Latest news with #al-Qaida-affiliated
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
With Security Unraveling, Burkina Faso's Traore Is Getting Desperate
In early May, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, or JNIM, launched a series of large-scale, coordinated attacks in the north and east of Burkina Faso, highlighting the deteriorating security situation in the country since Capt. Ibrahim Traore seized power in a coup in September 2022. Traore opted for a militarized approach to the Islamist insurgency that has bedeviled Burkina Faso since 2015, believing he could drive JNIM back by force alone. But his counterinsurgency strategy has only deepened the crisis and fueled ethnic hatred, even as he has begun to repress all critical voices and anyone he perceives as a threat—including within the army—to an unprecedented level. The focus of JNIM's most recent attacks was Djibo, the major city in northern Burkina Faso that is home to 300,000, many of them internally displaced people from nearby villages. For the past several years, the city has been under a blockade by the al-Qaida-affiliated group, which controls the surrounding countryside. On May 11, motorcycle-riding assailants overwhelmed government security forces, seizing the city's military camp and looting numerous weapons stored there, including pickup trucks mounted with machine guns. They also targeted the Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland, or VDP, a state-backed pro-government militia, with at least a hundred people reportedly killed in total. Simultaneously, JNIM attacked other nearby locations, and the following day the group struck in the east of the country, where it briefly occupied the town of Diapaga. Though present in all three countries of the central Sahel—Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger—JNIM sees Burkina Faso as the 'weak link' and has concentrated its efforts there. As such, it has controlled large swathes of Burkinabe territory for years, particularly in the north and east, with just one-third of the national territory estimated to be under government control. But until now, the group had largely adopted a guerrilla warfare approach, operating in rural areas that the state and army struggle to administer. These most recent attacks on urban centers are alarming both for their unprecedented scale and for potentially signaling a shift in the group's strategy. 'If the Burkinabe authorities fail to regain the initiative against JNIM, we may unfortunately see some secondary cities fall under its control,' says Mathieu Pellerin, Sahel analyst at the International Crisis Group. To get more in-depth news and expert analysis on global affairs from WPR, sign up for our free Daily Review newsletter. Tanguy Quidelleur, a researcher at the Sorbonne University, is similarly concerned about JNIM tightening its presence around the capital, Ouagadougou, and the country's second-largest city, Bobo-Dioulasso. But although the group appears to be on the offensive and seizing the initiative, Quidelleur is not convinced it has the ambition and the capacity to hold cities, due to its roots as a rural insurgency. 'Taking a city means handling public services like water and electricity, which is complex,' he explains. 'They lack the administrative or political structures to manage urban zones unless they co-opt others.' Whether or not that is the case, Traore's handling of the security situation since seizing power has played into JNIM's hands. First, he abandoned the community dialogue initiatives pursued by previous governments, which aimed to demobilize some of the insurgents, in favor of an exclusively military approach. But, as Pellerin pointed out, 'a military solution alone cannot solve a problem rooted in a sociopolitical and socioeconomic context that drives many citizens to take up arms.' Worse still, Traore is relying on an army that is incapable of delivering results, in part due to severe logistical weaknesses. When units are attacked, reinforcements arrive late, if at all, and ground troops lack air support. Meanwhile, JNIM strengthens its position by looting substantial war spoils, including weapons, ammunition and vehicles, as in Djibo. Besides its disastrous results on the ground, Traore's strategy has further undermined security by increasing civilian exposure to jihadist attacks. While civilians have been vulnerable since the beginning of the conflict, that increased with the creation of the VDP in 2020 and even more so with the militia's nationwide expansion under Traore. As Quidelleur explained, 'Jihadists are increasingly targeting civilians, whom they accuse of supplying men to the VDP.' Both the Burkinabe and the VDP are also guilty of serious abuses against civilians that disproportionately target the Fulani ethnic group from which JNIM recruits a large portion of its fighters. The most recent massacre took place in March near Solenzo, in the west of the country. According to Human Rights Watch, the army and the VDP killed at least 130 Fulani civilians, including women, the elderly and children. Such massacres fuel the vicious cycle of conflict by pushing young Fulani men to join JNIM to protect themselves and take revenge against the state. In short, civilians are caught between jihadists and state forces supported by the VDP, forcing more and more people to flee their villages. Today, there are an estimated 3 million internally displaced people in a country with a population of about 23 million, resulting in a catastrophic humanitarian situation. A Burkinabe analyst who spoke on the condition of anonymity is deeply concerned about the broader societal impact of the war, particularly with regard to the demonization of the Fulani as terrorists. 'The discourse is becoming more uninhibited, with increasing calls for massacres,' this person said. 'Those who commit abuses film themselves eagerly, post on social media, and no one is shocked.' War, the analyst added, is transforming Burkinabe society, making it 'more violent,' even as 'ethnic hatred is growing.' The military collapse is also fueling discontent within the armed forces, with many officers reportedly at odds with how Traore is handling the war. Some observers believe another coup is possible, and the government seems to agree. On April 21, it denounced a 'major conspiracy' and arrested several officers. The army is fractured, and Traore is aware of it. Upon taking power, he restructured the armed forces and created Rapid Intervention Battalions, or BIR, to fight JNIM—but also to prevent a coup. And in October 2023, he dismissed the chief of staff of the gendarmerie, Lt. Col. Evrard Somda, who was then arrested in January 2024. 'Traore believed Somda posed a threat to him because he is a highly competent and respected officer, and the gendarmerie is a well-trained, effective and sizable force,' notes the Burkinabe analyst. 'The question now,' says Pellerin, 'is: Who among the BIR and other 'secret' units that Traoré created remain loyal to him? It's hard to know for sure, but recent arrests and instances of orders being refused suggest his control of the very apparatus he built is challenged.' Fearing another coup, Traore is now cracking down on any form of opposition or perceived threat to an extent never seen in Burkina Faso. Numerous politicians, journalists and human rights defenders have been imprisoned. Some have even been conscripted by the army as a form of punishment and humiliation, including Ablasse Ouedraogo, a former foreign minister who was forcibly enlisted despite being 70 years old. But the repression is now even targeting high-ranking regime figures. Several judges were conscripted in August 2024 after initiating legal proceedings against Traore supporters. And in an almost unthinkable move, the brother of the Mogho Naba—the king of the Mossi people, a traditional authority who plays a significant role in the country—was abducted on April 30, just days after the government claimed to have foiled a coup attempt. Reportedly, Traore had asked the Mogho Naba to mediate—a role he often assumes in such situations—but the king refused. The security minister accused traditional leaders of being involved in the coup plot. 'Many safeguards have been dismantled,' said the Burkinabe analyst, expressing grave concern. 'If judges, a chief of staff and the brother of the Mogho Naba can be arrested, it means no one is safe. And there's no one left to oppose Traore.' In short, the more pressure JNIM applies, the more divisions within the junta and Burkinabe society deepen—and the more Traore lashes out at anyone perceived as a threat. There is little hope for improvement as long as Traore remains in power. Tangi Bihan is a journalist based in Guinea, where he is a correspondent for Radio France Internationale (RFI). He writes also for Afrique XXI and Le Monde diplomatique. The post With Security Unraveling, Burkina Faso's Traore Is Getting Desperate appeared first on World Politics Review.
NDTV
24-04-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Pakistan Foreign Minister To Visit Bangladesh Amid Delhi-Islamabad Tensions
New Delhi: Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar will visit Bangladesh over the weekend, two days after the terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam, which resulted in the deaths of 26 people. While India has taken strong diplomatic steps to counter Pakistan's continued sponsorship of terror activities, especially in Jammu and Kashmir, Bangladesh seems to be steady in its position of maintaining strong ties with Pakistan. In a statement following the Pahalgam attack, Bangladesh said, "Bangladesh extends deepest condolences to the families of the victims and expresses heartfelt sympathy to all those affected by this mindless act of violence," adding, "Bangladesh reiterates its unwavering commitment to the global fight against terrorism." Recently, Bangladesh has been warming up to Pakistan, with the Chief Advisor of the Interim Government of Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus, calling for stronger ties between the two countries. While Yunus condemned the attack and reaffirmed Bangladesh's resolute stand against terrorism in his statement, warming ties with Pakistan, a country widely seen as a hub for terrorist activities, could harm Bangladesh's long-term interests. Under the previous government, Pakistan was largely isolated from Bangladesh, partly due to its past of harboring terrorists such as Osama bin Laden. That situation has shifted under Muhammad Yunus, and Pakistan now sees an opportunity to reestablish its influence in Bangladesh. Several Pakistan-backed anti-India voices have openly made statements against India, something that has raised concerns in New Delhi. Many of these elements were previously pushed to the margins during the tenure of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Sheikh Hasina has condemned the Pahalgam terrorist attack in a statement, expressing sorrow for the victims and wishing the injured a swift recovery. "The Bangladesh Awami League has always stood firmly against terrorism based on its core principles and ideology. We offer unwavering support for humanitarian political values across the globe. The terrorist attack in Kashmir is a grave threat to the creation of a humane world and a deep wound on the heart of human civilisation. The Bangladesh Awami League will continue to lend full support in the global struggle against these extremist forces. We demand that those responsible for such barbaric attacks be brought to justice," the statement read. She further emphasised her party's policy of zero tolerance toward terrorism and extremism. Several individuals accused of terrorism and jailed under Hasina's government have since been released. Among them is Pakistan-backed Bangladeshi Islamist radical Jashimuddin Rahmani Hafi, the chief of Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT), an al-Qaida-affiliated group. He was released after Hasina left office last year. Rahmani has recently issued threats about "breaking up" India and "hoisting Islamist flags in Delhi." Earlier this year, several operatives of the ABT were arrested in Assam and West Bengal in a special operation by Assam Police. Authorities said they had handlers in both Pakistan and Bangladesh and were working to establish sleeper cells across India. The operatives allegedly planned to assassinate Hindu and RSS leaders and carry out violent, subversive activities within India. In the Pahalgam attack, the terrorists specifically targeted Hindus. Security experts warn that if Pakistan regains influence in Bangladesh, it could use Bangladeshi soil to plot attacks against India-raising fresh concerns on India's eastern front, in addition to existing challenges on the western border. Should Bangladesh-Pakistan ties extend into military cooperation, experts believe the Pakistani military may seek ways to target India from the east, which would undermine Bangladesh's professed commitment to combating terrorism. Sources say Dar's three-day visit to Bangladesh will include discussions on enhancing cooperation in trade, economic collaboration, public diplomacy, defence, and security. Pakistan's military, which suffered a humiliating defeat and surrender in Bangladesh in 1971 after committing widespread atrocities, has long eyed a return to influence in the country. If Dar secures operating space in Bangladesh, Indian strategic experts believe it will be used for anti-India activity. That is why all eyes are on Dhaka during Dar's visit-and what Bangladesh signals in its engagement with Pakistan.
Yahoo
07-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
How the small autonomous region of Puntland found success in battling Islamic State in Somalia
On Feb. 24, 2025, members of the Puntland Defense Forces posed next to a sign in Arabic that proclaimed the mountain town of Sheebaab as a 'province' of the Islamic State group. The town, located in Somalia's autonomous northeastern region of Puntland, was one of numerous areas that soldiers from the regional government have taken back during Operation Hilaac, an ongoing campaign against fighters from the Islamic State in Somalia – the local branch of the terrorist network – which began in late November 2024. Puntland's success in combating a growing Islamic State group presence in the northeastern region is particularly notable given the relative lack of success of the central Somali government's confrontation with the al-Qaida-affiliated group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin – more commonly known as al-Shabab – which for about two decades has waged war against federal forces. In contrast, security forces in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland have, with some key support from international partners, united to repel the Islamic State group's advance. Islamist groups have been part of Somalia's fractured political landscape since the country's descent into civil war in the 1980s. They tapped into profound local dissatisfaction with warlordism, tribalism and corruption, as well as a reaction to foreign intervention by Ethiopia, the United States and other international actors. Al-Shabab and later the Islamic State in Somalia are the most extreme manifestations of this trend. Islamic State in Somalia emerged in 2015 when a small group of al-Shabab members led by Abdulqadir Mumin – an extremist Somali preacher who previously lived in Sweden and the United Kingdom, where he acquired citizenship – pledged allegiance to then-Islamic State group leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Having formed as a local branch – or 'province' in the group's self conception as a global entity intent on expanding territory – Islamic State in Somalia launched its first major operation in October 2016, briefly seizing the port town of Qandala in Puntland. Thereafter, the group retreated to its strongholds in the mountain regions inside Puntland amid pressure from both the regional government and al-Shabab, which has cracked down on Islamic State supporters in its ranks. Yet from the Puntland mountains, Islamic State in Somalia grew into a key node of the terrorist group's global network. It is now a hub for transferring funds and drawing recruits from across Africa and elsewhere via the regional coordination office it operates known as al-Karrar. One notable Sudan-born operative killed in a 2023 U.S. raid in Puntland, Bilal al-Sudani, was known as a key foreign fighter, facilitator and financier who developed Islamic State funding networks in South Africa and helped fund the group's branch in Afghanistan. An NBC News report from mid-2024 cited U.S. officials who believed Mumin, head of Islamic State in Somalia, was acting as the network's overall leader, or caliph, though other analysts have suggested he holds a top role close to caliph. In any case, Islamic State in Somalia's ranks have increased steadily, from an estimated 200-300 fighters in 2016 to about 1,000 as of February 2025, according to reports. Puntland declared itself an autonomous region of Somalia in 1998 amid the ongoing Somali civil war and has since achieved relative stability compared with the other parts of the country, which have generally been marked by decades of sectarian division and weak central governance. Puntland is no stranger to divisions in a country that often hinges on clan loyalties, but it has achieved a greater degree of unity and has regularly raised security forces to defeat external threats, often with considerable foreign support. The dominance of a single clan, the Majeerteen, has in part likely helped facilitate this unity. In the current operations against Islamic State in Somalia, the autonomous Puntland government under President Said Abdullahi Deni has gathered several disparate regional forces under the 'Puntland Defense Forces' banner, including clan militias, the Puntland Darawish – a regional paramilitary unit – and the Puntland Maritime Police Force. The Puntland Maritime Police Force in particular has evolved into a well-trained and experienced counterterrorism unit. Founded with United Arab Emirates money and mentored by private South African military contractors to address growing piracy, it has turned to fighting al-Shabab and Islamic State in Somalia in the mountain regions. Indeed, it played a leading role in taking Qandala from Islamic State control in 2016. It also cooperated effectively with other forces to defeat a 2016 al-Shabab attempt to attack Puntland from the sea. The U.S. and UAE have supported the Puntland government's campaign. In February 2025, the U.S. launched two airstrikes on Islamic State fighters, with one on Feb. 1, 2025, killing Omani-born Ahmed Maeleninine, a key recruiter, financier and facilitator. The United States claimed another airstrike on March 25. The UAE has conducted airstrikes too, likely from the large UAE-funded Puntland Maritime Police Force headquarters base in the major port city of Bosaso. The Puntland government has claimed that through its latest operation it has advanced through 315 kilometers, clearing numerous villages and outposts in the mountains. On Feb. 11, 2025, The Washington Post reported that regional security forces had killed more than 150 Islamic State members, mostly foreign fighters from countries including Morocco, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, illustrating the group's significance as a global hub for the network. In fact, one analyst counted 118 dead fighters from a single encounter in early February, indicating a possibly higher death toll. In any case, it represents heavy losses for Islamic State in Somalia, though it is not defeated yet and still numbers fighters in the hundreds. All in all, Puntland has leveraged past success fighting jihadist groups in making remarkable progress in its fight against Islamic State in Somalia. It shows how local and substate forces can be more effective at fighting armed nonstate groups than the federal authorities, despite limited resources. No doubt, support from the United States and UAE has aided Puntland's anti-Islamic State push. But reliance on outside sources risks creating dependence on them when local forces must ultimately take ownership of the fight themselves. And less patient foreign supporters have been known to spoil the elite units they build. This occurred with the Puntland Security Force, a U.S.-created special forces unit that splintered during a brief withdrawal of U.S. forces from Somalia in 2021 and 2022. There are also risks that partner forces will behave badly. While the Emirati mission in Puntland – as well as in Afghanistan and Yemen – has proven effective in fighting jihadists, in Sudan it has been arguably disastrous. There, the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces paramilitary unit helped to ignite an ongoing civil war in 2023 during which its members perpetrated alleged atrocities. Ultimately, it will be up to Puntlanders themselves to keep fighting. Indeed, foreign support would have little impact without effective local forces on the ground with the political will to sustain the campaign. Just as Puntland has done before, so too is it now demonstrating that it is determined to fight the threat posed by jihadist groups like Islamic State in Somalia. This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Ido Levy, American University Read more: Somalia and Turkey are becoming firm allies – what's behind this strategy Despite one of the US military's greatest fiascoes, American troops are still in Somalia fighting an endless war Ethiopia's deal with Somaliland upends regional dynamics, risking strife across the Horn of Africa Ido Levy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Yahoo
15-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Islamic State leader dies in U.S. airstrike in Iraq
March 15 (UPI) -- American and Iraqi military forces killed a senior Islamic State leader using an airstrike, U.S. Central Command confirmed in a post on social media. Abdallah Makki Muslih al-Rifai, who was better known as Abu Khadijah, died in Iraq's Al Anbar Province in the western part of the country following the "precision airstrike" earlier in the week, CENTCOM said on X. American and Iraqi forces later confirmed al-Rifai's identity using DNA analysis. One other Islamic State operative was killed during the operation. Both men were wearing explosive vests and had multiple weapons with them at the time. "Abu Khadijah was one of the most important ISIS members in the entire global ISIS organization. We will continue to kill terrorists and dismantle their organizations that threaten our homeland and U.S., allied and partner personnel in the region and beyond," CENTCOM Commander Gen. Michael Erik Kurilla said in the post on X. The U.S. military referred to al-Rifai as the Islamic State's "#2 leader" and "the Emir of ISIS' most senior decision-making body. American officials said al-Rifai was active in Iraq and Syria and served as the Chief of Global Operations for the Islamic State. "Abu Khadijah maintained responsibility for operations, logistics, and planning conducted by ISIS globally, and directs a significant portion of finance for the group's global organization," CENTCOM said on X President Donald Trump rejoiced on social media. "His miserable life was terminated, along with another member of ISIS, in coordination with the Iraqi Government and the Kurdish Regional Government. PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH," Trump said on his Truth social media platform. U.S. Central Command is one of the Defense Department's 1 unified combatant commands. In late January, CENTCOM carried out an airstrike that killed a senior operative in an al-Qaida-affiliated group in northwest Syria.
Yahoo
12-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Somali forces end a 24-hour siege by al-Shabab militants on a hotel, leaving all fighters dead
MOGADISHU, Somalia (AP) — Somali security forces on Wednesday ended a 24-hour siege at a hotel in the central city of Beledwyne, leaving an unknown number of people dead, including all the al-Shabab militants who launched the attack, officials said. The attack began when a car bomb exploded Tuesday at the Cairo Hotel, which houses traditional elders and military officers involved in coordinating the government's offensive against al-Shabab. The mayor of Beledweyne, Omar Alasow, on Wednesday said security forces had 'successfully ended the siege' and that six al-Shabab militants died. It is still unclear how many civilians were killed in the attack. See for yourself — The Yodel is the go-to source for daily news, entertainment and feel-good stories. By signing up, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Policy. The al-Qaida-affiliated al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the attack. Beledweyne, about 335 kilometers (208 miles) north of the capital, Mogadishu, is the capital of the Hiran region and a strategic location in the ongoing campaign against al-Shabab. Estimates of the death toll from the attack varied. One local resident, Muhsin Abdullahi, said six people, including two well-known traditional elders, were killed. But witness Hussein Jeelle Raage said three of his family members were among at least 11 people he knew were dead. Footage shared on social media showed thick smoke rising from the hotel, with significant destruction to the building. Al-Shabab, which opposes Somalia's federal government, frequently carries out bombings and assaults targeting government officials and military personnel in the Horn of Africa nation. The group controls parts of rural Somalia and poses a significant threat despite sustained military operations by government troops and African Union peacekeepers.
