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The Wire
27-05-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Unchallenged at Home and Abroad: Jawaharlal Nehru's Leadership With the Non-Aligned Movement
May 27 is the death anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru. As the nation observes today the 61st death anniversary of India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, not only the architect of modern India but also of its foreign policy, it may be worth recalling his role in the founding of the Non-Aligned Movement six decades ago. This month marks the 70th anniversary of conference of Afro-Asian countries held in Bandung, approximately 100 miles from the Indonesian capital of Jakarta, in the last week of May 1955. It was the Bandung Conference which laid the foundations of the Non-Aligned Movement that was to be later inaugurated in the then Yugoslavian capital of Belgrade in 1961. The Asian Relations Conference was held in New Delhi from March 23 to April 2, 1947 at the initiative of Jawaharlal Nehru, then the Vice-President of Viceroy's Executive Council (interim Prime Minister). It was the first conference of Asian countries ever and Nehru chose Sarojini Naidu, the tallest woman Congress leader (she was president of the Indian National Congress in 1925) to preside over the conference. This was perhaps symbolic of many strides towards women empowerment that India would take after gaining independence a few months later. As many as 243 delegates from 28 Asian countries participated in the conference which was held in Purana Qila (Old Fort) in New Delhi. Nehru declared in words that have become memorable to be often quoted in the context of India's foreign policy: 'For too long we, of Asia, have been petitioners in Western courts and chancelleries. That story must now belong to the past. We propose to stand on our own feet and to co -operate with all others who are prepared to co-operate with us. We do not intend to be plaything of others.' Even five months before the conference, within a week of taking over as the interim prime minister, Nehru broadcast to the nation on September 7, 1946: 'We propose, as far as possible, to keep away from the power politics of groups, aligned against one another, which have led in the past to world war, and which may again lead to disasters on an even vaster scale…We are particularly interested in the emancipation of colonial and dependent countries and peoples, and in the recognition in theory and practice of equal opportunities for all races.' Thus, all the principles of India's foreign policy were enunciated by Nehru at the dawn of the nation's independence: non-alignment, freedom, honour, non-interference and equality of peoples and nations. With Nehru as the pivot, India, Indonesia and Burma became the nexus of an independent Asian viewpoint. In 1954 when Gamel Abdul Nasser became the leader of the new Republic of Egypt, the West started putting pressure on him to join the Baghdad Pact. But he was influenced by the example of the three Asian countries and refused to join the Anglo-American pact. Nehru seized the opportunity to broaden the base by including Egypt and other African countries to create a distinctive Afro-Asian presence in world affairs. The idea of a wider conference of Asian and African countries had been earlier mooted at the South East Asian Prime Ministers conference in Colombo, April 1954. Unchallenged at home, by the beginning of 1955, Nehru had also emerged as one of the most influential leaders in the world. As S. Gopal, wrote in Jawaharlal Nehru – A Biography ( Volume 2, 1947- 1956): 'Abroad his status was equally unchallenged. No single individual had done more, in the years since the Second World War, to project Asia on to the world stage.' The stage was now set for the first meeting of Afro Asian countries that President Sukarno of Indonesia offered to host at Bandung which an Arab delegate thought 'did not look an Asian city at all. It was too clean.' The conference was held for seven days in the last week of April 1955. But a month earlier, Nehru, who religiously kept parliament informed of all matters – national and international – told the Lok Sabha on March 31: 'When the history of this time is written in the future, two things will stand. One is coming of atomic energy, and the other the emergence of Asia…This conference is something historic. It is unique. Of course, no such thing has ever happened before and the fact of representatives of 1,400 million people meeting even though they have differences amongst themselves is a matter of utmost significance.' Twenty-nine countries of Asia and Africa were invited to Bandung, including China for the inclusion of which both Nehru and U Nu of Burma had to make extraordinary efforts to convince those who were strongly opposed to China's participation. The plenary session during the historic Bandung Conference. Photo: Public domain. The conference lasted seven days, the highlights of which are best described in the words of Nehru himself: 'The Bandung Conference has played an important role. It has represented various forces that have been developing in the past few years and has compelled the attention of other countries to these new developments. While the fact that there are some new independent countries in Asia is known to everybody, the real significance of this is not always appreciated. There is, in large parts of Asia and Africa, an intense desire to be left free to work out our destiny. We want progress at a rapid rate. But with all our past memories of colonial domination, we suspect any attempt at interference or patronage… 'The aggressive attitudes of communism or anti communism find no echo with us and we see no reason whatever why we should lose our own individuality, give up our thinking and become a mere camp follower of others… 'We are little tired of the conflicts and hatreds of Europe and see no reason why we should succumb to them…The Bandung Conference was the first clear enunciation by the countries of Asia especially that they have an individuality and viewpoint which they are not prepared to give up because of the views of or pressure from other countries.' But, he cautioned, it would be absurd to expect that the Bandung Conference would lead to the solution of international problems: 'The Bandung Conference should not be judged so much from the forceful speeches delivered but from the joint statement issued at the end.' The joint communique established 10 principles for developing friendship and cooperation among nations some of which were: a) respect for the fundamental human rights and principles of the UN Charter; b) respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nation; c) abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country; d) refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country; e) settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means; f) recognition of the equality of all races and nations; and g) respect for justice and international obligations. Earlier, on May 3, while briefing the Congress Parliamentary Party (CPP), the Nehru said: 'A rather remarkable thing is that at the conclusion of the Conference almost every country has commended it, has approved of it- certainly the American press, the British press, the French press, the Russian press, the Chinese press and others. It is a remarkable thing that something should be done which is approved of by all these people who usually never agree about anything.' Winston Churchill, Nehru's one-time foe, wrote to him, almost two months after Bandung, on June 30, 1955: 'I always admired your ardent wish for peace and the absence of bitterness in your consideration of the antagonisms that had in the past divided us. Yours is indeed a heavy burden and responsibility, shaping the destiny of your many millions of countrymen, and playing your outstanding part in world affairs.' In this letter, and another one he had written a few months earlier Churchill used the phrase 'the light of Asia' for Nehru. So what may be the relevance of Bandung today? Its 70th anniversary is a good opportunity for India, Indonesia and some other countries of Asia and Africa, to revive the Non-Aligned Movement, which in the words of late prime minister Indira Gandhi, the chairperson of the movement in 1983, was the 'history's biggest peace movement.' In a recent article in a daily, former foreign secretary Shyam Saran wrote: 'The Bandung Principles or Das Sila remain valid as norms for inter-state relations and for creating a more democratic world order. They should be revived. NAM, which incorporated the Bandung Spirit, became the the largest peace movement in history, creating a zone of peace between contending ideological and military blocs. We need a similar space free of great power contestation.' But for that to happen India needs a leadership that has the wisdom, vision and global stature of Jawaharlal Nehru. Praveen Davar is an ex-Army officer, columnist and editor of The Secular Saviour.
Scottish Sun
10-05-2025
- Automotive
- Scottish Sun
Cheap 80s hatchback dubbed ‘worst car in history' is making a dramatic return after four decades
It was once the cheapest car in Britain BACK FROM THE DEAD Cheap 80s hatchback dubbed 'worst car in history' is making a dramatic return after four decades A ONCE cheap British car is soon to make a come back after it has been dubbed the "worst car in history". When it was first introduced back in the 1980s, the vehicle could be bought for a great bargain price of just £3,000. 2 The 'worst car in history' will come back from the dead in 2027 Credit: News Group Newspapers Ltd 2 DVLA records show just seven remain on the road today Credit: Facebook / Carole Nash Inside Classics It was known for its low quality construction, safety concerns and reliability issues, making it the cheapest car between 1981 and 1991. The car was known as the Zastava Yugo, a Yugoslavian branded car designed as a simple box shape by ItalDesign. With Britain in the depths of recession around the time of its introduction, the car undercut rivals like Austin Metro and Ford Fiesta. However, this affordability still did not enable the Yugo to become a successful or popular car for the long run. Around 794,428 Yugos in total were produced, but only a fraction of these were sold in Britain. And by 2018, just 19 remained on the road, according to official registrations data. Author, Jason Vuic, subsequently entitled his book "The Yugo: The Rise and Fall of the Worst Car in History". Return of the vehicle comes as part of a project by Serbian university professor, Dr Alekasandar Bjelić, who hopes to bring the car back to the market for 2027. Dr Alekasandar Bjelić is linked to the automotive industry in Germany, and unveiled his 1:5-scale vision for what the Yugo could look like soon. This new design for the Yugo was debuted at the Car Design Event 2025 in Munich that took place earlier in the month. Fully restored first edition of iconic Ford motor to be auctioned for huge price after £130k spent on its renovation It included stylish compact car features such as slim LED lights on the front and rear, along with large alloy wheels. A fully working prototype of the new Yugo is expected to be shown at the Belgrade Expo in 2027. On top of that, Bjelić said it would be initially sold as an "affordable" two-door model, adding that there is potential for "different body versions" to follow. Affordability of the new Yugo is hoped to be facilitated by introducing the vehicle a petrol engine, and choice of manual or automatic gearboxes. Yugo Automobile did add: "electrified versions are possible." With this project, Yugo are teasing a "fun-to-drive car" that "meets all relevant safety standards," hinting it will use a shared platform borrowed from a "cooperation partner".
Business Mayor
30-04-2025
- Automotive
- Business Mayor
My tour of Serbia in ‘the worst car in history': from medieval castles to brutalist classics
'J ump in, comrade,' my driver honks and calls out the window of the smallest, boxiest car I've ever seen: the communist vintage Yugo. I'm setting off on a tour of Yugoslav-era Belgrade with driver Vojin Žugić from Yugoverse tours, a company in the business of cold-war nostalgia. The car is a time capsule, with its little cube headlights, cranky gear stick and cassette player. Its horn sounds delightfully cheeky, and the smell of diesel and old leather seats is strong. We trundle around the Serbian capital for half a day, taking in communism's most striking bridges and sites, honking merrily at the many drivers who overtake us. All of them smile and wave, for the Yugo holds fond memories in this part of the world. Driving around the hippodrome next to Ada Bridge, or under the gravity-defying arch of the experimental brutalist Genex tower, it's easy to get caught up in Žugić's nostalgia – even though he's only 24. 'I love the feel of the mechanics, the simple geometry,' he says of the car. We park at the tower and take the lift to the top floor at 140 metres for spectacular city views from its spaceship-like windows. When it was designed in 1977, this was architecture of an imagined socialist utopia. Though the concrete is a bit shabby up close, the tower has kept its photogenic appeal. Just like our Yugo. Map for Serbia Nearly everybody's family car in the Balkans in the second half of the 20th century, the Yugo was made by Yugoslavian manufacturer Zastava in collaboration with Fiat. Italy had good business relations behind the iron curtain, and gave the designs of the Fiat 500 and 600 to Zastava to reproduce locally. These days, they're mostly driven by older folk who haven't updated their car since the factory ceased production. But in Belgrade, Yugoverse, a group of about 50 young enthusiasts, led by mechanic Jovana Ninković, have been giving these forgotten classics a new lease of life: collecting them, refitting them, meeting up for rallies and driving visitors around. Žugić tells me the appeal of collecting Zastavas comes partly from 'a responsibility to maintain our country's 20th-century heritage, which is fast disappearing'. The Museum of Automobiles closed in 2024, the brutalist Hotel Yugoslavia was bulldozed in January this year to make way for a Ritz-Carlton, and the iconic Jugosped warehouse, once home to artists' studios and secret raves, has been torn apart to be replaced by a Saudi-backed development of luxury flats. The Genex tower in Belgrade. Photograph: Giorgio Morara/Alamy While the generation that came of age during the brutal 1990s Balkan wars want to erase the past, many young people are looking further back to more peaceful Yugoslav times to forge their identities, Žugić tells me, as we cross the soaring Gazela Bridge over the Sava. 'We see these cars as an essential part of our history. We made them here, we have to look after them because nobody else will,' he says. It's part of a growing passion among gen Z Serbs, such as influencer @easternblocgirl, to preserve a dying heritage and celebrate a brutalist aesthetic in the Balkans. Winding through mountains, our boxy Yugo comes into its own, chuntering along the bendy roads gracelessly but gloriously To explore farther afield, I book a tour with Vlajko Vladan, another young Yugo enthusiast and guide for a youth-led restoration project at Maglič Castle, which has a similar ethos to Yugoverse, chiefly to restore old broken things. He picks me up south of Belgrade and we set off into central Serbia's rolling countryside. We pass the town of Guca, where every August a legendary Gypsy jazz trumpet festival takes place. Soon we find ourselves winding through mountains. It's here our boxy white Yugo comes into its own, chuntering along the bendy roads gracelessly but gloriously. To one side, a tiny train on its way to the Kosovo border runs alongside a river that feeds into the Ibar valley, dotted with little villages. Some houses have Yugos in varying states of repair parked outside. Their owners look up from tending their vegetables to give us waves of solidarity as we zoom past. Maglič Castle was built in the 13th century. Photograph: Camilla Bell-Davies We round a bend and the stone fortress of Maglič comes into view on a dramatic hilltop. The name derives from the word magla , meaning mist in Serbo-Croat, which seems apt given the atmospheric fog rising from the river. Built in the 13th century to withstand Mongol invasions, the crumbling castle was left to decay until a group of young locals decided to save it – and while the state has taken over restoration, the Magličgrad guesthouse, just below the castle, is still community-owned. After crossing the river by raft, we climb up to the castle and are welcomed by a group of twentysomethings with mandatory shots of rakia – plum brandy from this region. They show me inside the cosy wooden houses, with their stoves and kilim rugs. On the long evening drive back to Belgrade, the car's little headlights sweep along the dark road and we blast old 1980s cassettes Before the light fades, I hike from the castle to a waterfall used as a wild swimming spot. It's here the Maglič team host barbecues and live music nights reminiscent of their grandparents' Yugoslav era – 'a slower time', says Vladan. When I get back, there's a hearty dinner of sausages, pickles and lentils waiting – the kind of hot meal you dream about while on a bracing hike. That night I sleep soundly, well fed and well driven. The next morning, the Yugo has a few problems starting in the cold. I'm not entirely surprised. Yugos were once nicknamed 'the worst cars in history'. They were the butt of jokes in US films such as Tom Hanks' 1987 buddy cop comedy Dragnet, in which the Yugo was a last-resort getaway drive after Hanks crashed everything else. In Die Hard 3, Bruce Willis and Samuel L Jackson jumpstart a gold Yugo with a screwdriver. Camilla exploring the Serbian countryside in a Yugo. Photograph: Camilla Bell-Davies After much huffing and puffing, our Yugo gets on the road again and I wind down the window to watch the scenery slip by as we head to the Suva Planina mountain, the foothills of the Stara Planina mountains which straddle eastern Serbia and Bulgaria before sweeping down to the Black Sea. We stop for lunch at Kafana Dagi Plus, a restaurant/pub/live music venue that's beyond kitsch but serves excellent food in the southern city of Niš. Then we drive to a scenic spot (near the restaurant Etno dom kafana) to hike the Trem mountain trail. The route is more dramatic than I expect, along a narrow ridge that cuts a seam through the clouds. The valley below is utterly unspoilt, full of lush green hues and tiny villages. On the long evening drive back to Belgrade, the car's little headlights sweep along the dark road and we blast old 1980s cassettes. I make summer plans to hire one of my Yugo drivers again and head to the Balkan seaside of Montenegro or Croatia, arriving at the coast in style. It will be hot in the chuffy old car, and the windows will be the only air conditioning, but little drawbacks like this don't bother Yugo lovers. Žugić has even found a way to fix an electric engine into his Yugo so it runs totally sustainably. 'That's the thing with these timeless cars – they're easy to refit,' he says. 'Put another engine in and you've got a brand new ride.'
The Guardian
29-04-2025
- Automotive
- The Guardian
My tour of Serbia in ‘the worst car in history': from medieval castles to brutalist classics
'Jump in, comrade,' my driver honks and calls out the window of the smallest, boxiest car I've ever seen: the communist vintage Yugo. I'm setting off on a tour of Yugoslav-era Belgrade with driver Vojin Žugić from Yugoverse tours, a company in the business of cold-war nostalgia. The car is a time capsule, with its little cube headlights, cranky gear stick and cassette player. Its horn sounds delightfully cheeky, and the smell of diesel and old leather seats is strong. We trundle around the Serbian capital for half a day, taking in communism's most striking bridges and sites, honking merrily at the many drivers who overtake us. All of them smile and wave, for the Yugo holds fond memories in this part of the world. Driving around the hippodrome next to Ada Bridge, or under the gravity-defying arch of the experimental brutalist Genex tower, it's easy to get caught up in Žugić's nostalgia – even though he's only 24. 'I love the feel of the mechanics, the simple geometry,' he says of the car. We park at the tower and take the lift to the top floor at 140 metres for spectacular city views from its spaceship-like windows. When it was designed in 1977, this was architecture of an imagined socialist utopia. Though the concrete is a bit shabby up close, the tower has kept its photogenic appeal. Just like our Yugo. Nearly everybody's family car in the Balkans in the second half of the 20th century, the Yugo was made by Yugoslavian manufacturer Zastava in collaboration with Fiat. Italy had good business relations behind the iron curtain, and gave the designs of the Fiat 500 and 600 to Zastava to reproduce locally. These days, they're mostly driven by older folk who haven't updated their car since the factory ceased production. But in Belgrade, Yugoverse, a group of about 50 young enthusiasts, led by mechanic Jovana Ninković, have been giving these forgotten classics a new lease of life: collecting them, refitting them, meeting up for rallies and driving visitors around. Žugić tells me the appeal of collecting Zastavas comes partly from 'a responsibility to maintain our country's 20th-century heritage, which is fast disappearing'. The Museum of Automobiles closed in 2024, the brutalist Hotel Yugoslavia was bulldozed in January this year to make way for a Ritz-Carlton, and the iconic Jugosped warehouse, once home to artists' studios and secret raves, has been torn apart to be replaced by a Saudi-backed development of luxury flats. While the generation that came of age during the brutal 1990s Balkan wars want to erase the past, many young people are looking further back to more peaceful Yugoslav times to forge their identities, Žugić tells me, as we cross the soaring Gazela Bridge over the Sava. 'We see these cars as an essential part of our history. We made them here, we have to look after them because nobody else will,' he says. It's part of a growing passion among gen Z Serbs, such as influencer @easternblocgirl, to preserve a dying heritage and celebrate a brutalist aesthetic in the Balkans. To explore farther afield, I book a tour with Vlajko Vladan, another young Yugo enthusiast and guide for a youth-led restoration project at Maglič Castle, which has a similar ethos to Yugoverse, chiefly to restore old broken things. He picks me up south of Belgrade and we set off into central Serbia's rolling countryside. We pass the town of Guca, where every August a legendary Gypsy jazz trumpet festival takes place. Soon we find ourselves winding through mountains. It's here our boxy white Yugo comes into its own, chuntering along the bendy roads gracelessly but gloriously. To one side, a tiny train on its way to the Kosovo border runs alongside a river that feeds into the Ibar valley, dotted with little villages. Some houses have Yugos in varying states of repair parked outside. Their owners look up from tending their vegetables to give us waves of solidarity as we zoom past. We round a bend and the stone fortress of Maglič comes into view on a dramatic hilltop. The name derives from the word magla, meaning mist in Serbo-Croat, which seems apt given the atmospheric fog rising from the river. Built in the 13th century to withstand Mongol invasions, the crumbling castle was left to decay until a group of young locals decided to save it – and while the state has taken over restoration, the Magličgrad guesthouse, just below the castle, is still community-owned. After crossing the river by raft, we climb up to the castle and are welcomed by a group of twentysomethings with mandatory shots of rakia – plum brandy from this region. They show me inside the cosy wooden houses, with their stoves and kilim rugs. Before the light fades, I hike from the castle to a waterfall used as a wild swimming spot. It's here the Maglič team host barbecues and live music nights reminiscent of their grandparents' Yugoslav era – 'a slower time', says Vladan. When I get back, there's a hearty dinner of sausages, pickles and lentils waiting – the kind of hot meal you dream about while on a bracing hike. That night I sleep soundly, well fed and well driven. The next morning, the Yugo has a few problems starting in the cold. I'm not entirely surprised. Yugos were once nicknamed 'the worst cars in history'. They were the butt of jokes in US films such as Tom Hanks' 1987 buddy cop comedy Dragnet, in which the Yugo was a last-resort getaway drive after Hanks crashed everything else. In Die Hard 3, Bruce Willis and Samuel L Jackson jumpstart a gold Yugo with a screwdriver. After much huffing and puffing, our Yugo gets on the road again and I wind down the window to watch the scenery slip by as we head to the Suva Planina mountain, the foothills of the Stara Planina mountains which straddle eastern Serbia and Bulgaria before sweeping down to the Black Sea. We stop for lunch at Kafana Dagi Plus, a restaurant/pub/live music venue that's beyond kitsch but serves excellent food in the southern city of Niš. Then we drive to a scenic spot (near the restaurant Etno dom kafana) to hike the Trem mountain trail. The route is more dramatic than I expect, along a narrow ridge that cuts a seam through the clouds. The valley below is utterly unspoilt, full of lush green hues and tiny villages. On the long evening drive back to Belgrade, the car's little headlights sweep along the dark road and we blast old 1980s cassettes. I make summer plans to hire one of my Yugo drivers again and head to the Balkan seaside of Montenegro or Croatia, arriving at the coast in style. It will be hot in the chuffy old car, and the windows will be the only air conditioning, but little drawbacks like this don't bother Yugo lovers. Žugić has even found a way to fix an electric engine into his Yugo so it runs totally sustainably. 'That's the thing with these timeless cars – they're easy to refit,' he says. 'Put another engine in and you've got a brand new ride.' The trip was provided by Yugoverse, which runs tours of Belgrade from April to September (from €65 for a half-day vintage car ride) and Magličgrad, which has rooms and tours from €45 for two people, or €80 for up to seven people, free for volunteers at the site
Telegraph
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Pro-Gaza local election candidate refused to denounce Hamas
A pro-Gaza candidate standing at this week's local elections once refused to denounce Hamas. Michael Lavalette, running as part of a Preston Independents group in the Lancashire city, declined to condemn the terror group when asked about the Oct 7 attacks. It comes amid growing fears that sectarian voting patterns seen at last year's general election will be repeated at the county council level. Mr Lavalette, an academic and member of the Socialist Workers Party, is on the ballot in Preston Central East and ran to become the MP for Preston in last year's general election. At a hustings event in June last year, the 62-year-old was asked whether he would 'denounce Hamas as a terrorist organisation regardless of your views' on the war in Gaza. Mr Lavalette replied: 'No… I think when your land is occupied, and when it has been for 76 years, people have the right to resist. 'They had the right to resist in the Second World War, the French resistance, the Yugoslavian resistance, the Italian resistance, the Greek resistance. And the Palestinians have the right to fight against their own disposition.' The Gaza conflict began on Oct 7 2023 when Hamas carried out a massacre in southern Israel, killing 1,200 people and taking another 251 into Gaza as hostages. At the same event, Mr Lavalette insisted that the conflict 'didn't start on Oct 7' and called for a Palestinian state to extend 'from the river Jordan to the Mediterranean'. In a social media post at the start of the local election campaign, he said: 'Palestine remains a central issue in British politics... so on May 1 in the local county elections we've decided that we are going to stand to raise the voice of Palestine once more at the elections.' Mr Lavalette has also been pictured on a pro-Palestinian march in front of a banner with the slogan 'from the sea to the river' – a variant of the phrase 'from the river, to the sea'. The slogan has been condemned as anti-Semitic by campaigners because it implies the destruction of Israel. It has been adopted by Hamas and is used in its official charter. Candidates running on a pro-Gaza platform elsewhere include Ahsan Jamil, standing in Doncaster for George Galloway's Workers Party of Britain. Mr Jamil's slogan is 'For Doncaster, For Gaza'. Khalil Ahmed, an independent candidate in High Wycombe, is a supporter of Gaza and Kashmir. He has been photographed on a pro-Kashmir march. Three Green Party candidates in North Hertfordshire and Stevenage have listed 'Israel genocide in Palestine' as a key campaign issue in their candidate profiles on the Green's website. Activists in Wycombe are telling Muslim voters who to back in next month's local elections, with a campaign video declaring that 'Allah sees everything' circulating in faith communities in Buckinghamshire. Pro-Palestinian MPs effectively became the sixth largest party in the Commons last year after five independent candidates unseated Labour rivals. Jess Phillips, the safeguarding minister, narrowly held on to her seat to shouts and boos from onlookers at her election count, including chants of 'shame on you' and 'free Palestine'.
