Latest news with #Yass
ABC News
20-05-2025
- Climate
- ABC News
ACT region farmers forced to sell stock as they struggle with dry and warm autumn conditions
Farming can be a rocky business, and 2025 has not been kind to Tony Butler. His paddocks are parched and his sheep are hungry. "My wife and I arrived here seven years ago, three years into the last big drought, and this is certainly worse than that," he said. His property outside Yass, an hour from Canberra, keeps missing out on rain. "For the last couple of months, we've had 40 to 50mm promised by the Bureau [of Meteorology] and we've got nothing," Mr Butler said. No grass on the ground means his merino flocks need to be fed by hand — an expensive and arduous job that takes up to five hours every second day. To survive, he is getting rid of stock. "We've sold off probably 800 so far, and we've got another 350 being looked at on Friday," he said. "It's pretty tough, because we're selling them at a time when it's not the best time to sell. Unusually dry and warm conditions have been taking a toll on farmers across the ACT region. While the area is not officially drought-declared, Australian National University (ANU) climatologist Janette Lindesay said rainfall had been well below average since the start of the year. "If we look at just March, April, May — the autumn season — the average is 137mm at the Canberra Airport weather station, and we've had 96mm so far, so we're well behind," she said. Patchy falls mean many farmers have recorded significantly less. If trends continue, Ms Lindesay said the ACT could also be on a path to have its hottest May on record. For cattle farmer Marcus Truman, conditions are the toughest they have been in 20 years at his Uriarra property on the ACT's western outskirts. "It's a pretty grim scene here, not just here but all of southern Australia given the very poor spring and autumn we had," Mr Truman said. He usually fills his hay shed in December to see him through winter. Having to handfeed his cattle means he is already down to his last bales. "I'm expecting two more semi truckloads in the next couple of weeks, which we'll need because there's nothing for the cows to eat," he said. He said producers in Queensland and northern New South Wales were buying up cattle after the floods, which meant graziers could sell for a good price. It is a silver lining in an otherwise bleak year. "Everyone back in the city goes, it's a dry weekend, let's go and have fun … but we'd love to see some rain," he said. "Even if the rain comes now, the temperatures have dropped in the last couple of days that there's a chance there would be no grass growth anyway as the soil cools down. "You never say no to rain … but it's come so late that it doesn't really help us."
Yahoo
05-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Packed Pacs: how billionaires in the US are bankrolling Republicans at the state level
Billionaires are increasingly bankrolling Republican candidates in state legislative races across the US to push a rightwing agenda and gain long-term hegemony. The concerted effort shows that Donald Trump ally Elon Musk, currently throwing his weight behind a candidate for Wisconsin's state supreme court, is far from alone in seeking to build influence at the grassroots. Related: Elon Musk's quest for power has a new target: Wisconsin's supreme court According to a research document obtained by the Guardian, the contributions are not limited to federal elections but extend to state-level campaigns and aim to influence policy at the state level. Priorities include dismantling government, targeting 'culture war' issues – particularly abortion – and advancing school privatisation. In Virginia, for example, donors Thomas Peterffy and Jeff Yass contributed significantly to Governor Glenn Youngkin's political action committee (Pac) Spirit of Virginia. Peterffy gave $3m while Yass added $2m. Spirit of Virginia spent more than $8m supporting Republican candidates in the 2023 Virginia general assembly elections. Democratic state house leader Don Scott was quoted by the Axios website as saying that Republicans were relying on 'nameless, faceless, out-of-state mega-donors who have been pouring millions into the Commonwealth to push right-wing policies with no regard to what Virginians actually want'. In Michigan, the DeVos family, including former education secretary Betsy DeVos, donated more than $4.4m to state Republican candidates and causes in 2024. More than $1m combined went to the Michigan house and senate Republican Pacs. The DeVos family is known for promoting 'school-choice policies', specifically the expansion of charter schools. The Bridge Michigan news site reported 'no individual has shaped school policy as much as Betsy DeVos', contributing to Michigan having 'some of the nation's highest concentrations of charter schools run by for-profit companies'. In Wisconsin, Diane Hendricks and Elizabeth Uihlein contributed a combined $7m to Republican legislative campaign committees in 2024. Hendricks has a long history of influencing Wisconsin politics, including pushing for 'right-to-work' legislation. The Uihleins have backed efforts to make it harder to receive unemployment benefits, oppose Medicaid expansion and create barriers to voting. In Pennsylvania, Yass, who is the state's wealthiest billionaire, funded Pacs that reportedly spent nearly $4.4m to unseat Pennsylvania house Democrats. Yass-affiliated Pacs supported candidates who sponsored a near-total abortion ban. Since the 2018 cycle, these Pacs gave '$370,000 to bill sponsors and cosponsors' of such legislation. Yass also prioritises spending public funds on private education and is Pennsylvania's biggest 'school choice' donor. He told Philadelphia Magazine last year that it would be a 'good thing' if public schools 'shut down', adding: 'There is no possible way a government monopoly could be a better approach to schools than market competition.' Republicans in Pennsylvania pushed a constitutional amendment to ban abortion in 2021 and 2022 but without success. In Arizona, Earl 'Ken' Kendrick (owner of the Arizona Diamondbacks baseball team) and his family contributed more than $200,000 to Republican legislative candidates and Pacs during the 2024 cycle. The Kendrick family supported the retention of far-right, anti-choice judges on the state's supreme court. Legislative Republicans referred a proposal to the ballot to attempt to make these positions lifetime appointments. Related: 'Partisan politics': how efforts to overturn the Johnson amendment could upend campaign finance State legislative chambers, once regarded as sleepy backwaters, have become partisan battlegrounds in recent years as they have a huge impact on issues ranging from book banks to transgender rights to voting laws. On an otherwise disastrous election night last November, Democrats held their own at state level, emerging with more legislative majorities than they managed in 2016 or 2020. In Pennsylvania, for example, they held off a red wave to defend a one-seat majority in the state house. But that appears to be spurring on a small group of super-rich donors aiming to reshape state-level politics with a focus on issues including abortion, education and labour rights. Critics say such contributions raise questions about the role of money in politics and the influence of billionaires on the democratic process. Bernie Sanders, an independent senator currently on a 'Fighting Oligarchy Tour' across the country, told last year's Democratic national convention in Chicago: 'Billionaires in both parties should not be able to buy elections, including primary elections. For the sake of our democracy we must overturn the disastrous Citizens United supreme court decision and move toward public funding of elections.'
The Guardian
05-03-2025
- Business
- The Guardian
Packed Pacs: how billionaires in the US are bankrolling Republicans at the state level
Billionaires are increasingly bankrolling Republican candidates in state legislative races across the US to push a rightwing agenda and gain long-term hegemony. The concerted effort shows that Donald Trump ally Elon Musk, currently throwing his weight behind a candidate for Wisconsin's state supreme court, is far from alone in seeking to build influence at the grassroots. According to a research document obtained by the Guardian, the contributions are not limited to federal elections but extend to state-level campaigns and aim to influence policy at the state level. Priorities include dismantling government, targeting 'culture war' issues – particularly abortion – and advancing school privatisation. In Virginia, for example, donors Thomas Peterffy and Jeff Yass contributed significantly to Governor Glenn Youngkin's political action committee (Pac) Spirit of Virginia. Peterffy gave $3m while Yass added $2m. Spirit of Virginia spent more than $8m supporting Republican candidates in the 2023 Virginia general assembly elections. Democratic house leader Don Scott was quoted by the Axios website as saying that Republicans were relying on 'nameless, faceless, out-of-state mega-donors who have been pouring millions into the Commonwealth to push right-wing policies with no regard to what Virginians actually want'. In Michigan the DeVos family, including former education secretary Betsy DeVos, donated more than $4.4m to state Republicans candidates and causes in 2024. More than $1m combined went to the Michigan house and senate Republican Pacs. The DeVos family is known for promoting 'school-choice policies', specifically the expansion of charter schools. The Bridge Michigan news site reported 'no individual has shaped school policy as much as Betsy DeVos,' contributing to Michigan having 'some of the nation's highest concentrations of charter schools run by for-profit companies'. In Wisconsin, Diane Hendricks and Elizabeth Uihlein contributed a combined $7m to Republican legislative campaign committees in 2024. Hendricks has a long history of influencing Wisconsin politics, including pushing for 'right-to-work' legislation. The Uihleins have backed efforts to make it harder to receive unemployment benefits, oppose Medicaid expansion and create barriers to voting. In Pennsylvania, Yass, who is the state's wealthiest billionaire, funded Pacs that reportedly spent nearly $4.4m to unseat Pennsylvania house Democrats. Yass-affiliated Pacs supported candidates who sponsored a near-total abortion ban. Since the 2018 cycle these PACs gave '$370,000 to bill sponsors and cosponsors' of such legislation. Yass also prioritises spending public funds on private education and is Pennsylvania's biggest 'school choice' donor. He told Philadelphia Magazine last year that it would be a 'good thing' if public schools 'shut down', adding: 'There is no possible way a government monopoly could be a better approach to schools than market competition.' Republicans in Pennsylvania pushed a constitutional amendment to ban abortion in 2021 and 2022 but without success. In Arizona, Earl 'Ken' Kendrick (owner of the Arizona Diamondbacks baseball team) and his family contributed more than $200,000 to Republican legislative candidates and Pacs during the 2024 cycle. The Kendrick family supported the retention of far-right, anti-choice judges on the state's supreme court. Legislative Republicans referred a proposal to the ballot to attempt to make these judges lifetime appointments. State legislative chambers, once regarded as sleepy backwaters, have become partisan battlegrounds in recent years as they have a huge impact on issues ranging from book banks to transgender rights to voting laws. On an otherwise disastrous election night last November, Democrats held their own at state level, emerging with more legislative majorities than they managed in 2016 or 2020. In Pennsylvania, for example, they held off a red wave to defend one-seat majority in the state house. But that appears to be spurring on a small group of super-rich donors aiming to reshape state-level politics with a focus on issues including abortion, education and labour rights. Critics say such contributions raise questions about the role of money in politics and influence of billionaires on the democratic process. Bernie Sanders, an independent senator currently on a 'Fighting Oligarchy Tour' across the country, told last year's Democratic national convention in Chicago: 'Billionaires in both parties should not be able to buy elections, including primary elections. For the sake of our democracy we must overturn the disastrous Citizens United supreme court decision and move toward public funding of elections.'
Yahoo
03-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
A Trump megadonor leans into a tight swing-state Democratic primary
Republican money is flowing in a Democratic primary election in Pittsburgh, even if conservative values aren't. MAGA Republicans would be hard-pressed to find something to love in the Pittsburgh mayoral race. With the state having awarded Donald Trump its electoral votes in 2024, Pittsburgh remains a stubbornly blue holdout, standing defiantly against the state's reddening suburbs and rural districts. A Democrat is widely expected to win — one lone Trump supporter is battling an openly gay Republican for the GOP nomination, having already run and lost the race before. So why is Pennsylvania's richest man, who was one of the biggest by-dollar supporters of the GOP in the last election cycle, putting his money behind the primary opponent of Pittsburgh's embattled Democratic mayor, Ed Gainey? For starters, he's always involved. Jeffrey Yass is quickly becoming the most important name in Pennsylvania politics, even without running for office himself. The billionaire businessman doubled his net worth with an investment in TikTok's parent company in 2024, but even before that windfall had been bankrolling politicians in a notable number of races across the state — particularly in Allegheny County, home to the state's second-largest city. His involvement has infuriated Democrats in the region for years. For starters, Yass does not live there: He resides in Lower Merion Township, a mere 4-hour drive from the center of Pennsylvania steel country. And then there's the obvious issue — his Republican leanings. Yass was a top contributor to GOP candidates and causes in the last election cycle, shelling out around $100 million to various groups and Republicans around the country. That includes Donald Trump, in whom he found an ally willing to reverse a ban on TikTok weakly pursued by the Biden administration (but a ban that previously had the support of many Republicans). 'Jeffrey Yass is the richest man in Pennsylvania, and he's funded one out of every three of our legislators here in Pennsylvania since 2017 in an effort to push his agenda,' Mary Collier, developer of the 'Yass Tracker' told a local news outlet in January. Her tool tracks the spread of his money across state politics. On Monday, Gainey, a progressive and Pittsburgh's first Black mayor, is set to open up a new line of attack: His opponent, Allegheny County Controller Corey O'Connor, is the latest recipient of Yass's largesse — and perhaps one more cog in the effort to reshape the state's politics. His team, at a press conference, is set to frame the race as a battle against this latest invasion of Trump-aligned GOP money. Filings with the state Department of Elections reviewed by The Independent indicate that O'Connor has taken donations this cycle from several major Republican donors who've funded GOP candidates like Trump — and bankrolled any challenge to candidates aligned with the progressive wing of the Democratic Party. One of those donors is Kent McElhattan, venture capitalist and founder of the nonprofit McElhattan Foundation, who was a top supporter of Dave McCormick in his successful bid to oust incumbent Democratic Pennsylvania Senator Bob Casey last year. Another is Herb Shear — yet another venture capitalist — who gave hundreds of thousands in support of Trump's 2024 election and nearly $50,000 to a PAC supporting a Democrat, Bhavini Patel, who was ultimately defeated in the Democratic primary for Pennsylvania's 12th Congressional District, the same year. Patel's campaign was described at one point as representing an 'onslaught of far-right cash' against incumbent Summer Lee, a congresswoman and member of 'The Squad.' An email provided to The Independent also indicated that O'Connor was due to meet in February with two GOP operatives closely tied to Yass, Jeff Kendall and Kent Gates. The email suggests that Gates, an operative with a national GOP consulting firm, was to present a strategy aimed at unseating the incumbent Mayor Gainey at the meeting. A spokesperson for O'Connor's campaign told The Guardian that the O'Connor campaign 'had no involvement in the planning' of that event, but did not deny that O'Connor attended. They also argued that Gainey has been the recipient of money from GOP-aligned donors in past cycles. 'Corey spoke about his record of progressive reform and his plans to make housing more affordable, expanding before and after school programming, and reopening [recreation] centers,' a spokesperson told The Guardian. 'This is the same stump speech that he has shared with hundreds of residents and dozens of community organizations across Pittsburgh. The campaign did not know who would be in attendance in advance.' One Pennsylvania-based Democratic operative described the group to The Independent as a network of wealthy conservatives who 'meddle in Democratic primaries to replace people-powered leaders who've stood up to Trump and won with corporate-bought politicians willing to bend to MAGA billionaires' and their right wing agenda.' The influx of money tied to the GOP is making a clear impact on the Pittsburgh mayoral primary: Lee and another target of Yass's operatives, County Executive Sara Innamorato, have lined up in Gainey's camp — while O'Connor enjoyed his best fundraising month of the race in January, and outraised the incumbent 20-to-1. 'We knew going in that we (weren't) going to have the big donors,' Gainey told a news outlet last month. He added to NPR affiliate WESA: '"The reality is — when your buddies are corporate developers, union busters, and hospital CEOs, you're going to raise a lot more money than a campaign fighting for nurses, teachers, and firefighters. I was elected after being outraised four to one because of the people-powered coalition that has only grown as I've delivered for the regular people of this city as Mayor — and we're ready to do it all over again.' A few factors do differentiate the two Democrats politically. O'Connor supports funding more cops on the street, while Gainey has touted support for alternative methods, including putting social workers on some police calls. In 2024, a number of Gainey's staffers supported a ballot measure that would have called on the city to divest from the Israeli government. O'Connor's allies have attacked progressives as uninterested in governing. 'There is no vision coming off of Grant Street anymore,' O'Connor said at his campaign launch in December. 'Instead, as I look around, I see a mayor and administration that's managing decline instead of working to grow Pittsburgh.' But even if he unseated Gainey for the Democratic nomination, O'Connor would be no ally of Donald Trump in office. And so it's not totally clear why else MAGAworld would take a strong interest in O'Connor, who like Gainey repeated a pledge to resist ICE detention efforts in the city at a candidate forum several weeks ago, if not to merely punish progressives. In recent weeks, O'Connor has picked up an endorsement from the Young Democrats of Allegheny County, which backed his opponent in 2021, as well as a sizable chunk of union support. Gainey, meanwhile, has the support of the thousands-strong United Steelworkers and a slate of other left-leaning organizations, and retains close ties to the SEIU, which supported his last run. Should O'Connor win, this primary election could end up encouraging Democrats to take another look at not just the Democratic Party itself but its primary election — and the growing willingness of conservatives to use them as opportunities to put a thumb on the scale.
The Independent
03-03-2025
- Business
- The Independent
A Trump megadonor leans into a tight swing-state Democratic primary
Republican money is flowing in a Democratic primary election in Pittsburgh, even if conservative values aren't. MAGA Republicans would be hard-pressed to find something to love in the Pittsburgh mayoral race. With the state having awarded Donald Trump its electoral votes in 2024, Pittsburgh remains a stubbornly blue holdout, standing defiantly against the state's reddening suburbs and rural districts. A Democrat is widely expected to win — one lone Trump supporter is battling an openly gay Republican for the GOP nomination, having already run and lost the race before. So why is Pennsylvania's richest man, who was one of the biggest by-dollar supporters of the GOP in the last election cycle, putting his money behind the primary opponent of Pittsburgh's embattled Democratic mayor, Ed Gainey? For starters, he's always involved. Jeffrey Yass is quickly becoming the most important name in Pennsylvania politics, even without running for office himself. The billionaire businessman doubled his net worth with an investment in TikTok 's parent company in 2024, but even before that windfall had been bankrolling politicians in a notable number of races across the state — particularly in Allegheny County, home to the state's second-largest city. His involvement has infuriated Democrats in the region for years. For starters, Yass does not live there: He resides in Lower Merion Township, a mere 4-hour drive from the center of Pennsylvania steel country. And then there's the obvious issue — his Republican leanings. Yass was a top contributor to GOP candidates and causes in the last election cycle, shelling out around $100 million to various groups and Republicans around the country. That includes Donald Trump, in whom he found an ally willing to reverse a ban on TikTok weakly pursued by the Biden administration (but a ban that previously had the support of many Republicans). 'Jeffrey Yass is the richest man in Pennsylvania, and he's funded one out of every three of our legislators here in Pennsylvania since 2017 in an effort to push his agenda,' Mary Collier, developer of the 'Yass Tracker' told a local news outlet in January. Her tool tracks the spread of his money across state politics. On Monday, Gainey, a progressive and Pittsburgh's first Black mayor, is set to open up a new line of attack: His opponent, Allegheny County Controller Corey O'Connor, is the latest recipient of Yass's largesse — and perhaps one more cog in the effort to reshape the state's politics. His team, at a press conference, is set to frame the race as a battle against this latest invasion of Trump-aligned GOP money. Filings with the state Department of Elections reviewed by The Independent indicate that O'Connor has taken donations this cycle from several major Republican donors who've funded GOP candidates like Trump — and bankrolled any challenge to candidates aligned with the progressive wing of the Democratic Party. One of those donors is Kent McElhattan, venture capitalist and founder of the nonprofit McElhattan Foundation, who was a top supporter of Dave McCormick in his successful bid to oust incumbent Democratic Pennsylvania Senator Bob Casey last year. Another is Herb Shear — yet another venture capitalist — who gave hundreds of thousands in support of Trump's 2024 election and nearly $50,000 to a PAC supporting a Democrat, Bhavini Patel, who was ultimately defeated in the Democratic primary for Pennsylvania's 12th Congressional District, the same year. Patel's campaign was described at one point as representing an 'onslaught of far-right cash' against incumbent Summer Lee, a congresswoman and member of 'The Squad.' An email provided to The Independent also indicated that O'Connor was due to meet in February with two GOP operatives closely tied to Yass, Jeff Kendall and Kent Gates. The email suggests that Gates, an operative with a national GOP consulting firm, was to present a strategy aimed at unseating the incumbent Mayor Gainey at the meeting. A spokesperson for O'Connor's campaign told The Guardian that the O'Connor campaign 'had no involvement in the planning' of that event, but did not deny that O'Connor attended. They also argued that Gainey has been the recipient of money from GOP-aligned donors in past cycles. 'Corey spoke about his record of progressive reform and his plans to make housing more affordable, expanding before and after school programming, and reopening [recreation] centers,' a spokesperson told The Guardian. 'This is the same stump speech that he has shared with hundreds of residents and dozens of community organizations across Pittsburgh. The campaign did not know who would be in attendance in advance.' One Pennsylvania-based Democratic operative described the group to The Independent as a network of wealthy conservatives who 'meddle in Democratic primaries to replace people-powered leaders who've stood up to Trump and won with corporate-bought politicians willing to bend to MAGA billionaires' and their right wing agenda.' The influx of money tied to the GOP is making a clear impact on the Pittsburgh mayoral primary: Lee and another target of Yass's operatives, County Executive Sara Innamorato, have lined up in Gainey's camp — while O'Connor enjoyed his best fundraising month of the race in January, and outraised the incumbent 20-to-1. 'We knew going in that we (weren't) going to have the big donors,' Gainey told a news outlet last month. He added to NPR affiliate WESA: '"The reality is — when your buddies are corporate developers, union busters, and hospital CEOs, you're going to raise a lot more money than a campaign fighting for nurses, teachers, and firefighters. I was elected after being outraised four to one because of the people-powered coalition that has only grown as I've delivered for the regular people of this city as Mayor — and we're ready to do it all over again.' A few factors do differentiate the two Democrats politically. O'Connor supports funding more cops on the street, while Gainey has touted support for alternative methods, including putting social workers on some police calls. In 2024, a number of Gainey's staffers supported a ballot measure that would have called on the city to divest from the Israeli government. O'Connor's allies have attacked progressives as uninterested in governing. 'There is no vision coming off of Grant Street anymore,' O'Connor said at his campaign launch in December. 'Instead, as I look around, I see a mayor and administration that's managing decline instead of working to grow Pittsburgh.' But even if he unseated Gainey for the Democratic nomination, O'Connor would be no ally of Donald Trump in office. And so it's not totally clear why else MAGAworld would take a strong interest in O'Connor, who like Gainey repeated a pledge to resist ICE detention efforts in the city at a candidate forum several weeks ago, if not to merely punish progressives. In recent weeks, O'Connor has picked up an endorsement from the Young Democrats of Allegheny County, which backed his opponent in 2021, as well as a sizable chunk of union support. Gainey, meanwhile, has the support of the thousands-strong United Steelworkers and a slate of other left-leaning organizations, and retains close ties to the SEIU, which supported his last run. Should O'Connor win, this primary election could end up encouraging Democrats to take another look at not just the Democratic Party itself but its primary election — and the growing willingness of conservatives to use them as opportunities to put a thumb on the scale.
