Latest news with #XavierDriencourt
Le Figaro
02-08-2025
- Politics
- Le Figaro
Algeria, Israel: 'Our Internal Weaknesses Poison Our Foreign Policy'
Réservé aux abonnés Both countries share a difficult history with France, a history of repentance, explains Xavier Driencourt. According to the former French ambassador to Algiers, our relations with these two countries reveal the ambiguities of a French diplomacy paralyzed by its internal fragilities. There are two countries toward which our foreign policy seems increasingly dictated by domestic political considerations — at the risk of diplomatic inconsistency or impotence: Algeria and Israel. At first glance, these two countries look different, but they share a heavy history with France, a relationship shaped by memory and a form of repentance — colonization on the one hand, participation in the Holocaust on the other — as well as by a strong presence in our society through very active binational communities. These countries expose, each in their own way, the ambiguities of an increasingly self-censored French diplomacy, which seems paralyzed by its own internal fragilities. For a French president or foreign minister, speaking about Algeria is never about 'pure' foreign policy. It always means taking into account one's domestic impact, the reactions one's remarks will provoke in Algiers... but also in France — particularly, but not only — in the French suburbs, among Franco-Algerians…
El Chorouk
09-07-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
The French Unleash Their Former Ambassador to Attack Algeria
Xavier Driencourt, France's former ambassador to Algeria, has reappeared in right-leaning French media outlets. The retired diplomat made two appearances on consecutive days, which suggests that this 'giant' has been freed from the shackles he was believed to have been bound by during the undeclared truce unilaterally observed by Paris, in an attempt to win over Algerian authorities to release the Franco-Algerian writer, Boualem Sansal, who is serving a five-year prison sentence in Algeria. For many weeks, the retired diplomat, who worked in Algeria twice (2008 and 2012), and (2017 and 2020), had not made any media appearances. This 'disappearance' coincided with a remarkable calm in French political and media circles regarding their dealings with Algeria, including those with right-wing leanings. This leads one to believe that the man received signals from decision-makers about the necessity of staying out of the spotlight. Xavier Driencourt, in an interview with French radio station 'Europe 1' on Wednesday, July 9, reiterated his inflammatory statements against Algeria, calling on his country's authorities to adopt a 'iron fist' policy. These statements were expected from him, as his frequent media appearances have become synonymous with attacking Algeria. According to the author of the books 'The Algerian Enigma' and 'Double Blindness,' Algeria has succeeded in taming French arrogance, despite the threats issued by more than one official in the administration of French President Emmanuel Macron. Here, Xavier questioned the threat issued by French Prime Minister François Bayrou last February, when he said that his country was giving Algerian authorities six weeks to settle the issue of Algerians who had been ordered to be expelled from French territory. However, to date, after nearly five months, none of what Bayrou promised has materialized, while Boualem Sansal remains imprisoned. According to Driencourt, Algerian authorities derive their strength from the weakness of French authorities, reiterating the demand for taking certain measures that have proven to be ineffective in subjugating Algerian authorities, who act based on defending their sovereign rights, and according to the same logic that the French defend, which is the independence of justice. Before appearing as a guest on 'Europe 1' radio, Driencourt, who suddenly transformed into a theoretician for the far-right regarding Algerian-French relations, had previously appeared as a guest on 'Le Figaro Live' online, where he also attacked the silence of French authorities regarding the continued imprisonment of Boualem Sansal. The retired diplomat criticized French circles that are futilely trying to instill hope in the supporters of the Franco-Algerian writer that he will be released soon, each time. He pointed here to the initial clinging to the possibility of overturning the court's sentence at the level of the Algiers Judicial Council, but the decision upheld the sentence. Then, hope shifted to a presidential pardon on the occasion of the double anniversary of Independence and Youth Day. Now, there is talk these days about the possibility of a pardon for Sansal for health reasons, as he is ill. When that does not happen, attention will turn, as Driencourt said, to next November, and so on. Xavier Driencourt expressed his disappointment at the lack of European support for the French position on the Sansal case, noting that Noëlle Lenoir, the head of the so-called International Committee to Support Sansal, contacted European Union officials to rally support for her cause, but she heard from them statements such as Brussels awaiting concrete action from Paris before taking action, which he considered a negative stance. The current French position on the Sansal case resembles what Spain experienced more than two years ago, when the Madrid government rushed to appeal to the European Union for support against the economic sanctions imposed by Algeria on Spanish companies at the time. However, it did not receive any support. In fact, countries like Italy and Spain, both EU member states, exploited the situation and entered into an exceptional partnership with Algeria (in the case of Italy), making Rome the exclusive distributor of Algerian gas in Europe, after Madrid had spent billions of euros to prepare the infrastructure to play the same role.
El Chorouk
06-05-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
Driencourt: 'The relationship with Algeria is based on ambiguity and undeclared things'
The former French Ambassador to Algeria, Xavier Driencourt, admitted that the Algerian state with which France signed the Evian Agreements in 1962 is no longer the same in 2025, a description that reflects the level of parity reached in relations with the Algerian state after nearly six decades of independence. In his new book, titled 'France Algeria, Double Blindness,' Driencourt wrote, puzzled: 'We cannot understand anything about the period that is beginning if we do not remember that France's partner in Algeria since 1962 was not the one France chose in Evian: it was a one-party system, headed by the National Liberation Front…' In his new book, the author of 'The Algerian Enigma' tried to distance his country from interfering in the internal affairs of its former colony, in a desperate attempt to disclaim a practice that cannot be denied no matter how much he and others like him try: 'It is clear that France did not wish to interfere in the internal political choices of independent Algeria: it did not wish to do so, because it was very happy to put an end to the Algerian conflict, and it could not do so, because power had now passed to the new Algerian authorities.' He supported his statement with an approach that General Charles de Gaulle had established and committed himself to, which was the necessity of 'finishing as quickly as possible in order to finally move on to something else.' However, he quickly doubted what he was writing when he admitted that 'the relationship that has developed since 1962 between Paris and Algiers was a relationship based on ambiguity and fueled by undeclared things.' Le Figaro newspaper chose excerpts from the book based on a specific angle in its view of the nature of relations between France and its former colony, a relationship that arose from the suffering of the French from the loss of a dream that was a lived reality for them before it evaporated at some point in 1962, which explains the focus on painful aspects and the attempt to demonize Algeria and its symbols. These excerpts contained some descriptions that were outside the norms and decency, such as those that affected some Algerian diplomats who were not pleased with the suspicious role played by the author of the book, who worked in Algeria in two phases (2008 and 2012, then 2017 and 2020). The insult was disgusting towards the prominent and honorable diplomat, Amar Bendjama, who currently holds the position of Algeria's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, and who previously served at the Algerian Embassy in Paris between 2013 and 2016. As is his custom in attacking Algerian interests, the retired diplomat did not hesitate to target the 1968 agreement, which he believes provides privileges to Algerians over other Maghreb and African nationals, despite its revision three times, which has stripped it of its specificity. He began looking for ways to revise or unilaterally cancel it in light of the Algerian side's refusal to discuss it. To incite his country's authorities against the agreement, Driencourt spoke about Article 56 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, which allows for unilateral withdrawal, even if it requires resorting to Article 12 of the agreement, which, as he said, stipulates the establishment of a joint committee to study any difficulties that may arise over time, especially since the justification is no longer valid with the displacement of about one million 'pieds-noirs' towards France immediately after Algeria's independence. Driencourt did not digest the Algerian presence in France as he touched upon what he described as: 'Algerian family migration represents more than 60 percent of residence permits, compared to 40 for Tunisian and Moroccan citizens. This makes Algerians represent the largest segment of immigrants who come for family reasons and not for professional reasons,' according to him, in addition to what he called the privileges provided to them by the 1968 agreement, which are data that have increased those who are hostile to Algeria and its interests.
El Chorouk
04-05-2025
- Politics
- El Chorouk
French Media Fabricates Scenarios to Justify Diplomatic Setback
After the relative decline in remarks by some Algeria-obsessed far-right figures in France, including politicians and media outlets, following the exchange of diplomats between Algeria and Paris, other, less extreme outlets are emerging, indicating a hidden war, implicitly holding Algeria responsible for the deterioration of bilateral relations. In this regard, the weekly L'Express published a report in its latest issue titled 'France-Algeria: The spy war,' in which it attempted to accuse Algeria of committing illegal acts on French soil by targeting dissidents. This attempt is intended to justify the crisis engulfing the two countries, which has profoundly impacted a large portion of the French political class, who views Algeria as a vital area of influence in North Africa and a gateway to the continent. The French media often contributes to fueling political and diplomatic tension with Algeria. This role was played in a repulsive manner before the rift occurred, through the incitement operation attributed to prominent far-right figures or those who advocated for far-right views and orientations, such as the former French ambassador to Algeria, Xavier Driencourt, who only retreated from the spotlight after contributing to the destruction of bilateral relations. In this file, replete with events that Algeria had previously disavowed, L'Express claimed to have documented some questionable incidents and, based on unidentified sources, attributed responsibility to the Algerian side. This comes at a time when many approaches point to the involvement of a third party, which aimed to undermine and destroy relations between Algeria and Paris. The magazine wanted to convey to the public that the Algerian consular official, who was arrested in a showy manner on a French street, was connected to the alleged incident involving a fugitive from Algerian justice who enjoys French protection. This was a desperate attempt to absolve French Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau of responsibility for destroying the rapprochement that had just taken place between the two countries' presidents, Abdelmadjid Tebboune and his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron. Many observers in both countries agree that Bruno Retailleau, from his position as the senior official in charge of the French General Directorate of Internal Security (DGSI), orchestrated the kidnapping of the Algerian consular employee in Paris in a showy manner, outside diplomatic norms, bilateral agreements, and the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. Retailleau's goal was to undermine Macron's appeasement option and, in return, impose his approach to managing the crisis with Algeria. What is particularly repulsive about this situation is that he exploited relations with Algeria as an electoral card for his party's leadership race at 'The Republicans, LR' in anticipation of the French 2027 presidential elections. It is well known that this incident triggered a violent Algerian reaction, culminating in the decision to expel 12 consular officials working at the French Embassy in Algeria, an unprecedented incident in the history of bilateral relations. This decision was followed by a similar one, but was also followed by the recall of the French ambassador, Stéphane Romatet, who may have received the order with great relief, given his frequent visits to the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to convey the authorities' anger at his country's relentless provocations. There is no doubt that a crisis of this severity represents a setback for French diplomacy. Many analysts think that the scenarios being propagated by French media represent a desperate attempt to evade responsibility for the destruction of bilateral relations and place the blame squarely on Algeria.
