Latest news with #Zuhairal-Jalabi
Shafaq News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Credibility crisis engulfs Iraq's parliament ahead of elections
Shafaq News Iraq's fifth parliament has come under 'scathing criticism' from politicians who described it as one of the most dysfunctional in the country's post-2003 history, just months before the November parliamentary elections. According to Zuhair al-Jalabi, a senior figure in the State of Law Coalition (SLC -led by Nuri al-Maliki), the parliament lost popular legitimacy after the withdrawal of the largest Shiite bloc -the Sadrist, with mounting concerns over election fraud and executive interference in parliamentary affairs. The prolonged vacancy following the dismissal of former Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi and the appointment of what many consider a 'weak replacement' (Mahmoud Al-Mashhadani) have deepened the crisis. Sunni blocs, he added, have also been accused of functioning more like "business entities than genuine political actors." Since January 2022, lawmakers have held only 132 of the 256 sessions required by internal regulations. This underperformance, amounting to about 51% of the expected legislative workload, has weakened both legislative and oversight functions, according to MPs and observers. Political efforts to delay amendments to the electoral law and stall budget implementation have disrupted essential services such as salary adjustments and staff promotions, a member of the Shaabaniya Uprising bloc said, stressing that these obstructions have exacerbated public dissatisfaction with the government's performance. Unresolved divisions among Iraq's major ethno-sectarian components fuel institutional gridlock. Former MP Kamel al-Ghurairi linked the institutional paralysis to persistent rifts among Iraq's main ethno-sectarian blocs. He emphasized that chronic absenteeism among MPs had severely disrupted legislative momentum, predicting that voter participation in November would be diminished by the chamber's poor record on socioeconomic legislation. The ongoing deadlock is widely viewed as a symptom of deeper structural flaws within Iraq's consensus-based power-sharing system. Analyst Mujashaa al-Tamimi explained that 'party rivalries and lack of coordination are central reasons for legislative paralysis, including on critical issues like budget approval and anti-corruption reforms.' Without urgent political and institutional reform, he cautioned, 'the widening gap between the public and the state threatens to further destabilize Iraq's already fragile governance.' The Iraqi High Electoral Commission has officially set November 11 as the date for parliamentary elections following earlier delays caused by incomplete legislation and logistical issues. As the elections draw near, Iraq's parliament resumed sessions on July 12, marking the start of its final legislative year.
Shafaq News
03-06-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Financial muscle: How money shapes Iraq's upcoming elections
Shafaq News/ With Iraq's parliamentary elections set for November 11, 2025, political parties are intensifying their campaigns, directing substantial funds toward candidate recruitment and voter outreach in what is shaping up to be a highly competitive race. According to political figures involved in the process, billions of dinars are being funneled toward candidates with strong tribal support or established party affiliations. The scale of spending, already evident across several provinces, is drawing growing attention from civil society groups and election observers. Analysts caution that the increasing role of financial influence may distort the electoral landscape, deepening the divide between dominant parties—whether Shiite, Sunni, or Kurdish—and independent or smaller contenders who lack comparable resources. Old Guard Rule Iraq's 329-seat Council of Representatives remains dominated by long-standing political blocs, leaving little room for new actors to reshape the balance of power in the next parliamentary elections. Allegations of vote-buying and financial misconduct continue to shadow Iraq's electoral process. During the 2018 elections, ballot cards in southern provinces were reportedly sold for between 50,000 and 150,000 Iraqi dinars ($35–$105). The Al-Rafidain Center for Dialogue estimated that year's undeclared campaign spending at over $250 million. In 2021, campaign financing became more difficult to trace but appeared even more extensive. Iraq's Integrity Commission opened 15 investigations related to the misuse of public resources, focusing on cases where governors and ministers distributed state-funded food baskets and services during the campaign period. Former MP Razzaq al-Haidari pointed to what he described as entrenched abuse of state power for electoral advantage. 'There are reports of offers reaching billions of dinars for individuals with tribal and political weight,' he stated in remarks to Shafaq News. 'This poses a threat to the political process and risks further alienating the public.' Zuhair al-Jalabi, a member of the State of Law Coalition, highlighted the influence of ruling blocs that control public funds and institutions. 'The political money in the hands of ruling parties is unmatched, giving them a growing base of dependents,' he observed. Al-Jalabi also referred to the manipulation of special voting groups—particularly state employees and members of the security forces—through pressure and inducements. 'These parties exploit state employees and those eligible for special voting through both intimidation and incentives, securing their loyalty.' Costly Sunni Contest Despite reforms passed in 2020 aimed at reshaping Iraq's electoral landscape—such as district-based voting and caps on campaign spending—implementation has remained inconsistent. A 2023 audit by Iraq's Federal Board of Supreme Audit revealed that fewer than 15% of candidates submitted complete campaign finance disclosures. No violations resulted in legal action, reflecting the broader challenge of enforcing electoral standards. In this context of limited oversight, Sunni-majority provinces are emerging as focal points for a high-stakes contest. Several prominent Sunni blocs are gearing up for what tribal leader Muzahim al-Huwait described as a fiercely competitive campaign season, with estimated spending surpassing $1 billion across western Iraq. "Over $1 billion is expected to be spent in the western provinces," he remarked in a statement to Shafaq News, portraying the election as a pivotal moment for the political future of the region. Many Sunni bloc leaders also entered the race with considerable institutional backing. A number currently occupy influential roles in ministries, security bodies, and local administrations. These positions, al-Huwait noted, will serve as platforms through which financial and administrative resources can be mobilized throughout the campaign. 'These resources will be deployed in the political struggle,' he explained, underscoring the depth of their reach. Expectations for high voter turnout reflect a widespread sense of dissatisfaction with the current legislature. Al-Huwait described the outgoing parliament as the weakest since 2003 and predicted a sweeping overhaul in representation. 'There will be a strong push for change, and most of the current faces will be swept out,' he observed. While Sunni alliances remain dominant in these areas, shifting loyalties are beginning to reshape local dynamics. Al-Huwait noted that several Shiite parties have gained traction in Sunni-majority provinces, particularly among communities that credit them with helping liberate areas from extremist groups. 'Some Sunni candidates in Nineveh, al-Anbar, and elsewhere will join Shiite parties,' he added, pointing to evolving alliances and a more fluid political map. Media Manipulation Beyond direct cash transactions, political money is increasingly flowing through digital operations and media influence, further deepening concerns over the integrity of Iraq's electoral process ahead of the 2025 parliamentary elections. A 2023 report by the Iraqi Network for Social Media (INSM) documented more than 670 coordinated Facebook and Twitter accounts actively promoting political candidates and targeting their rivals. Many of these accounts were run by media outlets affiliated with dominant political parties. In the final stretch before the last parliamentary elections, these networks escalated their efforts—spreading disinformation, discrediting independent candidates, and shaping public perception through tightly coordinated messaging, the report found. The scale and precision of these campaigns have intensified concerns among local observers, who point to an increasingly blurred line between media and political power. In Babil province, media researcher al-Haidari highlighted coverage that consistently favors ruling coalitions. 'Some media outlets and journalists are cheerleading for the ruling parties,' he remarked to Shafaq News. He also questioned the broader impact of Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani's record, noting that while some achievements may be visible in Baghdad, they have yet to reach other provinces. Despite leading a broad coalition, al-Sudani is widely seen as unlikely to garner enough support to challenge the Coordination Framework, former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, or Badr Organization Secretary-General Hadi al-Amiri. Public attitudes have shifted in response. A 2022 survey by the Al-Bayan Center for Planning and Studies found that 71% of Iraqis believe political money determines election outcomes, while 64% no longer view voting as an effective path to change. Trust in political parties has fallen to just 27%, far below the confidence placed in the religious establishment (54%) and the military (41%). This disillusionment has been reflected at the polls. In 2021, voter turnout dropped to 41% of Iraq's 25 million registered voters—the lowest rate since the 2003 invasion. In Sadr City, a key voting bloc in Baghdad, participation fell below 30%, according to the Independent High Electoral Commission.
Shafaq News
07-05-2025
- Business
- Shafaq News
Iraq's 2025 Elections: A mix of political realignment and fragile stability
Shafaq News/ Iraq is preparing for the parliamentary elections on November 11, 2025, as the country enters a period of political reshuffling and heightened regional tension. With alliances shifting among Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish blocs, the vote is expected to influence not only the composition of parliament but the broader balance of power in Baghdad. Behind this unfolding political realignment lies a climate of uncertainty. As regional actors monitor the evolving dynamic between the United States and Iran, the internal scene remains unsettled. Iraqi parties are recalibrating their strategies, aware that external developments could rapidly alter domestic calculations. Since assuming office in 2022, Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani has presided over relative calm. Yet that stability masks a fragile arrangement, maintained by a precarious consensus among Iraq's leading political forces. Former Member of Parliament and State of Law Coalition figure Zuhair al-Jalabi described the current governing structure as a temporary balancing act. 'There has been a shared understanding to distribute gains and positions according to mutual agreement,' al-Jalabi noted. 'But this arrangement is fragile, especially in light of Iraq's worsening financial troubles.' Although state institutions continue to function, the economic foundations beneath them remain shaky. Iraq's reliance on oil revenues leaves it vulnerable to global price swings, and those vulnerabilities are being compounded by delays in implementing the national budget. Long-standing inefficiencies and poor fiscal planning persist, raising the stakes as the campaign season approaches. Economists warn that these structural weaknesses could turn into political flashpoints. Discontent over service delivery, employment, and inflation may fuel voter frustration—and spark new rivalries within and between major political blocs. As pressure builds, competition is expected to intensify not only on the campaign trail but within corridors of power where deals are made long before ballots are cast. In Iraq's post-2003 political system, elections are as much about behind-the-scenes negotiations as they are about the vote itself. Coalition-building remains central to forming a government, and this year's contest will likely hinge on how parties position themselves during both the campaign and the talks that follow. Creating chaos As Iraq moves toward national elections, a rising political lobby is subtly redrawing the contours of the Shiite landscape. Former lawmaker and prominent State of Law Coalition figure Zuhair al-Jalabi described the group as part of a Turkish-backed initiative that unites a Shiite faction with two Sunni blocs. Though it resembles the earlier Tripartite Alliance in form, al-Jalabi stressed to Shafaq News that 'it operates through different mechanisms.' 'This lobby is maneuvering to pit al-Sudani against the Coordination Framework,' he remarked, referring to the Shiite alliance that played a pivotal role in establishing the current government. He pointed to a discreet meeting between Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and Syrian transitional President Ahmad al-Sharaa in Qatar, viewing it as an early indication of behind-the-scenes friction. Despite its success in the 2023 provincial elections, where it secured 101 out of 285 council seats (After Muqtada Al-Sadr's withdrawal), the Coordination Framework is now facing mounting internal tensions. Its electoral dominance was achieved through three distinct lists: one led by the Badr Organization and Asaib Ahl al-Haq, another by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, and a third by more centrist figures such as Ammar al-Hakim and Haidar al-Abadi. In recent months, cracks within the alliance have become more visible. Prime Minister al-Sudani and Al-Ameri are reportedly advancing efforts to establish a broader electoral alliance from within the Framework itself. This initiative seeks to unify a diverse spectrum of Shiite forces while reaching out to Sunni and Kurdish partners—a move insiders describe as a preparatory step toward forming a cross-sectarian parliamentary majority. However, this plan for a new electoral bloc, Tahaluf Qarar (Decision Alliance), has unraveled before its formal launch. Disagreements between al-Sudani and al-Ameri led to a decision to contest the November 11 vote on separate lists, sources said. Al-Jalabi cast doubt on the durability of the current governing structure. 'There has been a shared understanding to distribute gains and positions according to mutual agreement,' he explained. 'But this arrangement is fragile, especially in light of Iraq's worsening financial troubles.' He also disclosed that the emerging lobby—still in its formative stages—is working to build an alternative coalition capable of challenging the Coordination Framework's dominance. Its ties with Sunni factions and its external support from Turkiye suggest a broader regional strategy at play. Moreover, not all lawmakers interpret these developments in the same way. While al-Jalabi views them as a calculated attempt to fracture Shiite unity, others see a strategic realignment. From their perspective, the new efforts are not intended to divide the Shiite political sphere, but rather to modernize it by fostering more inclusive and diversified alliances. Potential Revival Sunni political figures are intensifying their efforts to restore unity and strengthen their influence after years of internal division. A series of emerging alliances reflects a coordinated attempt to reshape the Sunni political landscape and take on a more active role in steering Iraq's future. One of the most prominent shifts involves a partnership between the Mutahidoun Party, headed by former Parliament Speaker Osama al-Nujaifi, and the Azm Alliance, led by Muthanna al-Samarrai. The coalition is focused not only on electoral cooperation but also on addressing critical issues such as reconstruction and service provision in Sunni-majority governorates, political marginalization, and systemic neglect. Momentum continues to build with the creation of the National Resolution Alliance, also known as Al-Hasm. This newly formed front brings together influential Sunni figures including Jamal al-Karbouli, Rafie al-Issawi, and current Defense Minister Thabet al-Abbasi. The alliance is seen as having a broader ambition to forge a unified platform capable of engaging in parliamentary negotiations and assuming a more substantial role in governance. However, despite the growing number of strategic alignments, political cohesion remains incomplete. Mohammed Qutaiba, a member of parliament representing the Taqaddum bloc, outlined the nature of the evolving landscape in remarks to Shafaq News. Rather than viewing the developments as signs of deeper division, he framed them as the natural outcome of competing perspectives within a maturing political environment. 'These are not splits,' Qutaiba explained. 'There are simply alliances that come with divergent views. Reconciling these differences is possible, but resolving the contest over leadership within the Sunni component remains complex.' Qutaiba also pointed to the fluidity of Iraq's political dynamics, suggesting that current alignments may shift following the election results. He anticipated new configurations that could transcend both sectarian and intra-sectarian lines. 'It is very likely that Sunni and Shiite blocs will cooperate after the results. Even within the Sunni house, new alignments are possible,' he noted. Finding Power in Unity Efforts to bring the Kurdish political spectrum together are also on the spot, with a potential alliance between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) capturing growing attention. Political analyst Al-Azzawi highlights the significance of these developments, suggesting that the two dominant Kurdish parties could soon announce a joint electoral platform, reminiscent of the "Kurdistan Alliance" used back in 2009. This partnership, should it materialize, is seen as a strategic move to safeguard the Kurdish Region's interests, particularly in light of long-standing disputes with Baghdad over critical issues such as budget allocations, oil exports, and the implementation of Article 140, which deals with the status of disputed territories. In comments to Shafaq News, Al-Azzawi emphasized that Kurdish unity is more crucial than ever for addressing both political and financial challenges at the federal level. 'The Kurdish leadership needs internal unity to defend its interests in Baghdad,' he noted. 'Many of their key demands remain unaddressed. This election could reset federal relations if managed wisely.' Within the KDP, optimism is rising. Senior party figure Wafa Mohammed Karim shared that the process of forming the next Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is largely complete, with only a few ministerial positions left to negotiate. She expressed confidence in the broader Kurdish political landscape, suggesting that it may ultimately be more cohesive than either the Sunni or Shiite blocs. 'We may well see the return of a joint Kurdish list in parliament,' she added, hinting at the possibility of stronger unity heading into the next elections. The momentum for unity doesn't stop with the KDP and PUK. A broader effort is underway to include a wider range of Kurdish voices in the political process. The emerging Kurdistan Region Alliance—comprising the Kurdistan Social Democratic Party, the Kurdistan Communist Party – Iraq, and the Kurdistan Toilers' Party—reflects a growing strategy to bridge intra-Kurdish divides. While still in its early stages, this alliance aims to offer a more unified front and amplify the Kurdish voice on the national stage. However, according to analysts, the road to a unified Kurdish political landscape is far from clear. The Region is facing an increasingly severe economic crisis, exacerbated by the suspension of oil exports due to ongoing disputes with Baghdad and Ankara. The economic fallout has led to delayed salaries, widespread public frustration, and intensified calls for reform and transparency within the KRG. Adding to the complexity is the rise of the opposition New Generation Movement, led by Shaswar Abdulwahid. The group made significant strides in the 2024 elections, securing 15 seats and positioning itself as a strong challenger to the traditional power structure. Yet, controversy has marred the election results, with several opposition factions accusing the process of electoral fraud and manipulation. These allegations, however, have been firmly rejected by both the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) and the victorious parties.
