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Tauranga's Maia Roddick, 8, shines as talented drummer with big ambitions
Tauranga's Maia Roddick, 8, shines as talented drummer with big ambitions

NZ Herald

time09-08-2025

  • Entertainment
  • NZ Herald

Tauranga's Maia Roddick, 8, shines as talented drummer with big ambitions

'Lots of girls can do very cool things.' Like who? Tell us. 'Well, my friend Azariah can do a double backward flip.' That is pretty cool. 'She's amazing!' But right now it's Maia's time to shine, a chance to haul her drum kit from the shadows to the front of the stage. Into the spotlight. Her chance to make a noise. Because making noise, big noise is this pint-sized kid's thing, what she does loudly well. Small doing big. 'I like loud. It's got to be loud. If it's not loud I am out of here.' Even when she's not thrashing her drum kit in the lounge at home, Welcome Bay's own little 'Queen of Slam' pretends. She's thrumming her fingers on the table as we talk. That's the snare, or the ride, I presume. Then she pumps the air – 'BOOM! BOOM! BOOM!' – simulating walloping the kick drum, the big, thumping attack weapon in her drum kit. So even when she's not drumming, she is. It's not even 9am on a sleepy, suburban, school holiday Monday morning. But this place is already rocking. Green Day's anti-war anthem Holiday is pumping. But the band's drummer Tré Cool has been kind of stood down because Roddick has assumed the 'throne', the drum stool, and is pounding out the rhythm, pretty well beat-perfect. 'I beg to dream and differ from the hollow lies, This is the dawning of the rest of our lives.' One of the few quiet moments in this drummer's short life – Maia Roddick, 8, with the tools of her trade, and her kit. Photo/ Brydie Thompson The anti-Iraq war lyrics of Holiday might be lost on an 8-year-old, but not the song's driving rhythm. She's in the zone, all grown up, doing her own 'very cool' Tré Cool, punk-pop impressions – all energy and powerful fills. But still a cheeky and vivacious kid in pink lacy socks, hoodie and a shock of wake-up hair that needs serious taming but, like it's owner, probably never will be. This one song Holiday has been on relentless loop for about a month in this household. 'Played 1000 times,' laughs Maia. That's the way they learn. Just one song, familiarise with all the nuances, get it down-pat, then move on to something new and more challenging. What about the din? What about the neighbours? 'I just message them and wave,' hoots Belinda, Maia's mum. They hoot a lot in this household. 'They're lovely and understanding.' They'd need to be because when Belinda was channelling Maia's music through that TV of Imax proportions on the lounge wall, she cranked the volume so much she blew up the sound. And possibly some neighbourly goodwill with it. Now Maia's got her own big, black boom box with disco lights. It even looks loud. The sound factory is heaving once more. Maia's dad probably has the biggest issues. He sometimes works from home, making the important phone calls, bringing in the bucks. But being smashed by 85 decibels of Green Day, again and again and again, and a daughter doing 'loud' on the skins, probably doesn't help his day. How does an 8-year-old connect with drumming? Blame her savvy mother. 'I saw she had some beats,' Belinda says. 'So I'd put a heap of pots on the floor and gave her a chopstick. She loved the different sounds they made.' She got a mini drum kit which went 'ding, ding, ding' at 6am. 'So Mum threw it away.' The replacement electronic kit didn't 'make a real noise' and so she graduated to a full acoustic kit. Next minute, she had cartwheeled into drum class. 'Literally cartwheeled,' Andre Hood says. Hook took up drums about the same age as Maia and 12 years later is her drum tutor at Upton Music School. One of the few quiet moments in this drummer's short life – Maia Roddick, 8, with the tools of her trade, and her kit. Photo/ Brydie Thompson 'Extraordinary energy, always dancing and jumping around.' Apparently a lot of kids will show initial enthusiasm then lose interest. 'But Maia is full of enthusiasm, dedication and commitment. She's so cool, such a pleasure.' Is it just a coincidence that in Māori, Maia translates to courageous and confident? She seems to wear her name well. 'She lights up on the kit, brave, full of energy and expression, and self-assured,' Hood says. And if drummers are characterised by extroversion, impulsiveness and movement, if they are risk-takers, adaptable and assertive with a work ethic, perhaps this dynamic wee 8-year-old was born a drummer. She screws up that little nose at mention of brothers Dylan and TK. 'Annoying!' But after they took time to watch little sister perform live at the Upton mid-year concert and reported back that she was 'very cool' and none of the others were as good as her, they suddenly weren't so annoying. She had new respect. The little creative who loves art and hates maths, who can tinker on a piano and wants to be a complete singer/drummer like Karen Carpenter, who plays any sport involving a ball, dabbles in kapa haka and swimming, who likes Bruno Mars and Katy Perry but is 'not a Swifty', writes her own report card. And it's a pass. 'I'm doing 11-year-old stuff,' the 8-year-old matter-of-factly says. Mum hoots again. 'Better not put that in the story.' No! we don't want her appearing precocious. Fair enough. Anyhow, the tutor says it all for Maia. 'Exceptional for her age. But what really impresses is her dedication. You need dedication to grow because natural talent only gets you so far.' And friends think it's cool. 'It shows girls can do anything.' Like drumming and back flips. 'Sure.' That's the message an 8-old-year old insisted be in the story. And while many parents probably harbour dreams of their kids becoming prima ballerinas or concert pianists and watching them from the box at Covent Garden, Belinda Roddick might have to watch her 'prodigy' from the mosh pit at a heavy metal or punk rock concert. 'Absolutely fine. I've always said: 'Do what makes you happy! It might not make you rich, but you will be a happier person'.'

Ro Khanna calls on Democrats to reclaim identity as ‘the anti-war party'
Ro Khanna calls on Democrats to reclaim identity as ‘the anti-war party'

Yahoo

time26-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Ro Khanna calls on Democrats to reclaim identity as ‘the anti-war party'

In the days since Donald Trump authorized strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, and then forged a shaky ceasefire agreement, Congressman Ro Khanna has called on Democrats to reclaim a political identity he says they lost: being the party of peace. 'Now is the time for the Democratic party to be the anti-war party – the party against wars of choice,' Khanna said in an interview. 'We should be the party of peace abroad, good jobs at home. Donald Trump took that from us in 2016 and 2024 and my leadership this past week has been trying to reclaim the anti-war mantle.' On Capitol Hill, Khanna is at the center of a renewed push to reassert congressional authority over war-making. But away from the House floor, the California progressive, viewed as a potential 2028 contender, is challenging Democrats to act like an opposition party determined to prevent another 'forever war'. It is, in his view, both a morally correct position and politically wise one. 'The reality is that the Washington beltway is out of touch with where most Americans are,' he said. 'Most Americans are very opposed to these wars. They're opposed to this increase of defense contractor spending. They want to focus on building jobs here, building prosperity here.' Recent polling by CNN and Reuters/Ipsos found that a majority disapproved of the president's decision to bomb three nuclear sites in Iran. Khanna argues that the Democratic party's foreign policy – especially the Biden administration's unwavering support for Israel's war in Gaza – has damaged its standing with young voters. He sees a chance to rebuild trust with those disappointed by Trump – a president who once said his success would be judged by 'perhaps most importantly, the wars we never get into', but has instead backed military strikes and later mused about the possibility of 'regime change' in Iran. 'This is something that can help us build a majority coalition – help us win back disaffected young men who don't want to see more wars,' he said. 'They want to see investments in their communities and it should really be something the Democratic Party should get out in front of.' It's not a new argument for Khanna, who launched one of the first anti-Iraq war primary challenges against a sitting House Democrat in 2004. During Trump's first term, he partnered with Senator Bernie Sanders and a coalition of anti-interventionist Republicans to pass a war powers resolution – the first ever to reach a president's desk – which Trump ultimately vetoed. The measure aimed to end US military support for Saudi Arabia's war in Yemen. 'What the American people want is for politicians and leaders to stand up and say, 'I'm going to take on the defense establishment. I'm going to take on the foreign policy bloc. I'm going to stand up against these wars,'' Khanna said. 'They want us to speak with clarity, not process arguments.' This time, Khanna has joined forces with Republican congressman Thomas Massie of Kentucky, to sponsor a war powers resolution that would require congressional approval before the US military engages in further hostilities against Iran. According to Khanna, the resolution that, as of Wednesday, had nearly 70 Democratic co-sponsors, is on track to come up for a vote in mid July. But its fate is uncertain. Massie, who has faced withering criticism from Trump over his support for the resolution, has suggested the measure might not be necessary if the peace agreement endures. Khanna hopes Trump's ceasefire holds – but he does not believe that matters of war and peace should be left to the whims of a mercurial president. 'We need to have this resolution in case, over the next few weeks, [Trump] decides to threaten Iran again or gets pushed into Iran again,' he said. 'And more importantly, it should be given a vote so that we know that Congress is going to be willing to step up in the future when he's tempted to go into war.' Nearly all of Trump's Republican allies on Capitol Hill have rallied around the president, arguing that he had the right to order the strikes as commander-in-chief. On Tuesday, the House speaker, Mike Johnson, said that he believed the War Powers Resolution, the law Congress passed in 1973, overriding a presidential veto from Richard Nixon, to require congressional authorization for the use of military force, was itself 'unconstitutional'. The White House has hailed the strikes as a strategic success – a show of strength that blunted Iran's nuclear ambitions at minimal cost. US officials characterized Iran's retaliatory missile attack on a US base in Qatar as largely symbolic. But an initial US intelligence assessment has suggested that Iran's nuclear program was not 'obliterated' as Trump claimed, but set back only by a few months. It also found that much of Iran's stockpile of highly enriched uranium that could be used to build a nuclear weapon was moved before the strikes. The White House has rejected the report as 'flat-out wrong'. Citing both the intelligence findings and signs of hardline resistance inside Iran, Khanna warns the risk of escalation remains high. Trump has threatened further bombing if Iran restarts its nuclear program, and what Khanna calls the 'neocon wing' is already agitating for more aggressive action – including talk of regime change in Tehran. The Senate may vote as soon as this week on a similar resolution led by Tim Kaine, a Democrat of Virginia. Kaine has said he expects the measure to receive the support of all but one Democrat and at least some Republicans, but it remains unclear if it will garner enough votes to pass. 'Too many members of Congress, especially the tough-talking Iran hawks on the Republican side, they're OK with war, but by God, they're too chicken to vote for it,' Kaine said, speaking shortly before Khanna on a Tuesday night live stream hosted by the progressive activist group MoveOn. A growing number of Democrats are now publicly calling Trump's decision to strike Iran not only dangerous, but unconstitutional – an act of war carried out without congressional authorization. For Khanna, it's a sign his party may finally be rediscovering its anti-war roots. 'In the beginning, there was a muddled message and silence,' he said of the Democrats' response. 'But I think as the week has progressed, more and more people are coming around to my view.'

Asylum seeker allowed to stay in Britain after judge confused Iraq with Iran
Asylum seeker allowed to stay in Britain after judge confused Iraq with Iran

Telegraph

time20-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Telegraph

Asylum seeker allowed to stay in Britain after judge confused Iraq with Iran

An Iraqi asylum seeker was allowed to stay in Britain after an immigration judge confused his home country with Iran. The unnamed man won his case after Judge Helena Suffield-Thompson delivered a ruling based on guidance that related to the wrong Middle Eastern state. She assessed that he would be at risk of persecution because of anti-Iraq government posts on his public Facebook account that would be subject to surveillance. However, Judge Suffield-Thompson had based the ruling on Iran, which has a 'sophisticated' capability to monitor the social media accounts of political opponents, rather than Iraq, which carries out no such surveillance. A new tribunal has since found that Judge Suffield-Thompson 'erred in law' as the apparent 'risks' to the asylum seeker were based on an assessment of Iran instead of Iraq – which carries out no such surveillance. New tribunal hearing The asylum case will now have to start again with a new tribunal hearing it due to the blunder. The case, disclosed in court papers, is the latest example exposed by the Telegraph where migrants or convicted foreign criminals have won the right to remain in the UK or halt their deportations. There are a record 41,987 outstanding immigration appeals, largely on human rights grounds, which threaten to hamper Labour's efforts to fast-track removal of illegal migrants. The backlog has risen by nearly a quarter since September and is up nearly 500 per cent from just 7,173 at the start of 2022. In an initial asylum appeal in July 2022, Judge Suffield-Thompson ruled in the unnamed Iraqi's favour after he argued 'he was at risk from the Kurdish leadership as he had exposed their corrupt practices and behaviour'. The asylum seeker claimed 'he campaigned against the Kurdish leadership in the UK' and was involved in 'activities' in Britain and 'expressed his views on Facebook such that he would be at risk of persecution on return as a result.' Judge had 'materially erred' But following the July 2022 decision to allow him to stay, the Home Office launched an appeal, asserting the judge 'had materially erred by relying on the factual findings of Country Guidance decisions that did not relate to the country situation in Iraq and instead either related to Turkey or Iran'. It added: 'It is contended therefore that the appeal has been allowed on an erroneous basis.' Judge Suffield-Thompson in July 2022 had claimed, wrongly, that the Iraqi authorities had developed 'sophisticated' means to keep check on the activities of demonstrators, Facebook users and bloggers abroad. 'The [Iraqi's] Facebook posts are public so he will be readily identified as the person making those anti-government posts. He will also have to disclose that he has been living in the UK. He is not expected to lie about his political views and beliefs due to fear of persecution,' the tribunal was told. However, the upper immigration tribunal found there was no evidence that Iraqi authorities monitor the social media pages of anti-Iraq protestors, unlike Iran. Judge Lucy Murray said: 'It is unclear whether [Judge Suffield-Thompson] mistakenly thought that [Iranian case law] was in fact Iraqi country guidance case law. The case reference is incorrectly cited by her ... and omits the word 'Iran'. 'In the circumstances, I conclude that [Judge Suffield-Thompson's] assessment of the risk on return to the [Iraqi] due to his sur place activities was based on country guidance that did not relate to Iraq.'

Resistance review – a captivating century of protest and photography
Resistance review – a captivating century of protest and photography

The Guardian

time21-02-2025

  • Entertainment
  • The Guardian

Resistance review – a captivating century of protest and photography

Taking us from the founding of the suffragette movement in 1903 to the vast demonstrations against the Iraq war in 2003, Resistance presents us with a century of protest in Britain, of causes and gatherings and acts of defiance. A hundred years of reasons, of inequalities and wrongs and rights, of marches and riots, of peaceful sit-downs and kiss-ins, of fortitude and dissent and things kicking off. Things can get ugly. A fire bomb in the road, marbles under the horses' hooves. Not resisting is uglier. Resistance also presents us with 100 years of photographs. Filled with incident and detail, personal shots and anonymous press images, documentary series and photographs found in archives and culled from collections, they range from journalistic assignments to surreptitious surveillance images, pictures by famous photographers and by anonymous agency ones. Conceived by Steve McQueen and curated by Clarrie Wallis, it is a show of fractured continuities and swerving vantage points. All the images have been scanned in black and white and hung in black frames. There are a few sepia-toned photos but no colour images. All the prints are relatively small and invite close looking. They gather and disperse and they march around the walls of the Turner Contemporary. The images home in and they pull back. We see crowds on the move and groups of the unemployed lying in the road to disrupt the traffic on Oxford Street. Protesters occupy tree houses high above the proposed Newbury bypass and they dance on the missile silos at Greenham Common. We find ourselves in courtrooms and cells, marching among millions and watching Arthur Scargill on the telly in someone's sitting room in the north-east of England. There's disenfranchised lassitude and the amazing creativity of the squatters who occupied scaffolding towers and netting above a row of houses to prevent their eviction. A couple dance wildly at an early Caribbean carnival in St Pancras Town Hall in 1959, sound systems are rigged-up in Notting Hill and anti-Iraq war activist Brian Haw begins his 670th day of protest opposite the Houses of Parliament in 2003 (his vigil lasted a decade, until his death in 2011). There are riots in the Bogside; Tom Robinson performing at a Rock Against Racism carnival; anti-racists blocking a National Front demonstration in New Cross; and Humphrey Spender documenting the Great Depression in 1936, photographing kids playing in a derelict street in Jarrow and unemployed Tyneside workers on the Newcastle quay, the Tyne Bridge looming behind them. Images such as Spender's, published in the popular Picture Post, gained enormous currency. Subtitled How Protest Shaped Britain and Photography Shaped Protest, the exhibition ends at a point when social media and advances in smartphone technology began to irrevocably change our relationship with images, as well as the relationship between photographs and videos and truth. The exhibition is compelling in all sorts of ways. As social history, as documentary, as eye-witness report and as remembering, whether it is of the unemployment marches of the 1930s or the protests against the overwhelming silence surrounding the deaths of 13 young people in a house fire in New Cross in 1981. Resistance is more than a parade of markers or a timeline of dissent. Well-known protests such as the Grunwick Dispute in 1976-8, in which a group of mostly Indian female workers from east Africa walked out of the film processing factory in west London where they suffered low wages, intimidation and exploitation, or the demonstration against the poll tax in 1990, the battles for gay liberation and against Section 28, also meet largely forgotten protests here; members of the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds protest 'against the use of egret feathers in hats' at a demonstration in London in 1911, and blind people march from cities around England and Wales to London in 1920, petitioning for 'Justice not Charity'. In the early 1990s, disabled protesters hold a 'Piss on Pity' campaign challenging ITV's patronising, celebrity telethon appeals, and 30 years on we have 'crip rights' and protests. It is easy to get caught up in the incidental details. The policeman wheeling his bike behind the Jarrow marchers. The kid, knock-kneed, hands in the pockets of his shorts, staring at the photographer Christine Spengler while she's taking a picture of a young British soldier on a Belfast corner in 1970. I do a double-take. The kid's wearing a weirdly comical mask, his own resistance to the presence of soldiers on the streets. The young unemployed sit on the floor and lean at the counter in the dole office, in Tish Murtha's 1981 series Youth Unemployment. From the same series, kids leap from a high window on to a pile of old mattresses in a wretched, partly demolished housing block. An onlooker in the image is holding a ventriloquist's dummy, which looks back out at us, a sort of bug-eyed rejoinder to our looking. John Deakin, then working for Picture Post, took a group of portraits of delegates at the 1945 Pan African Congress in Manchester. These included Jomo Kenyatta, future president of Kenya, and Jamaican Pan-African activist Amy Garvey. The photographer's close friend Francis Bacon called Deakin the greatest portrait photographer since Nadar and Julia Margaret Cameron. We meet individuals as well as crowds here; Tony Benn, speaking in Trafalgar Square during the Suez crisis, and Bertrand Russell, at an anti-nuclear missile protest in 1961 ('Bertrand Russell – King of the kids!', my father used to shout, whenever the aged philosopher appeared on the television). Oswald Mosley, in ridiculous jodhpurs and riding boots, exchanges a fascist salute with his blackshirt followers at a 1936 rally, and here's Mosley again, rallying a postwar crowd. He's ditched his absurd uniform of strongman leather belt and the boots by now. Mosley's pre-war antisemitism gave way, by the 1970s, to the National Front and broader attacks on immigration and the Black and Asian population, leading to mass demonstrations and shows of revulsion against them. Sometimes resistance has to go on and on and it must never stop. An anti-fascist protester is led away after a mounted police baton charge during the Battle of Cable Street in 1936, and a week later fire runs in the gutter on another East End street. There are flashpoints and long-terms protest, hunger strikes and a picture of a 'dirty protester' incarcerated in Belfast's Maze Prison, smuggled out in 1979. We find covert police images of suffragettes, and another of them in court (the camera hidden in the photographer's hat). The stories bolster the images and keep the whole thing alive. The exhibition and accompanying book – with numerous essays by Gary Younge, Paul Gilroy, Baroness Chakrabarti and others, and including first-hand accounts of protest movements and acts of resistance – has been several years in the making. McQueen's highly personal introduction recounts his going to a Saturday school, one of several set up by Black families to help children who were being failed by the education system. It was here that McQueen learned to draw, and to gain confidence. Eventually he went to art school. The first demonstration he went on was against the introduction of student tuition fees in 1988. He knows he could not have gone to art school if he'd had to pay. 'My own resistance started with me loving myself,' he writes. 'My resistance was my courage to dare and push my ability.' Resistance is inspiring. Resistance is at Turner Contemporary, Margate, from 22 February to 1 June

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