Latest news with #censuremotion
Yahoo
7 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Premier's call on Latham sext scandal
NSW Premier Chris Minns has refused to rule out further action against Mark Latham in state parliament after reports the former One Nation leader sent sexually explicit texts to his then-partner from the chamber. The one-time NSW One Nation leader has faced renewed controversy in recent days following allegations by his former partner of domestic abuse after an apprehended violence order application was filed in court. Mr Latham has denied the allegations, which do not involve any criminal charges and have not been tested in court, but again faced claims on Wednesday he sent explicit messages to his ex-partner from inside parliament. Asked whether he would move any additional censure motions following revelations of the messages, the Premier said he would 'reserve' his answer until more information was presented, but refused to rule it out. 'I wouldn't say categorically we wouldn't be prepared to move (a motion),' Mr Minns said. 'What I would say is that you're right, notice was given in relation to a censure of Mr Latham prior to any of these revelations. 'That goes to the point (that) people were warned about this guy for a long time, and we're going to go ahead with those motions and I am hopeful that it gets wide support to send a clear message that the kind of behaviour that he's been up to for a period of time is completely unacceptable.' Those sentiments were mirrored by Labor upper house leader Penny Sharpe who on Tuesday said she put two motions before the house when parliament resumes in August. One of those motions would seek to refer Mr Latham to the privileges committee over his behaviour. The second would be a more general motion calling into question his overall behaviour. 'Mark Latham has some questions to answer on a whole range of behaviours,' she said. Mr Minns has ramped up his attacks in recent months against Mr Latham, a former Labor leader who has become a key vote against the government in the Legislative Council. In June, Mr Minns called Mr Latham 'Australia's biggest bigot' in a surprise spray during question time, and claimed there was an a 'coalition emerging' between the Greens in the Upper House, the Legislative Council, the Coalition, and One Nation. He claimed they were 'voting together day after day' to 'platform one of the most shameful bigots in NSW', referring to Mr Latham. In a series of late night tweets on Tuesday, Mr Latham said the messages purported to be between him and his former partner were 'not accurate' and claimed 'someone has made changes in very important ways'. Mr Latham claimed the messages, as reproduced in The Daily Telegraph, omitted messages in the chain and claimed in one instance a word had been omitted from a message. But he did not deny claims a message had been sent during question time. 'The Tele is tut-tutting one of these messages was sent during question time,' he said. 'At least I was there. There's a terrible upper house tradition of a whole bunch of MPs never attending QT, they just pop in and out for their own question.' He went on to add: 'It's a case of LDS: Latham Derangement Syndrome.'
Japan Times
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Times
Ursula Von der Leyen faces a moment of truth
On Thursday, the European Parliament will vote on whether to dismiss Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and her entire team. This motion of censure — the European Union's equivalent of a no-confidence vote — is highly unusual. While such motions have never succeeded, they represent the bloc's most powerful check on executive authority and have historically reshaped the political dynamics in Brussels. The stakes could not be higher. As Europe negotiates a potential trade deal with U.S. President Donald Trump's administration and struggles to maintain its influence in the on-again, off-again Ukraine-Russia peace talks, the vote's outcome could determine the EU's strategic direction. It may finally compel von der Leyen to make a defining choice: Govern from the political center or continue what some Europeans see as a drift toward the nationalist right. Von der Leyen's choice could have profound implications for the bloc's global relevance and credibility. The censure motion, prompted by a recent court ruling criticizing von der Leyen's refusal to disclose the text messages she exchanged with Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla during the COVID-19 vaccine negotiations, was initiated by right-wing and far-right groups. It also reflects broader concerns about her alleged bypassing of the EU Parliament and centralization of power within the Commission. Although the motion has little chance of passing, it cannot be dismissed as mere posturing or, as von der Leyen put it, 'another crude attempt to drive a wedge between our institutions, between the pro-European, pro-democratic forces in this House.' Ironically, the right-wing push to unseat von der Leyen has provided a platform for mainstream parties to air their own frustrations with her increasing willingness to accommodate far-right positions. The three centrist parties that played a vital role in securing a second term for von der Leyen as Commission President – the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, Renew Europe (formerly ALDE) and the Greens/European Free Alliance – have grown disillusioned with what they see as her abandonment of their shared political priorities. Although she pledged to govern from the center with these parties' backing, her European People's Party (EPP) has increasingly relied on support from the right. This strategic pivot has led the EPP to undermine the European Green Deal by diluting corporate sustainability-reporting regulations and delaying the EU's deforestation law. More recently, it has reportedly sought far-right support to secure key rapporteur appointments on two immigration laws that could make the bloc's migration policies significantly more restrictive. These shifts have left von der Leyen politically vulnerable. A Commission president caught between two incompatible parliamentary blocs threatens the EU's ability to pursue a coherent political agenda. Since its establishment in 1958, the European Parliament has held censure powers as a key instrument of democratic oversight. From the moment of its appointment, the European Commission is collectively accountable to the Parliament. When trust breaks down, Parliament retains the authority to impose the ultimate sanction. Yet all 13 censure motions brought forward since the European Parliament's creation have either been withdrawn or failed. This is partly due to the deliberately high threshold: two-thirds of votes cast, representing at least 361 members — an even higher bar than for electing the Commission president in the first place. The far-reaching consequences of forcing the entire Commission to resign have traditionally dissuaded mainstream parties from endorsing such motions. More fundamentally, members of the European Parliament have long been guided by a sense of institutional loyalty, often prioritizing European unity over democratic accountability. But limited use has not rendered the mechanism politically irrelevant. In parliamentary democracies around the world, opposition parties routinely use no-confidence votes to extract concessions from governing coalitions. While the EU's version is more demanding, the underlying dynamic remains the same: Opposition forces can create leverage even when success is out of reach. It's happened before. In 1996, Parliament established a committee of inquiry into the mad cow disease crisis. Although a subsequent censure motion was defeated, it paved the way for a 'conditional censure' mechanism through which lawmakers gave the Commission six months to address specific concerns, using the threat of future action to secure concrete policy commitments. Today, mainstream European parties find themselves in a surprisingly strong position to apply similar pressure. Without their continued support, von der Leyen cannot advance several major policy priorities: the upcoming Multiannual Financial Framework budget negotiations, the implementation of the EU's competitiveness agenda, a package of single-market reforms and the European rearmament initiative, which requires unprecedented levels of fiscal coordination. The Social Democrats, Liberals and Greens in Parliament could use this moment to demand explicit commitments in exchange for their continued support. More importantly, they must force von der Leyen to choose between two irreconcilable political paths: governing with the centrist coalition that has defined EU policy for the past five decades or continuing to court nationalist parties whose votes come with decidedly noncentrist policy strings attached. With democratic institutions under pressure worldwide, Europe's ability to self-correct matters far beyond its own borders. The question isn't whether Parliament will remove von der Leyen — it won't — but whether it will seize the opportunity to define the terms for responsible European governance. Von der Leyen's ongoing political ambiguity has become a strategic liability at a time when Europe's allies need clarity. Above all, they must know whether they are engaging with a Commission committed to democratic values or one being shaped by nationalist actors who often prioritize the interests of Russia and the Trump administration. The July 10 vote will reveal whether European democracy has matured to the point where democratic accountability takes precedence over institutional loyalty and whether the bloc is prepared to face today's challenges with purpose and resolve. Alberto Alemanno, professor of European Union law at HEC Paris and visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges and Natolin, is founder of The Good Lobby and the author of "Lobbying for Change: Find Your Voice to Create a Better Society" (Icon Books, 2017). © Project Syndicate, 2025
The Independent
10-07-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
Ursula von der Leyen faces confidence vote in far-right challenge
European Union lawmakers are set to hold a confidence vote on Ursula von der Leyen, the head of the bloc's powerful executive arm, on Thursday, as Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán leads calls for her removal. The censure motion, the first of its kind in the European Parliament for over a decade, was initiated by a coalition of far-right lawmakers. For it to succeed, a two-thirds majority vote in favour is required. While a loss could force Ms von der Leyen to resign, she is widely expected to prevail, with the majority of political groups in the assembly having indicated their intention to vote against the motion. She is not anticipated to be present for the vote in Strasbourg, France. The motion encompasses a range of accusations against the European Commission president, including allegations of private text messaging with the chief executive of Covid-19 vaccine manufacturer Pfizer, the alleged misuse of EU funds, and claims of interference in elections held in Germany and Romania. Mr Orbán said on Facebook that the vote 'will be the moment of truth: on one side the imperial elite in Brussels, on the other patriots and common sense. There is no getting out of it, it is essential to make a choice.' He posted: 'Madam President, the essence of leadership is responsibility. Time to go!' Ms von der Leyen's commission has frequently clashed with Mr Orbán over his staunchly nationalist government's moves to roll back democracy. The commission has frozen Hungary's access to billions of euros in EU funds. The vote has been a lightning rod for criticism of Ms von der Leyen — who led the EU drive to find vaccines for around 450 million citizens during the pandemic — and her European People's Party, which is the largest political family in the assembly. They are accused of cosying up to the far right to push through their agenda. The EU parliament shifted perceptibly to the political right after Europe-wide elections a year ago. The second-biggest group, the Socialists and Democrats, has said that the censure motion was a result 'of the EPP's irresponsibility and the double games'. During debate on Monday, S&D leader Iratxe García Pérez said to the EPP: 'Who do you want to govern with? Do you want to govern with those that want to destroy Europe, or those of us who fight every day to build it?' The EPP has notably worked with the far right to fix the agenda for hearing Ms von der Leyen's new commissioners when they were questioned for their suitability for their posts in 2024, and to reject an ethics body meant to combat corruption.
