Latest news with #anti-DMK
The Print
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Why EPS' call for anti-DMK alliance meets only rejection and silence
On 7 July 2025, Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS) launched a statewide campaign, 'Makkalai Kappom, Thamizhagathai Meetpom' (Let us protect the people, let us reclaim Tamil Nadu), in Coimbatore. Political analysts in Tamil Nadu say the shadow of AIADMK's alliance with the BJP is complicating a potential partnership with the Opposition AIADMK in the state. Chennai: In a bid to forge a formidable anti-DMK alliance for the 2026 assembly elections, AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami extended a public invitation to parties including the ruling DMK allies Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), CPI and CPM, apart from Vijay's Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) and Seeman's Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK)—only to face rejection or silence. But with AIADMK firmly aligned with the BJP in the NDA Alliance, his overtures were met with sharp rejections. Political analyst N. Sathiya Moorthy said that the rejections and the cautious silence were largely due to the AIADMK's association with the BJP, which remains a polarising force in Tamil Nadu's Dravidian-dominated political landscape. 'Although EPS's invitations were strategic, aimed at consolidating anti-DMK forces under AIADMK's leadership, being in alliance with BJP is a barrier for other parties. Although rejections of VCK, CPI and CPI(M) may be because of their long standing understanding with the DMK, the rejections from Seeman's NTK and Vijay's TVK are largely because of the BJP, which they consider as an opponent in the state's political landscape,' N Sathiya Moorthy said. It was on 16 July, during his campaign in Chidambaram, that EPS openly courted the VCK and left parties, pointing to their treatment in the ruling coalition. 'Despite being allies of the ruling party, DMK is not even allowing them to hoist their party flags nor hold their party meetings or conferences,' EPS said referring to VCK, CPI and CPI(M). He also wondered why they were still in the DMK alliance, enduring humiliation. 'We will lay a red carpet to the alliance parties,' EPS said. However, on 17 July, VCK leader Thol Thirumavalavan rejected the call stating that they are committed to the secular alliance formed under the leadership of DMK. 'We have made it very clear that VCK won't be part of any alliance which has BJP and PMK. EPS's attempt to destabilise us won't work,' Thirumavalavan told the reporters in Chennai. CPI state secretary R. Mutharasan criticised EPS' campaign and said, 'This is nothing but a desperate bid to protect himself and his ally BJP.' Political analysts like Priyan Srinivasan said that the AIADMK leader is losing political dignity by inviting anti-BJP parties. 'As a former Chief Minister and the opposition leader of the state, he should maintain a level of political decorum. Having BJP by his side and inviting all anti-BJP parties does not look good for him politically. It will not only make him uneasy, but also the BJP, which has joined the AIADMK alliance one year before the assembly elections,' Priyan Srinivasan said. However, when asked about the rejection of the DMK allies, EPS said in Cuddalore on 16 July that he was only referring to how they are being treated in the DMK alliance and did not invite them for an alliance. Subsequently, on 22 July, during his campaign in the Delta districts, EPS invited NTK and TVK to join his alliance against the ruling DMK. 'Only a united opposition can topple the Stalin government,' EPS said, while addressing the gathering in Delta districts. However, on 23 July, speaking to the reporters in Villupuram, NTK leader Seeman rejected the call stating that one corrupt party cannot be used to uproot another corrupt party. 'Fire cannot be doused with another fire. Water is needed to put out the fire and we are the water that will douse corruption,' Seeman told the reporters. Vijay's TVK, although not responding directly to EPS' call, posted on its official X handle that their leader would be the people's favourite chief ministerial candidate for the 2026 assembly elections. 'We will create history by delivering a massive victory in 2026 and make Thalapathy Vijay our CM candidate,' the post read. Also read: No coalition govt, alliance only for 2026 polls—EPS contradicts Amit Shah on AIADMK-BJP tie-up PMK, DMDK keep cards close to chest While DMK allies have clearly rejected EPS' call, former AIADMK allies, Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) and Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) are yet to reveal their stand. On 15 July, while addressing the gathering in Neyveli, EPS said PMK was already in an alliance with the AIADMK. However, on 16 July, in their foundation day message, PMK president Anbumani Ramadoss said that the party will be part of the coalition government formed after the 2026 assembly elections. 'PMK is not here to make any party to win the election and rule Tamil Nadu. We should also rule. Only when we are part of the government, will we be able to establish social justice,' he said in his foundation day message to party workers. Since Anbumani Ramadoss's statement came a day after EPS' call, it was assumed to be a demand from the PMK for a coalition government. When asked about it, EPS backtracked and clarified that it was his suggestion that PMK join the alliance. 'I made a statement that PMK might join the alliance. For now, PMK is not in the AIADMK alliance,' he said. When asked about the demand of the PMK, he said that they will think about it after the PMK joins the alliance. In 2021, PMK contested in as many as 23 seats as part of the AIADMK alliance and won in five seats. The DMDK, founded by actor turned politician Vijayakanth, a former ally of AIADMK in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, also kept EPS at arm's length. DMDK has said that the party will announce their stand on an alliance at their public meeting in Cuddalore in January 2026. Political analyst Priya Srinivasan noted that EPS' early push to unite the Opposition makes him appear desperate and weakens his position. 'Alliance is something that is meant to be formed just 50 to 60 days before the election. But, he forged an alliance with BJP a year before the election and called all the parties to join the election. Political parties still have time to weigh their options before joining an alliance. EPS' call for an alliance shows he is not confident of the existing alliance,' he said. Nevertheless, a former AIADMK minister told ThePrint that they forged an alliance with the BJP much earlier to blur the lines between the workers of both the parties. 'The intention was to overcome the differences between workers of both parties on the ground and to work together for the 2026 assembly election,' the former AIADMK minister said. However, political analyst P. Sigamani reiterated what other experts have said—the AIADMK is not getting the desired response because of their early alliance with the BJP. 'They wanted their cadre to work together. But, instead, it is creating more divisions among the workers because of EPS' call for alliance with multiple partners, including those who are traditionally against the national parties, especially BJP,' Sigamani said. On 22 July, EPS reiterated that the AIADMK-BJP alliance will continue intact and will win the election. 'I invite all the like minded parties to join the anti-DMK coalition,' he told the gathering in Thanjavur. (Edited by Viny Mishra) Also read: Why EPS had a change of heart & greenlit AIADMK-BJP alliance talks ahead of Tamil Nadu polls
NDTV
3 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
EPS Welcomes PM Modi In Trichy, Sends Key Demands Amid BJP-AIADMK Alliance Reset
New Delhi: AIADMK General Secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) received Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the Trichy airport on Saturday night - their first direct interaction since the AIADMK and BJP renewed their alliance ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections. It is not clear if the two leaders held a one-on-one discussion during the visit. However, EPS gave a memorandum to PM Modi. The meeting came against the backdrop of a simmering war of words between the allies over the nature of a possible National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in Tamil Nadu, should the coalition win in 2026. Union Home Minister Amit Shah has repeatedly stressed the idea of a "coalition government," but has stopped short of naming EPS as the chief ministerial candidate - a point of contention within the AIADMK. EPS, however, has been unwavering and assertive in his position that the AIADMK will not just lead the alliance but is also aiming to form a government with its own majority. He recently stated that Mr Shah had, on day one itself," made it clear that the AIADMK would lead the alliance and he would be the Chief Ministerial face. "The AIADMK will lead the alliance, and I will be the Chief Minister if we win. That was clearly stated by Amit Shah himself from the beginning," EPS said, pushing back against speculation about rifts within the NDA. EPS also submitted a formal memorandum to the Prime Minister on Saturday, urging the Centre to exempt farmers from CIBIL score requirements while availing agricultural loans to ensure better access to credit, to immediately allocate funds and implement the Godavari-Cauvery river-linking project that is crucial for Tamil Nadu's water needs. He also urged to establishment of a dedicated defence industrial corridor connecting Chennai, Coimbatore, Hosur, Salem, and Trichy to boost domestic defence manufacturing in the state. According to the AIADMK, PM Modi assured EPS that the demands would be examined and documented for further action. The ruling DMK has attacked the AIADMK for reviving ties with the BJP after walking out of the NDA ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin said, "The AIADMK earlier said it would never align with the BJP again - now he has mortgaged the party with the BJP?" EPS fired back at the DMK, accusing the ruling party of trying to fracture the NDA. "The DMK is rattled. It is trying to create confusion and break the NDA alliance in Tamil Nadu. But their attempts will fail," he said. The AIADMK had earlier contested both the 2019 Lok Sabha and 2021 Assembly elections in alliance with the BJP, but suffered heavy defeats. Following mounting tensions and political setbacks, the AIADMK exited the NDA in 2023. However, with the 2026 polls approaching, the two parties have now reconciled - a move seen as an attempt to consolidate the anti-DMK vote base.
The Hindu
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Damned if they do, or don't: The AIADMK's impossible choice
The AIADMK is in a classic Catch-22 situation in Tamil Nadu: the party is damned if it allies with the BJP, and damned if it does not. On the one hand, to consolidate the anti-DMK votes and remain electorally competitive, the AIADMK feels compelled to ally with the BJP. This pragmatic move will prevent a fatal split in the Opposition vote that would almost certainly benefit the ruling DMK-led coalition. On the other, aligning with the BJP to strengthen its electoral position simultaneously weakens the AIADMK'S core identity. This alienates a crucial segment of its traditional voter base, as long-time AIADMK supporters, particularly from minority communities as well as Dravidian adherents, view the BJP's Hindutva ideology as antithetical to the party's foundational principles. Meanwhile, the alliance, meant to bolster the AIADMK, provides the BJP with the platform and legitimacy it needs to grow in Tamil Nadu. This growth often comes from poaching voters directly from the AIADMK itself. Specifically, the BJP attracts those who have looser ties with the AIADMK's ideological past but have aligned with the party primarily because they oppose the DMK. And if the AIADMK were to break the alliance to protect its ideological core and win back disaffected voters, it would likely face a multi-cornered contest. This would splinter the anti-DMK vote, making a DMK victory mathematically much easier. The path that the AIADMK has chosen in an attempt to solve its short-term electoral problem — namely, allying with the BJP — deepens its long-term existential crisis of losing its unique identity and voter base. The path to electoral survival seemingly requires an act of political self-harm. This is the perfect definition of a Catch-22. The vote share data in Table 1 A and B from the past decade shows contested vote share from Assembly and Parliamentary elections. The numbers bear this out. While the votes shares of the AIADMK significantly dropped from 2011 to 2021, the party retained a strong core of close to 40% of votes in the seats it contested in 2021. This dropped dramatically to 23.5% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, when the AIADMK opted to stay out of the BJP-led alliance. In an earlier Data Point titled 'AIADMK and BJP split: Diminishing electoral returns…' in October 2023, we had advanced the reasons for the regional party's decision to move away from the BJP because a significant core of its voters were uncomfortable with the alliance. Meanwhile, the BJP's performance in urban local body elections held closer to that time showed that the party improved its vote share largely at the expense of the AIADMK. The 2024 parliamentary elections — viewed with the caveat that these were held to decide equations in New Delhi rather than in Chennai — also showed that the BJP was capable of gaining ground at the expense of the AIADMK. Meanwhile, the DMK-led alliance — an ideologically coherent front bound by its opposition to the BJP — retained its vote share between 2021 and 2024, enhanced by around 2% points following the support of Kamal Haasan's party. Data in Tables 2A, B, and C, however, complicates the picture. While the AIADMK in its alliance with the BJP won close to 75 Assembly seats in 2021, the split between the two parties resulted in the DMK leading in 221 Assembly segments in the 2024 parliamentary elections. This left the AIADMK-led alliance and the BJP-led alliance to lead in just 10 and 3 segments, respectively. Hypothetically, if the alliance between the AIADMK, the BJP, and their respective partners had remained intact, they would have led in 84 segments. This would have placed the alliance's hypothetical 41% vote share just 6 points behind the ruling coalition's 47%, a gap that a 3-point swing could potentially bridge. A region-wise break-up (Table 3 A and B) gives a more granular picture. In the West, or the Kongu belt from where AIADMK chief Edappadi K. Palaniswami hails, the combined alliance had won 26 out of 42 seats in 2021. In the North-Central region, where the PMK is a strong party, they won 24 of the 55 seats. These numbers were reduced to just 2 (for AIADMK+) and 7 (four for AIADMK+ and three for BJP+) segments, respectively, in the 2024 elections. If these parties had maintained their 2021 alliance, they would have led in 22 segments in the West (as opposed to 20 for the DMK-led coalition) and 29 in the North-Central region (against 26 for the DMK+). The combined coalition would have also led the DMK+ 15-14 in the South. This explains why AIADMK leaders from the West and some in the South have given statements favouring an alliance with the BJP, while the PMK president stated his preference for an alliance with the AIADMK in 2024. The internecine strife within the PMK and the DMDK's new-found ambivalence are challenges for the AIADMK-BJP coalition too. A further complication for the 2026 Assembly elections is the entry of actor Vijay's TVK. An alliance with the TVK might seem a logical way for Mr. Palaniswami to consolidate anti-DMK votes, but two factors complicate this. First, the strength of the TVK's support base remains purely speculative. Second, the AIADMK's influential western leaders continue to push for closer ties with the BJP. Caught between these pressures, the beleaguered leader appears to have chosen to return to the BJP coalition even though it will likely hurt his party's identity in the long run.
Time of India
7 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
NTK, TVK also reject AIADMK's invitation
Chennai: Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) and Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) have rejected an invitation extended by AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami to join his alliance against the ruling DMK , days after Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) and Left parties turned down a similar proposal. Speaking to reporters in Villupuram, NTK chief Seeman rejected EPS' call for all anti-DMK parties to join hands, branding both DMK and AIADMK corrupt entities. "One corrupt party cannot be used to uproot another corrupt party. Fire cannot be doused with another fire; water is needed to put out the fire. We are the water that will douse corruption. We are working with the agenda of defeating both parties," Seeman said. TVK too turned down the proposal. TVK had posted a message on the party's official handle on Tuesday stating that party founder Vijay will be the 'people's favourite' chief ministerial candidate in the 2026 assembly election. "TVK will bring the much-needed change Tamil Nadu yearns for. We will create history by delivering a landslide victory in 2026 with Thalapathy Vijay as our CM candidate," the post read. TVK's propaganda and policy secretary K G Arunraj too echoed the statement that Vijay would be their chief ministerial candidate for the 2026 polls. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Gold Is Surging in 2025 — Smart Traders Are Already In IC Markets Learn More Undo You Can Also Check: Chennai AQI | Weather in Chennai | Bank Holidays in Chennai | Public Holidays in Chennai The response from TVK came after EPS said in an interview that his invitation for electoral alliance with all parties opposing DMK applies to TVK as well. Incidentally Vijay and EPS hold different views on power sharing. While Vijay had favoured the idea of power sharing, EPS was firmly opposed to coalition govt. NTK and TVK turning down the appeal of EPS comes close on the heels of VCK and Left parties rejecting a similar request from the AIADMK general secretary. EPS had alleged DMK was humiliating its allies and questioned the Left parties as well as VCK for continuing in DMK front. VCK chief Thol Thirumavalavan said the remark was a ploy to create confusion in DMK alliance. CPM and CPI leaders too hit out at EPS for making such an offer after having allied with BJP.
The Hindu
11-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
New political contours in Tamil Nadu's shifting sands
With its Assembly elections less than a year away, Tamil Nadu faces a pivotal moment in its pursuit of an upper-middle-income economy. Distinct historically, the State has long resisted national homogenising forces, forging its unique political and social identity. This trajectory is now being tested by complex economic challenges and an assertive central government. The years ahead will determine whether Tamil Nadu can sustain its equitable growth model and preserve its ideological moorings amidst new political realities. Tamil Nadu's political landscape has long been defined by two distinct Dravidian strands. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), known for what political scientist Narendra Subramanian calls its 'assertive populism', leveraged social justice and federalism to uplift marginalised groups. Despite criticisms of patronage, the DMK's ideological commitment has been consistent. Conversely, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) practised 'paternalistic populism', prioritising patronage and welfare over ideology. Led by charismatic figures such as M.G. Ramachandran and J. Jayalalithaa, the AIADMK united diverse anti-DMK forces, from traditional upper-caste Congress supporters to landowning castes and welfare beneficiaries. It also mobilised Dalits against intermediate castes dominant in the DMK, forming a stable bipolar system, with the AIADMK as the DMK's enduring adversary. This bipolar Dravidian system, while fostering patronage and corruption, also drove a competitive populist economic model. This facilitated comprehensive industrialisation as well as welfare in health, education, and services. The State's political exceptionalism has been crucial to its economic success, making it a beacon of inclusive growth, India's second largest economy, and significantly reducing poverty. However, the Dravidian model has its limitations. Its competitive populism has delivered impressive quantitative outcomes such as good high school enrolment, extensive health care, and widespread industrial growth, but quality has often lagged. Learning outcomes are mediocre, employment quality needs improvement and unchecked industrial growth has degraded the environment. Critically, policies designed for the inclusivity of Other Backward Classes (OBC) may have reinforced caste divisions. Despite the State's social justice rhetoric, there is persistent and deep-seated casteism with ongoing discrimination against Dalits and inter-caste tensions. The focus of the Dravidian parties on caste-based mobilisation, while politically successful, has often institutionalised rather than transcended caste identities. The rise of the BJP The national ascendancy of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has fundamentally disrupted this binary system. Lacking significant ideological traction in Tamil Nadu, the BJP has sought to carve out space for itself by fracturing the AIADMK's traditional base, and fostering internal dissension and multiple splits. The irony is stark: a disarrayed AIADMK is now in alliance with the very force that is threatening its ideological and electoral space. This opportunistic alliance now prioritises dislodging the DMK over ideological alignment. The AIADMK cynically leverages the BJP's central strength: blaming the DMK government for failures in securing central funds or abolishing the National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET)-UG despite the Centre's refusal. More alarmingly, the AIADMK, under the leadership of Edappadi K. Palaniswami, a former Chief Minister, has now sought to use the BJP's corrosive ideology as a crutch, seen in his criticism of the current government using temple funds to construct colleges. The DMK's strategy, in response, has been astute: forging a robust ideological alliance with the Congress, Left parties, and the Dalits-led Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) among others. Chief Minister M.K. Stalin's accommodative leadership has maintained cohesion, with the perceived threat of BJP hegemony providing an ongoing ideological imperative. The coalition's strong anti-BJP stance, crucial for cohesion, has also risked unfavourable central policies. The strength of this alliance lies in its inherent framework of mutual accountability. The Congress ensures a national perspective while the Left parties ensure awareness of worker and peasant and environmental issues, pushing beyond narrow industrial progress. Crucially, the VCK's presence represents a corrective mechanism to the DMK's historical limitations — anchoring the alliance to a comprehensive understanding of social justice that extends beyond OBC mobilisation to include Dalit recognition and upliftment — seen in the alliance's attempts at addressing caste discrimination and caste hierarchy more robustly. Tamil Nadu's active civil society further underpins the State's ideological bedrock, championing a nuanced secularism. Unlike other States, where secularism can be defensive, Tamil Nadu's communities often identify as Tamilians alongside their religious identities, fostering inter-religious bonds. Rationalist movements, film-makers and writers have created popular support for progressive policies that attack casteism, patriarchy, and superstition whilst enabling redistributive governance. However, this intellectual and social foundation now faces its greatest test as the political landscape fragments. Four-cornered contest, implications Today, Tamil Nadu faces a new four-cornered contest. The economic implications are profound. New charisma-driven forces have emerged. Actor Vijay's Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) attempts to replicate the AIADMK's matinee idol success with superficial Dravidian and social justice assertions. Conversely, film-maker Seeman's Naam Tamilar Katchi seeks to redefine Tamil nationalism away from its Dravidian core. This fragmentation threatens to exacerbate the existing limitations of the Dravidian model. The AIADMK-BJP alliance aims to exploit rather than resolve caste tensions. Parties such as the Pattali Makkal Katchi, mobilising specific caste identities, have aligned with the BJP for narrow identitarian gains. These formations offer little towards solutions for environmental degradation, gender discrimination or improving education and employment quality — causes of concern in an otherwise developing State. The DMK alliance's progressive framework offers superior conditions for economic transformation. Its emphasis on secular outcomes and social amity creates the governance capacity needed for such transitions. This is aided by the internal dynamics of the alliance. This structure, despite contradictions, provides the best framework for evolving beyond the Dravidian model's limitations while supporting social gains that are essential for economic progress. The new fragmented political landscape could also affect the State's economic trajectory. New battles rooted in casteism or communalism could threaten its ambitions. Social conflict approaches that pit community against community and propagate medieval communal values undermine this transition. As the State seems to progress to an upper-middle-income economy, it must avoid the middle-income trap, shifting to an innovation-driven, high-value manufacturing model. This requires heavy investment in research and development, digital literacy, and diversifying exports into more higher-value products and services — all of which demand greater state facilitation and fiscal autonomy. The State contributed 11.9% to India's manufacturing GDP and has the most factories nationally. Its manufacturing sector grew at 8.33% between 2021-22 and 2023-24. Yet, a significant impediment is the central government's increasing fiscal centralisation and anti-federal policies. The Centre's broader fiscal policies increasingly constrain Tamil Nadu's financial autonomy even as the State demonstrates economic vitality with State Goods and Services Tax (SGST) collections growing 20.12% to ₹35,414.05 crore in H1 2024-25, reduced fiscal allocations post-GST and higher cesses continue to cut mandated devolution. More concerning is its refusal of development funds to Opposition-ruled States as a form of political pressure. Regional resistance to national relevance These challenges highlight a broader strategic imperative for Tamil Nadu's ruling alliance. Sustaining its distinct model requires moving beyond regionalism toward proactive coalition-building. As one State alone cannot effectively challenge central fiscal policies, coordinated opposition can create national pressure. Facing a hostile Centre, the DMK-led alliance must think beyond regional confines, mobilising opinion among other Opposition-ruled States on shared concerns: delimitation, a two-language policy, and greater fiscal decentralisation. For the alliance to achieve its aims within Tamil Nadu, its national partners — particularly the Congress and Left — must actively foster a favourable discourse on federalism, social justice and secularism nationally. The political battles in Tamil Nadu are thus not merely about retaining power. They are about preserving a distinct model of governance and development that has delivered tangible progress. The stakes for Tamil Nadu, Indian federalism, and its diverse ethos, could not be higher.
