Latest news with #anti-German
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Germany and Poland plan closer cooperation despite recent election
German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul and his Polish counterpart Radosław Sikorski plan to advance cooperation between their two countries despite the victory of eurosceptic Karol Nawrocki in the Polish presidential election. "I assume that we will continue to work together very closely and amicably," Wadephul said on Wednesday during a meeting with Sikorski in Berlin. "Our ties are so strong that democratic elections here or there do not call them into question in any way." The cooperation also applies to France within the Weimar Triangle, for example in coordinating support for Ukraine, Wadephul said. The trilateral group, established in 1991, includes France, Germany and Poland, and is designed to promote cooperation among the three. Nawrocki, who was backed by the conservative nationalist Law and Justice party (PiS), had campaigned with anti-German and anti-European rhetoric. But Wadephul said the German-Polish partnership is so close and solid that he has no doubts that joint future and defence projects could be realized. Poland, he said, had held democratic elections. Germans and Poles are friends, "and we want to continue that," the German foreign minister added. Sikorski: Government controls foreign policy Sikorski described it as a sign of democracy that a representative of the opposition had won the presidential election in Poland. Similar to Germany, the president in Poland is not the head of government but a representative of the country abroad. He implements the policies set by the government. While the Polish president has more powers than the German president, including a veto right, "foreign policy is the responsibility of the government," Sikorski said. Wadephul: Defence and infrastructure are key topics Wadephul highlighted European air defence as a security guarantee for citizens and the advancement of European defence cooperation as key areas for expanding collaboration. This, he said, requires "concrete projects, industrial partnerships and political will that does not stop at national borders." A resilient Europe, he added, also requires efficient infrastructure. Roads, railways and bridges are "not just transport routes but lifelines for our security, including between Germany and Poland." At the same time, these investments would tangibly improve the daily lives of people in Poland, Germany and across Europe, he said.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Germany, Poland want closer cooperation despite recent election
German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul and his Polish counterpart Radosław Sikorski want to advance cooperation between their two countries despite the victory of eurosceptic Karol Nawrocki in the Polish presidential election. "I assume that we will continue to work together very closely and amicably," Wadephul said on Wednesday during a meeting with Sikorski in Berlin. "Our ties are so strong that democratic elections here or there do not call them into question in any way." The cooperation also applies to France within the Weimar Triangle, for example in coordinating support for Ukraine, Wadephul said. The trilateral group, established in 1991, includes France, Germany and Poland, and is designed to promote cooperation among the three. Nawrocki, who was backed by the conservative nationalist Law and Justice party (PiS), had campaigned with anti-German and anti-European rhetoric. But Wadephul said the German-Polish partnership is so close and solid that he has no doubts that joint future and defence projects could be realized. Poland, he said, had held democratic elections. Germans and Poles are friends, "and we want to continue that," the German foreign minister added. Sikorski: Government controls foreign policy Sikorski described it as a sign of democracy that a representative of the opposition had won the presidential election in Poland. Similar to Germany, the president in Poland is not the head of government but a representative of the country abroad. He implements the policies set by the government. While the Polish president has more powers than the German president, including a veto right, "foreign policy is the responsibility of the government," Sikorski said.
Straits Times
4 days ago
- Politics
- Straits Times
Pro-Trump nationalist Nawrocki wins Poland's presidential election, rattling Europe's unity
Incoming Polish President Karol Nawrocki is a national conservative determined to obstruct the liberal agenda of Prime Minister Donald Tusk. PHOTO: REUTERS – Just two years after the liberals triumphed in Poland's parliamentary elections, the country is once again shifting sharply to the right. Mr Karol Nawrocki, the winner of the June 1 presidential election, is a national conservative determined to obstruct the liberal agenda of Prime Minister Donald Tusk. His victory not only jeopardises Poland's fragile return to democratic norms and rule of law but also delivers a serious blow to the European Union's (EU) unity. While the Polish presidency is largely ceremonial, the president wields significant power in key areas, including the right to veto legislation. This applies to judicial reforms, budget laws and military appointments. Although a presidential veto can be overridden by a three-fifths parliamentary majority, the current liberal coalition under Mr Tusk does not hold enough seats to do so. 'For the European Union, Mr Nawrocki's win is especially troubling because of the political chaos that is likely to follow in Poland. Mr Tusk's government will now be forced to focus on domestic infighting and the de facto start of the 2027 parliamentary campaign, leaving it little room to act on the European stage,' Dr Agnieszka Lada-Konefal, the deputy director of the German Poland Institute, said in an interview with The Straits Times. Just weeks ago, EU members France, Germany and Poland, alongside Britain, had demonstrated a new alignment in their policy on the war in Ukraine. During a joint visit to Kyiv in May, the leaders reaffirmed their support for the country invaded by Russia in 2022, and presented a united front in contrast to the increasingly erratic foreign policy signals from Washington. US President Donald Trump, through repeated softening of his demands on Russian President Vladimir Putin, has raised doubts about the US' reliability as a Nato partner and an ally of Ukraine, leaving much of Europe feeling strategically isolated. Ahead of the election, Washington had actively supported Mr Nawrocki. Not only did Mr Trump welcome the then candidate to the White House in early May, but US Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem also openly endorsed him, calling Mr Nawrocki 'a leader as strong as Trump himself', and stating that he 'must become Poland's next president'. Such declarations carry weight in Poland, where the US has long been seen as the country's ultimate protector – often more trusted than the EU. Years of anti-German rhetoric from the political right have also left a mark. These parties accuse Germany of trying to dominate its eastern neighbour, continue to demand massive war reparations from Berlin and label Poland's liberals as overly pro-German. Narrow margin reflects polarisation of the nation Mr Nawrocki's victory, with just 50.9 per cent of the vote, came thanks to strong support not only from the conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party, but also from parties positioned even further to the right. He narrowly defeated liberal challenger Rafal Trzaskowski, who garnered 49.1 per cent. Voting patterns reveal a starkly divided country of more than 38 million. Liberal forces dominate Poland's western regions – particularly those bordering Germany – while the east, more rural and conservative, remains a stronghold of nationalist support. Mr Tusk and his coalition have failed to win over voters in these regions, despite initiating a political turnaround after defeating the PiS government in 2023. That government, in power from 2015 to 2023, had heavily politicised the judiciary and media, undermining democratic institutions. Brussels responded at the time with serious concerns over Poland's rule of law, imposing sanctions after the PiS introduced a disciplinary chamber to the Polish Supreme Court that could punish judges viewed as politically inconvenient. On the race leading up to the presidential polls on June 1, Dr Lada-Konefal said: 'This was a deeply personal campaign. It was less about policy and more about a bitter battle between two political camps.' She added: 'The election confirmed the consolidation of the right – a trend we're seeing elsewhere in Europe and in the US.' That consolidation means that even candidates like Mr Nawrocki – largely unknown, politically inexperienced, and dogged by scandals – can succeed. Allegations against him include shady real estate deals, links to prostitution and involvement in organised street brawls. Yet, much like Mr Trump, these controversies appear to not have affected his standing. The fragmented Polish right rallied behind Mr Nawrocki. A historian by training, Mr Nawrocki, 42, comes from a working-class neighbourhood in the northern port city of Gdansk. His father was a lathe operator and an amateur boxer. This modest background appeals to voters who feel alienated from the urban liberal elite. In contrast, Mr Trzaskowski, 53, has served as Warsaw mayor since 2018, and the liberal parties are perceived by many as representing the academic and cultural establishment. Sociologist Lukasz Pawlowski explained this sentiment in a recent interview with the national newspaper Gazeta. He said: 'There is a new top-down polarisation that is being accelerated by a global storm of discontent. Frustration with the establishment is especially high among 18- to 39-year-olds. Both major parties, the liberal Civic Platform and the conservative PiS, are seen as representing the upper classes – certainly not the working class, particularly in the eyes of young voters.' While Mr Nawrocki's political programme remains vague, several tendencies are already clear: He is expected to pursue a pro-US, anti-German, and hardline migration policy. He has repeatedly criticised the presence of the more than one million Ukrainian refugees in Poland, accusing them of draining social services and exploiting the healthcare system through what he called 'medical tourism'. In using this politically loaded term, Mr Nawrocki is alleging that Ukrainians travel back and forth between Ukraine and Poland to take advantage of Poland's healthcare system, creating longer waiting times for Polish citizens. Moreover, Mr Nawrocki, although generally supportive of Ukraine, opposes Kyiv's accession to Nato and the EU until Ukraine officially acknowledges responsibility for a 1943 massacre in western Ukraine of Poles during World War II. However, he has also clearly positioned himself against Russia. Setting a path away from Europe For Europe, Mr Nawrocki's election is disconcerting news. 'Mr Nawrocki's presidency has set the country on a path away from Europe,' said Ms Marta Prochwicz Jazowska, deputy head of the Warsaw office of the think-tank European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR). Although Poland will maintain its commitment to the US and its role on Nato's Eastern Flank, 'the liberal Tusk government will only be able to maintain Poland in the core group of European countries for another two years at best', she added. 'Nawrocki will constrain Tusk's long-term European project of pivoting Poland away from over-reliance on the US,' she said. Ms Prochwicz Jazowska also expects more anti-European, anti-German and anti-migration rhetoric in public discourse. Mr Nawrocki's proximity to the US also suggests he may align with Washington's more confrontational stance on China. Although he has not spoken directly about China, he is unlikely to support the more pragmatic engagement pursued by previous Polish governments – particularly within the framework of the '16+1' initiative, which links China to central and eastern European countries. In recent years, China's growing ties with Russia and its tacit support for Russia in the ongoing war in Ukraine have led to a cooling of this cooperation. Markus Ziener is a professor at Media University Berlin and writes on political and security issues. Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
Yahoo
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Thatcher government considered cancelling VE Day ‘to avoid offending Germany'
Margaret Thatcher's government considered cancelling VE Day celebrations over fears 'triumphant' celebrations would offend the German government, documents have revealed. This week, four days of commemorative events are set to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War, when the Allies accepted the surrender of Nazi Germany. Yet unearthed letters reveal that in 1984, Sir Geoffrey Howe, the foreign secretary feared 'causing deep offence' to the German government if celebrations showed 'any hint of triumphalism'. The letters pre-dated an apparent Thatcher government about-turn following comments made by Baroness Janet Young, then junior foreign office minister, who suggested an 'international celebration' of the event would appear 'at best nostalgic and at worst anti-German'. At the time, Baroness Thatcher staunchly defended the integrity of her government, insisting she had always planned national commemorations to mark the occasion. She said: 'I agree that we should have a national celebration. I feel we should celebrate the fact that we have had peace with freedom for some 40 years.' But the declassified letters illustrate the last-minute crisis that was happening behind the scenes in the days leading up to the about-turn. The documents – dated over a week in January 1985 – illustrate how Lady Thatcher feared a media storm if celebrations were cancelled and how she was coached to play down the issue ahead of a Prime Minister's Questions session. In a letter written by Lady Young to John Cartwright, an SDP MP, on Jan 9 1985, in the foreign secretary's absence, she said: 'I believe our objective should be to highlight not only the achievements of those who won the war 1945 but also of our former enemies who since then have built stable democratic societies and are now our partners and allies.' The minister went on to say that a 'truly international' celebration 'confined' to Britain's 'wartime allies' would 'hardly do justice to the realities of present-day politics and [the UK's] flourishing post-war partnership with Germany, Italy and Japan'. Lady Young went on to cite an opinion poll that found that 'many people in Britain now regard the Germans as our best friends in Europe', before concluding: 'In the circumstances, I see a real risk that any official British international celebrations confined to wartime allies could appear at best nostalgic, and at worst anti-German, unbalanced and open to historical distortion by the Soviet Union.' Public comments made by Lady Young a few days later saw her say that while she could 'not speak for what the German government might say' the UK government '[had] to take into consideration their view'. 'We want, in considering anniversaries like VE Day, first to honour our war dead,' she added, in a transcript dated Jan 13. 'But we also need to look forward and not back.' The following day, Lord Butler, principal private secretary to Lady Thatcher, wrote to Sir Geoffrey Howe's office, explaining that the prime minister 'did not have an opportunity to raise with [Sir Geoffrey] at lunch… the widespread criticism of the government's decision not to arrange a celebration of the 40th anniversary of VE Day'. Lord Butler went on to say how Lady Thatcher had discussed a number of 'possibilities', which included the idea of holding a joint session of Parliament in Westminster Hall, which would be attended by 'representatives of the Armed Services, ex-servicemen's organisations and the bereaved'. Lord Butler added: 'The prime minister would be grateful for further advice from the foreign secretary, in the light of the reaction to the announcement so far made, any of these possibilities should be further considered. 'I am afraid that we will anyway need your urgent advice on the line which the prime minister should take on this matter in case it is raised at parliamentary questions tomorrow.' A subsequent letter sent the next day by Sir Leonard Appleyard, Sir Geoffrey's principal private secretary, said that the foreign secretary believed the government had 'no interest in proposing' an 'international commemoration of VE Day' that would be sponsored by the Western Allies. Sir Leonard added: 'Any such event would raise difficult problems about how to involve the Russians without causing deep offence to the Germans, whom the Russians are almost daily accusing of 'revanchism' and militarism.' He said: 'The Germans would have no reason to object to a purely domestic British commemoration of VE Day. 'What they would resent would be any hint of triumphalism or association with 'revanchist' charges.' In an attached document, lines were also provided for the prime minister to take for Prime Minister's Questions that day. 'Entirely right that everyone who wishes to have [the] opportunity to recall the sacrifices of the war, and commemorate not just victory but also 40 years of peace in Europe,' the first part of 'line to take' reads. Lady Thatcher was then advised to say that the government was 'considering the form of a national commemoration which will both honour the dead and point to reconciliation and reconstruction that has been achieved'. Yet on questions regarding an international commemoration, the prime minister was advised to say, 'no proposals for this', before suggesting there would be other occasions to mark 'the theme of peaceful reconciliation and to look to the future'. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Thatcher government considered cancelling VE Day ‘to avoid offending Germany'
Margaret Thatcher 's government considered cancelling VE Day celebrations over fears 'triumphant' celebrations would offend the German government, documents have revealed. This week, four days of commemorative events are set to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War, when the Allies accepted the surrender of Nazi Germany. Yet unearthed letters reveal that in 1984, Sir Geoffrey Howe, the foreign secretary feared 'causing deep offence' to the German government if celebrations showed 'any hint of triumphalism'. The letters pre-dated an apparent Thatcher government about-turn following comments made by Baroness Janet Young, then junior foreign office minister, who suggested an 'international celebration' of the event would appear 'at best nostalgic and at worst anti-German'. At the time, Baroness Thatcher staunchly defended the integrity of her government, insisting she had always planned national commemorations to mark the occasion. She said: 'I agree that we should have a national celebration. I feel we should celebrate the fact that we have had peace with freedom for some 40 years.' But the declassified letters illustrate the last-minute crisis that was happening behind the scenes in the days leading up to the about-turn. The documents – dated over a week in January 1985 – illustrate how Baroness Thatcher feared a media storm if celebrations were cancelled and how she was coached to play down the issue ahead of a Prime Minister's Questions session. In a letter written by Baroness Young to SDP MP John Cartwright on Jan 9 1985, in the foreign secretary's absence, she said: 'I believe our objective should be to highlight not only the achievements of those who won the war 1945 but also of our former enemies who since then have built stable democratic societies and are now our partners and allies.' The minister went on to say that a 'truly international' celebration 'confined' to Britain's 'wartime allies' would 'hardly do justice to the realities of present-day politics and [the UK's] flourishing post-war partnership with Germany, Italy and Japan'. Baroness Young went on to cite an opinion poll that found that 'many people in Britain now regard the Germans as our best friends in Europe', before concluding: 'In the circumstances, I see a real risk that any official British international celebrations confined to wartime allies could appear at best nostalgic, and at worst anti-German, unbalanced and open to historical distortion by the Soviet Union.' Public comments made by Baroness Young a few days later saw her say that while she could 'not speak for what the German government might say' the UK government '[had] to take into consideration their view'. 'We want, in considering anniversaries like VE Day, first to honour our war dead,' she added, in a transcript dated Jan 13. 'But we also need to look forward and not back.' The following day, Lord Butler, principal private secretary to Baroness Thatcher, wrote to Sir Geoffrey Howe's office, explaining that the prime minister 'did not have an opportunity to raise with [Sir Geoffrey] at lunch… the widespread criticism of the government's decision not to arrange a celebration of the 40th anniversary of VE Day'. Lord Butler went on to say how Baroness Thatcher had discussed a number of 'possibilities', which included the idea of holding a joint session of Parliament in Westminster Hall, which would be attended by 'representatives of the Armed Services, ex-servicemen's organisations and the bereaved'. Lord Butler added: 'The prime minister would be grateful for further advice from the foreign secretary, in the light of the reaction to the announcement so far made, any of these possibilities should be further considered. 'I am afraid that we will anyway need your urgent advice on the line which the prime minister should take on this matter in case it is raised at parliamentary questions tomorrow.' A subsequent letter sent the next day by Sir Leonard Appleyard, Sir Geoffrey's principal private secretary, said that the foreign secretary believed the government had 'no interest in proposing' an 'international commemoration of VE Day' that would be sponsored by the Western Allies. Sir Leonard added: 'Any such event would raise difficult problems about how to involve the Russians without causing deep offence to the Germans, whom the Russians are almost daily accusing of 'revanchism' and militarism.' He said: 'The Germans would have no reason to object to a purely domestic British commemoration of VE Day. 'What they would resent would be any hint of triumphalism or association with 'revanchist' charges.' In an attached document, lines were also provided for the prime minister to take for Prime Minister's Questions that day. 'Entirely right that everyone who wishes to have [the] opportunity to recall the sacrifices of the war, and commemorate not just victory but also 40 years of peace in Europe,' the first part of 'line to take' reads. Baroness Thatcher was then advised to say that the government was 'considering the form of a national commemoration which will both honour the dead and point to reconciliation and reconstruction that has been achieved'. Yet on questions regarding an international commemoration, the prime minister was advised to say, 'no proposals for this', before suggesting there would be other occasions to mark 'the theme of peaceful reconciliation and to look to the future'.
