme Court, stacking it in his favour. By making judicial institutions targets for political capture, liberal legalism signed its own death warrant. Trump is eviscerating any institution that could inhibit executive authority. He has shut down the Pentagon's internal think tank, the Office of Net Assessment, a much-respected organisation founded more than 50 years ago, shrunk the National Security Council and downgraded Fema, the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He has fired senior intelligence officials, including the heads of the National Security Agency and US Cyber Command. These purges ensure that his successor – Republican or Democrat – will inherit a polity more closely resembling an authoritarian democracy than a constitutional republic. Stale chatter of a rerun of fascism is misguided. The mutation in American democracy is deeper and more enduring. The fascist regimes of interwar Europe and Asia could be decapitated by removing their leaders. But Trump's removal would leave a society too polarised for consensual governance, while the international system in which a liberal superpower could function has imploded. An American-led financial system is already history. In the eyes of the rest of the world, the US is drifting inexorably towards default. As Elon Musk noted after his expulsion from the administration, his Doge department achieved little and Trump's 'big beautiful bill' will add trillions to the spiralling federal deficit. A crisis may have been staved off by the US treasury secretary Scott Bessent, a George Soros associate involved in the 1992 Black Wednesday bet against the pound. But as Musk himself demonstrated, no one lasts long in Trump's inner circle. In recent weeks he has turned his ire on Jerome Powell, chair of the Federal Reserve central bank – another institution he aims to gut. The current weakness of the dollar – following its worst year in modern history – is structural, a by-product of chronic American political dysfunction. That does not mean any successor is on the horizon. Attempts by Brics countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) to fashion an alternative have repeatedly failed. China's renminbi is too tightly controlled and illiquid. The president of the European Central Bank Christine Lagarde's suggestion that the dollar could be overthrown by the euro is unworkable. The second-largest global reserve asset, surpassing the euro, is gold. Around a fifth of the world's production is disappearing into the vaults of central banks. Unlike dollar assets, the ancient precious metal cannot be sequestrated in financial sanctions. Unlike crypto, it cannot be hacked. There is mounting pressure to repatriate gold reserves held by the Fed or Western banks closely associated with it. India and Turkey have already repatriated bars from London and New York, and there are influential voices in Germany, France, Italy and Switzerland demanding that they follow suit. A multipolar currency system is emerging, in which Keynes's 'barbarous relic' plays a key role. In domestic terms, Trump's protectionism is a double-edged sword. When properly designed and implemented, tariffs can protect jobs, though always at a cost to the consumer. Trump's tariffs risk inflaming inflation with little benefit to employment. As living standards fall, voters may swing leftwards – not back to Bidenite progressivism, but to more radical versions of Trumpism, which in many respects resembles a reprisal of Argentine Peronism. A premonitory tremor can be detected in the adoption in the New York mayoral primary of Zohran Mamdani, who promises redistribution, rent freezes and welfare spending. Musk has proposed founding a new 'America' party with fiscal conservatism as one of its central themes. But would American voters support the savage reductions in federal entitlements – social security, Medicare, unemployment insurance, food banks – that would be necessary to get anywhere near sustainable levels of federal debt? A time may come when the Argentine president Javier Milei's agenda of slashing the state could marshal majority support, but only after a terrifying brush with national bankruptcy. Whatever comes to pass, pre-Trump America is irretrievable. The future is a foreign country; they do things differently there. [See also: There is one man that Donald Trump fears] Just as Juan Perón courted labour unions and the poor, Trump has mobilised the cast-offs of the neoliberal era. As in Argentina, their hopes may be destined to be disappointed. Visiting Buenos Aires in the Nineties, I asked a former Peronist minister what the next development in world politics would be. Without hesitation, he replied: 'The decadence of market power.' A generation later, the old man's prophecy has been fulfilled. Western capitalism has become a self-undermining system. Great concentrations of wealth exist in China and Russia, but they are subordinate to the objectives of government. Billionaire business leaders who display too much independence are swiftly disciplined. In China they may be charged with corruption and executed, or like the founder of Alibaba, Jack Ma, spend years in obscurity and disgrace before they are rehabilitated in a demonstration of Xi Jinping's power. In Vladimir Putin's Russia, wayward plutocrats have a habit of falling out of high windows or suffering fatal indigestion. Neoliberal capitalism allows its oligarchs to locate their businesses in countries that are not necessarily friendly to the West, as Musk has done with his Tesla gigafactory in Shanghai, while allowing the same countries into critical parts of national infrastructure. A faction of Maga led by Steve Bannon seeks to break the hold of corporate power and prioritise the interest of workers. Mainstream opinion discounts Bannon as an inconsequential, marginal figure. But as Joshua Green showed in Devil's Bargain: Steve Bannon, Donald Trump and the Storming of the Presidency, Bannon was crucial in rescuing the languishing 2016 campaign. It was he who provided the ideological script – an anti-modernist, ethno-nationalist narrative of Western decline – that opened up Trump's path to power. Trump's rise was political blowback against globalisation. Combined with offshoring production, free trade devastated America's manufacturing capacity. But protectionism cannot revive the patterns of industry and employment that free trade destroyed. Absent an industrial strategy and an educational system that steers young people into science and engineering rather than law and finance, the US will be locked in economic decline. The world-changing technologies that came out of Silicon Valley will be used for financial engineering rather than building new industries. Through his podcast War Room, Bannon continued to shape the current direction of travel in the administration. At the end of May, he described the Department of Justice's decision to close the investigation into Jeffrey Epstein as 'a catastrophic mistake' that could cost the Republicans up to 26 seats in the 2026 midterms, and possibly even the presidency in 2028. Bannon was correct: following the revelation in the Wall Street Journal that Trump is himself named in the Epstein files, the president is facing the biggest revolt of his political career – from within his own base. Having led his supporters into the looking-glass world of fake news and boundless conspiracy, Trump finds himself trapped in it. Unless the populists prevail, Bannon predicts, there will be no fundamental change in the ruling American regime. The casualties of globalisation will be abandoned. The rich will retreat to their gated enclaves, and the post-industrial wastelands will spread. [See also: Donald Trump, the king of Scotland] In 'Gerontion' (1920), TS Eliot wrote of: 'These with a thousand small deliberations/Protract the profit of their chilled delirium,/Excite the membrane, when the sense has cooled,/With pungent sauces, multiply variety/In a wilderness of mirrors.' Eliot's image – the 'wilderness of mirrors' – was invoked by James Jesus Angleton, head of counterintelligence at the CIA from 1955 for nearly two decades, to describe the labyrinthine world of espionage. A lifelong poetry-lover who knew Eliot, Angleton co-founded a quarterly journal of verse in 1939 when a student at Yale, publishing ee cummings, Ezra Pound, Wallace Stevens and WH Auden. Traumatised by his betrayal by the British double agent Kim Philby, a long-time drinking companion whom he seems to have trusted implicitly, Angleton launched a mole hunt that came close to wrecking the CIA, from which he was forced to resign in December 1974. He died in 1987 of lung cancer, taking his secrets – and his paranoid delusions – with him. But his borrowing from Eliot was prescient about both modern America and a larger fracturing across the West. One school of thought has Trump as a Manchurian candidate. In Richard Condon's 1959 novel of that name, an agent of a foreign power is manoeuvred into the presidency to pursue policies inimical to American interests. Some speculate that the current occupant of the Oval Office may be acting under duress – threats of blackmail relating to financial or sexual impropriety, perhaps. It is true that he appointed figures like Tulsi Gabbard, director of national intelligence, who have echoed Kremlin talking points on the Ukraine war, and shut down State Department centres for countering disinformation. Yet Trump has publicly dismissed Gabbard's claim that Iran is not building a nuclear bomb, excluded her from meetings and ridiculed Tucker Carlson's opposition to entering the war against Iran as 'kooky'. Announcing his intention to destroy the country's nuclear programme, he suggested God may have spared him from death by the assassin's bullet for this very purpose. If this reveals the man within, he is moved by epiphanies and emotions as much as by calculation or subterfuge. Global politics is not a maze of secret stratagems and knowing deceptions, as Angleton believed, but a phantasmagoria of reflections and projections. When Trump looks at other world leaders, he sees replicas of himself as he would like himself to be – a hard-headed dealmaker. Putin is a ruthless practitioner of realpolitik; but he is also a neo-tsarist political mystic, aiming to resurrect a fabulous imperial realm. Xi is careful to avoid being drawn into any conflict in which he cannot see strategic advantage; but he is also determined to restore China to what he regards as its rightful place as the Middle Kingdom. Iran's leaders are cautious in their strategies; but they are also possessed by millenarian myths of martyrdom and a messianic saviour. History is driven by impulses more visionary and sanguinary than the pursuit of profit and survival. When liberals look at humankind, they see imperfect specimens of themselves. Some sections of the species – the despised deplorables – may be so retrograde that there is no future for them. A progressive society is best off letting them fade away and die. The rest of humankind yearns to join the ranks of the enlightened bourgeoisie. That was the phantasm of globalisation, and its concomitant – mass immigration. Instead, immigrants have brought with them their ancestral faiths, identities and enmities, while pre-existing populations – including previous generations of immigrants – recoil from the political caste that launched the experiment. Even the progressive nomenklatura are beginning to suspect their future may be cloudy. Strangely enough, an idea of truth survives among the tyrants as a domain of fact that must be unceasingly denied. Putin may be wedded to fantasies of a restored 'Russian world'. In advancing them he continues the Bolshevik practice of vranyo – telling lies he and everyone else know to be lies, but which dictate the terms in which war and politics are understood. For Xi, deception is the heart of the art of war. It is the post-truth West that cannot bear very much reality. Trump's strike on Iran illustrates this interplay of illusions and realities. The Iranian nuclear project has likely not been ended, only delayed for a few years. The US finds itself in the same bind it has been locked in since the collapse of British and French power in the Middle East after Suez and the fall of the shah in 1979. Trump's outburst against Israel and Iran at the breach of his ceasefire – 'They don't know what the fuck they are doing' – was a telling moment. Like many American presidents before him, he can neither dominate the region nor extricate himself from its intractable conflicts. Trump is trapped in a 21st-century version of the Great Game, the shifting imperial rivalries that preceded the Great War of 1914. There is reason in history, though not of the Hegelian variety. When liberal ideologues enabled Trump's rise, an irreversible process was set in motion. He and the defunct progressive ruling class are mirrors of one another. Trump's economic nationalism is the perfect inversion of an unfettered global free market. A seemingly immovable economic orthodoxy has been upended to prioritise the well-being of those injured by globalisation. Will this revolution amount to anything more than political rhetoric? The deep cuts in Medicaid and funding for treatment of opioid addiction made in the 'big beautiful bill' suggest that the collateral human damage of neoliberalism is being quietly written off. But is this politically sustainable? Before they fade away, America's deplorables may exercise their right to vote – chiefly moved by a worsening economy, but possibly rallying round the Epstein deceit. The former middle class may not accept their descent into endemic insecurity. Millennial professionals will struggle to avoid obsolescence, the nemesis of surplus elites. The figures who channel the fear and anger of these sections of the population – whether JD Vance, Bannon, Mamdani – will shape post-liberal America. Trump's most lasting inheritance will be a hodgepodge of populisms more radical than any he intended or imagined. On the global stage, Trump's 'realist' geopolitics is releasing forces – mystical imperialism, millenarian fervour, ungovernable impulses of hatred and revenge – that are derailing his would-be deals. His transactional schemes are as unreal as the progressive utopias he has casually brushed aside. Liberal rationalists avert their gaze from the world they have unknowingly made. Trump conjures with chaos, while a fateful logic unfolds around him. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe [See also: Trump's gangsterism towards the EU is working] Related
Yahoo
06-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Elon Musk-Trump spat on X is a distraction from the failures of DOGE
Elon Musk stepped down from his position as head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) on May 30, only months after promising to transform government by cutting trillions of dollars from the federal budget and eliminating so-called 'waste, fraud and abuse.' Just a week later, Musk's relationship with President Donald Trump ― the man Musk spent nearly $300 million to elect — went up in flames, as Americans watched the drama unfold in real time on X and Truth Social. Trump publicly denounced Musk as 'disloyal' for criticizing the president's signature legislative effort, the 'One Big Beautiful Bill,' while Musk called the bill a 'disgusting abomination' and openly called for Trump's impeachment. The spectacle of the richest man in the world and the president of the United States exchanging insults online may be remembered as DOGE's final chapter in the public imagination. But it should not obscure the damage Musk wrought when he commanded one of the most powerful positions in the Trump administration. More from Freep Opinion: Democrats better hope Michigan Gov. Whitmer changes her mind about presidential run To start, Musk's promised savings never came. The DOGE website currently claims to have saved the public $175 billion through a range of actions like eliminating 'fraud and improper payment' and cancelling grants. But even that sum — which is believed to be falsely inflated through a combination of guesswork and suspect arithmetic — is less than 3% of the federal budget, and less than 9% of the $2 trillion in cuts Musk promised upon assuming his role. In other words, DOGE failed on Musk's own terms. What did materialize is an unprecedented attack on public institutions, beginning with the people who carry out the work of public service. According to the latest data, around 260,000 federal employees have either been forced out, been slated for cuts, or chosen to leave their posts since DOGE began its work. These aren't faceless 'bureaucrats.' They are the people who test our water for contaminants, inspect our food for harmful bacteria, and ensure air travel is safe, among other public services. The department with the highest number of planned terminations is Veterans Affairs, with up to 80,900 personnel serving our nation's veterans slated for future cuts, according to the New York Times. Many of these jobs are health care workers who care for veterans directly. More from Freep Opinion: I'm a gay man in Detroit. Celebrating Pride feels more important than ever In cutting both people and programs that provide essential services, DOGE attempted a bargain that Michiganders are painfully familiar with: treat government like a business, and attempt to cut public services to balance the books no matter the risks to public health, the economy or democracy. During our state's era of emergency management, decision-making power in several cities and school districts like Flint and Detroit shifted from democratically elected local officials to appointees of the governor. In Flint, a series of emergency managers focused on cost-cutting to address the city's financial crisis, including the ill-fated decision to switch the city's water source. The result was the worst man-made environmental catastrophe in American history. Flint should have been a warning to the country that 'efficiency' without regard for public welfare is a dangerous proposition. Yet DOGE was a far more extreme expression of this logic. Like Flint, the DOGE experiment is a grave warning about what happens when democracy is treated as a private enterprise rather than a public trust, when billionaires think they know best what people need in their own communities. And while it may take decades to account for the potential harms DOGE's actions might produce, we are already seeing some. Here in Michigan, DOGE reportedly canceled $394 million in federal public health grants, money that ultimately supports local health initiatives statewide. These cuts are not abstract. They will be felt in people's bodies and the broader society. Local health providers will have to cut back on critical services such as vaccine administration and interventions for substance use disorder. According to a 2019 study, every dollar invested in public health departments yields as much as $67 to $88 of benefits to society. DOGE also cut $15 million in AmeriCorps funding for our state, impacting programs that offered tutoring, support for seniors, and assistance for homeless residents. At a time when Michigan ranks 34th in the nation in overall child wellbeing, students in more than 60 school districts may see tutoring support disappear. This begs the question: Who ultimately benefited from Musk's relentless cutting? The clear answer is Elon Musk, who is $170 billion richer since endorsing Trump in the summer of 2024, even accounting for the drop in Tesla's stock attributed to the public backlash over DOGE's actions. (How this most recent fiasco will affect Musk's bottom line remains to be seen.) Meanwhile, DOGE spent months attempting to 'delete' entire agencies like the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), which stops predatory banks from scamming veterans, seniors, and consumers in general. And it destroyed the IRS' ability to audit wealthy tax cheats, forcing workers and families to shoulder more of the nation's tax responsibility. DOGE has also made us less free. The initiative's most significant legacy may be what the writer Julia Anguin described as 'a sprawling domestic surveillance system for the Trump administration ― the likes of which we have never seen in the United States.' In agency after agency, Musk and his lieutenants accessed the most sensitive data about Americans and handled it with reckless disregard. Information like Social Security numbers and bank accounts that once stood in the relative safety of government silos are now being merged to create more sweeping surveillance tools than ever before. They could be used to further crack down on immigrants' speech, or to simply make it easier to target political enemies. This is what we're left with. A public more exposed to harm — from preventable diseases, from corporate predation and scams, from toxins in our air and water—and a small group of wealthy elites more empowered to dominate our government and our democracy. Perhaps this is why a solid majority of Americans disapprove of Musk's job performance, arguably accelerating his departure from government. The American public deserves a government that is fit for purpose and delivers on its promises. But Elon Musk never intended to create that. DOGE was built on the fiction of Musk's mastery of all things, one of the many myths attributed to the ultra-wealthy. What it concealed was a public sector novice who failed to understand the basic mechanics of the institutions he railed against. On the day Musk announced his departure, a lawsuit against him and DOGE was cleared to proceed, accusing him of wielding unlawful power over federal agencies, contracts and data without democratic oversight. It was a fitting coda. Musk left behind no durable reform, only institutions hollowed out, public trust frayed, and a template for how easily government can be turned against the people it exists to serve. Even this spectacular fallout with Trump should not distract from the wreckage he leaves behind. Bilal Baydoun is Director of Democratic Institutions at the Roosevelt Institute, a national policy think tank devoted to building on the legacy of FDR. A version of this column was previously published on the Roosevelt Institute's Substack. Submit a letter to the editor at and we may publish it online and in print. Like what you're reading? Please consider supporting local journalism and getting unlimited digital access witha Detroit Free Press subscription. We depend on readers like you. This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Elon Musk-Trump spat is a distraction from DOGE failures | Opinion
Yahoo
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Fact Check: Photo Trump shared of Abrego Garcia's tattoos real but altered; no evidence they're gang-related
Claim: A post from U.S. President Donald Trump showing Kilmar Abrego Garcia's hand tattoos was unedited and proves he was affiliated with the Salvadoran gang MS-13. Rating: What's True: Although the original image held by Trump in the photo was genuine, it had been edited to insert the text "MS-13" above the symbols tattooed on Abrego Garcia's hand. What's False: There is no clear evidence proving a link between Abrego Garcia's hand tattoos and MS-13. On April 18, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump posted a photo on X and TruthSocial supposedly showing proof that Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Maryland man who immigrated to the U.S. illegally from El Salvador in 2012 then was detained and deported by the Trump administration in March 2025, was a member of the MS-13 gang. In the photo, Trump can be seen holding a piece of paper featuring a separate picture purportedly showing the tattoos across Abrego Garcia's hand. (X user @realDonaldTrump) Other users shared a cropped version of the photograph showing a close-up of the tattoos: (X user @WesternDecline_) Snopes readers searched the site and wrote to us asking if the photograph was real and if it proved Abrego Garcia was affiliated with MS-13. While publicly available evidence confirmed the image shared by Trump was authentic in origin, it also confirmed that the image had been altered to insert the text "MS-13" above the actual tattoos — in effect annotating them. There was no clear evidence the symbols on Abrego Garcia's fingers proved an affiliation with MS-13. Abrego Garcia was mistakenly detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents on March 12, 2025. According to CASA, an immigration advocacy organization involved in Abrego Garcia's legal defense, he had no criminal convictions in either the U.S. or El Salvador. In 2019, a judge ordered that he not be returned to El Salvador on the grounds that he would face persecution. Three days after his detainment in 2025, however, the government sent Abrego Garcia to El Salvador's Terrorism Confinement Center prison, or CECOT, without a hearing, according to The New York Times. The Trump administration itself called his detention and removal an "administrative error." Even after acknowledging it had made a mistake, however, the administration repeatedly claimed that it ordered Abrego Garcia be sent to the Salvadoran mega-prison because he was a member of MS-13. (Snopes previously investigated the little evidence the administration has used to justify Abrego Garcia's gang affiliation and concluded there was not sufficient evidence to prove he was in the gang.) Trump shared the photograph as supposed proof of such a connection, and the post's caption claimed Abrego Garcia had "MS-13 tattooed onto his knuckles." Other photos of Abrego Garcia provided confirmation that he has four knuckle tattoos, as shown in the picture held by Trump. Trump's picture had been edited to add the text "MS-13" above the tattoos, but there was no actual evidence demonstrating a link between the tattoos and the El Salvadoran gang. The photo held by Trump shows four knuckle tattoos — a marijuana leaf, a smiley face with X's for eyes, a crucifix and a skull. We confirmed the existence of these tattoos on Abrego Garcia's hand by cross-checking with other images of him. Two separate photos in USA Today stories (one came from El Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele's social media and the other was credited to CASA) featured the knuckle tattoos, although only the skull and cross were visible in one of them. However, Trump's "proof" also contained "MS13" spelled across the knuckles and a description of the four tattoos underneath — "marijuana, smile, cross, skull." Those elements were not present in the other photos in the USA Today articles, indicating they were added to Trump's photo after the fact. Therefore, Abrego Garcia did not have the gang's name literally "tattooed onto his knuckles." Snopes reached out to several experts in gang tattoos to learn more about the symbolism in MS-13 tattoos and whether Abrego Garcia's tattoos matched those symbols. We also reached out to ICE for comment. We had not heard back from any of them at the time of publishing. Looking at other photos of MS-13 gang tattoos, however, revealed that members of the gang have its name literally tattooed on their bodies in some form, generally an "MS," a "13" or both. A source from ICE reportedly told the New York Post that if Abrego Garcia was a member of MS-13, getting such a tattoo would have been a requirement. However, Snopes was unable to independently verify this claim. If MS-13 members are required to have a rather blatant "MS" or "13" tattoo and if Abrego Garcia was actually involved with the gang, the Trump administration would presumably be able to share a photo of such a tattoo. The fact that the four knuckle tattoos, none of which were "MS13," were the supposed proof undermined the administration's claim of his affiliation with the gang. The ICE source who reportedly spoke to the New York Post also said he had "never heard of those resemblances being made" when asked if Abrego Garcia's knuckle tattoos signified membership in MS-13. Regardless of whether Abrego Garcia is a member of MS-13 or not, the U.S. Constitution grants him the right to due process and the Supreme Court ordered the Trump administration on April 10 to "facilitate" his return. As of this writing, the administration had not complied with the ruling. "A Man Was Sent to El Salvador Due to 'administrative Error' despite Protected Legal Status, Filings Show." NBC News, 1 Apr. 2025, CASA Demands Justice For Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia – We Are Casa. Accessed 22 Apr. 2025. Clarke, David Culver, Abel Alvarado, Evelio Contreras, Rachel. "Tattoos Transform from Signs of Gang Allegiance to Art." CNN, 14 Apr. 2025, Deng, Grace. "Kilmar Abrego Garcia's Wife Confirms She Filed Protective Order, Says They Worked out Problems with Counseling." Snopes, 18 Apr. 2025, ---. "Vance Was Wrong: Maryland Father Accidentally Deported to El Salvador Isn't 'Convicted MS-13 Gang Member.'" Snopes, 4 Apr. 2025, "Due Process." LII / Legal Information Institute, Accessed 22 Apr. 2025. "El Salvador President Bukele Says He Won't Be Releasing a Maryland Man Back to the US." AP News, 14 Apr. 2025, Feuer, Alan, and Karoun Demirjian. "What to Know About the Deportation of Abrego Garcia to El Salvador." The New York Times, 21 Apr. 2025, Garrett, Luke. "House Democrats Land in El Salvador, Demand Abrego Garcia's Return." NPR, 21 Apr. 2025. NPR, "Inside the Trump Administration's Fight to Imprison a Wrongfully Deported Immigrant." The Independent, 14 Apr. 2025, Kilmar Abrego Garcia and MS-13: What Is Alleged and What We Know. 19 Apr. 2025, "Kilmar Abrego Garcia's Wrongful Deportation Spotlights Trump Immigration Policies." USA TODAY, Accessed 22 Apr. 2025. News, A. B. C. "Wife of Kilmar Abrego Garcia Says Seeing Photo of Him Alive Is 'Very Overwhelming.'" ABC News, Accessed 22 Apr. 2025. Penzenstadler, Eduardo Cuevas, Michael Collins and Nick. "Trump Administration Asks Supreme Court to Block Order to Return Deported Maryland Father." USA TODAY, Accessed 22 Apr. 2025. Taer, Jennie, and Emily Crane. Trump Says Deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia's Tattoos Show That He's MS-13 as Social Media Is Flooded with Theories. 18 Apr. 2025, "Trump Appears to Hold up a Altered Image of Wrongfully Deported Man's Hand." The Independent, 19 Apr. 2025, "US Still Won't Say Whether It Will Return Mistakenly Deported Man, despite Supreme Court Decision." AP News, 12 Apr. 2025,
