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NDTV
13 hours ago
- Politics
- NDTV
How China Has Been Blocking India's UNSC Actions Since The 2000s
In the India-Pakistan strategic dynamic, China has emerged as an inextricable third actor, turning a bilateral rivalry into a triangular matter. While military escalation in the subcontinent does not align with Beijing's strategic interests, its pro-Pakistan leanings often manifest on international platforms. Most recently, China blocked the designation of The Resistance Front (TRF), an alleged offshoot of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), following the 2025 Pahalgam attack. This move reflects a longstanding pattern: China has consistently complicated New Delhi's diplomatic efforts to isolate Pakistan-based groups in global forums. As India seeks broader consensus on counterterrorism designations, particularly at the UN Security Council (UNSC), China has frequently intervened by blocking or delaying the listing of individuals affiliated with anti-India groups such as LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM). A 'technical hold' in the UNSC sanctions process allows a member state to indefinitely delay designation without a formal veto. For decades, China has exploited this to delay, if not deny, sanctions on Pakistan-linked terror architecture without triggering a diplomatic confrontation. The symbolic framing of China-Pakistan relations, famously described by former Pakistani Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani as 'higher than mountains, deeper than oceans, stronger than steel, and sweeter than honey", for now has translated into sustained strategic cover for Pakistan on the international stage. Chinese media's description of terrorism in India, such as the Pahalgam attack, as a case of 'shooting' by local gunmen against civilians, further supports the Pakistani narrative of the conflict. 'Technical Holds' China's pattern of using 'technical holds' in the UNSC 1267 Sanctions Committee can be traced to the early 2000s. After the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, India began pushing for international sanctions against Pakistan-based outfits. While China supported the designation of groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks, it remained reluctant to target individuals associated with these anti-India groups, most notably JeM chief Masood Azhar, who was finally listed in 2019. India's first formal request to enlist Azhar came in 2009, following the Mumbai attacks and was followed up in 2016, 2017, and 2019. While international pressure eventually influenced this reversal after two decades, the exclusion of any reference to the Pulwama attack in the final listing allowed China to maintain that Azhar's designation was based on his long-standing links to terrorism rather than a specific attack on India. Over time, the Pathankot attack of 2016 and the Pulwama suicide bombing in 2019 resulted in intensified Indian diplomatic efforts targeting Pakistan-based terrorist leaders and groups. All efforts were impeded by China's technical holds, despite co-sponsorship by France, the UK, and the US. At large, this trend continues. In 2023, Beijing blocked a joint India-US proposal to list Abdul Rauf Asghar and other anti-India terrorists. Double Standards This stands in contradiction to China's own counterterrorism posture against separatist and Islamist groups that threaten Chinese nationals and investments in Pakistan, including in major cities like Karachi. In 2021, a suicide bomber affiliated with the Baloch Liberation Army's (BLA) Majeed Brigade attacked a convoy carrying Chinese engineers and workers, killing three Chinese nationals near the Jinnah International Airport and the Chinese consulate area in Karachi. China has also raised similar concerns with the Taliban administration in Afghanistan regarding the alleged presence of Uyghur militant groups, such as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). This antithetical approach serves dual purposes - mitigating pressure on Pakistan's influential military establishment while keeping India preoccupied with cross-border security challenges. The SCO Factor China's selective counter-terror posture also plays out in other multilateral groupings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), which remains a key arena for its regional influence. With India and Pakistan inducted as full members in 2017, China portrayed the bloc as a pan-Asia alternative to Western-led groupings. But India's strong stance against cross-border terrorism and leanings towards the QUAD bloc have complicated that narrative. India's limited participation in the SCO, especially since 2019, is increasingly shaped by the grouping's silence on cross-border terrorism allegations against Pakistan. India's decision to downgrade its summit participation to a virtual format in 2023 further challenges China's efforts to position the SCO as a counterweight to US influence in the region. For China, India's continued engagement in the SCO remains crucial for maintaining the bloc's diplomatic credibility. India could continue framing Chinese obstructionism as a significant concern for global counterterrorism efforts with the aim of raising the reputational and diplomatic costs of China's inaction, without relying solely on the UNSC system. India's widening engagement with QUAD, involving Australia, Japan, India, and the US, through military exercises and joint dialogues, will also keep China on edge by signalling a strengthened Indo-Pacific alliance countering the Chinese regional influence.
Arab News
12-05-2025
- Business
- Arab News
Pakistan Senate chief in Moscow to strengthen Pakistan-Russia collaboration in key sectors
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan's Senate Chairman Yusuf Raza Gilani has arrived in Moscow on an official visit to explore new avenues of collaboration between Pakistan and Russia in key sectors, a Pakistani government statement said on Sunday. Pakistan and Russia, once Cold War rivals, have strengthened ties in recent years through increased dialogue and trade. In 2023, Islamabad began purchasing discounted Russian crude oil banned from European markets due to Russia's war in Ukraine, and also received its first shipment of liquefied petroleum gas from Moscow. In Dec., Russia and Pakistan held intergovernmental meetings in Moscow and discussed cooperation on oil and gas offshore exploration and refining. Russian Ambassador to Pakistan Albert P. Khorev this year announced cooperation with Pakistan in energy and industrial sectors, including the modernization of a state-owned steel mill. Gilani is visiting Moscow at the invitation of Valentina Matviyenko, chairperson of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation, and is scheduled to hold high-level meetings in the Russian capital, according to Pakistan's Press Information Department (PID). 'Discussions will focus on enhancing parliamentary exchanges, boosting trade and economic cooperation, and exploring collaboration in key sectors such as energy, regional connectivity, and security,' the statement said. The visit comes as Pakistan is striving to draw overseas investment amid a gradually healing macroeconomic environment after a prolonged downturn that forced Islamabad to seek external financing from friendly nations and multiple loan programs with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In an interview, Gilani recalled that Speaker Matviyenko had previously visited Pakistan and addressed parliament, which contributed significantly to fostering bilateral understanding, according to the PID. He highlighted Pakistan's successful foreign policy initiatives under the current government, which have enhanced the country's global standing, and reaffirmed Islamabad's commitment to deepening strategic ties with Russia. 'The visit marks a significant milestone in advancing bilateral engagement and reflects the two nations' shared interest in broad-based and forward-looking cooperation across multiple sectors,' it said.
