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Video shows protest in Kenya, not a demonstration against Togolese president
Video shows protest in Kenya, not a demonstration against Togolese president

Yahoo

time24-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Video shows protest in Kenya, not a demonstration against Togolese president

Togo has witnessed major anti-government protests that the police have repressed since late June. A video widely shared on social media claims to show a large turnout at one of the demonstrations. However, the claim is false; the video was filmed in Nairobi, Kenya's capital city. The East African country has also recently witnessed large-scale protests, with citizens demanding the resignation of President William Ruto. 'This is Togo right now. Citizens protesting as the Togolese President Faure changes the constitution to make him president for life, where citizens will no longer participate in voting for the president,' reads the caption of a Facebook video shared more than 690 times since it was published on June 28, 2025. The video attached to the post shows a crowd marching on a highway with loud noises in the background and smoke rising from items burning on the road. The video has also appeared elsewhere in posts shared on Instagram and a Facebook account belonging to a media organisation in Nigeria. AFP Fact Check has previously debunked the claim in French. In June, several protests, which were violently repressed by the police, shook the streets of Lome, the Togolese capital, resulting in the deaths of at least seven people (archived here). Citizens protested the arrest of government critics, rising electricity prices and constitutional reform that moved the country to a parliamentary system of government where President Faure Gnassingbe occupies the highest office (archived here). The opposition argues that the reform will allow the president to remain in power indefinitely. Swahili audio Some comments under the post talk about the need for a change in Africa's leadership structure, a sign that people believe the claim. However, others mention that the video was filmed in Kenya, not Togo. An AFP fact-checker based in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital, confirmed that some of the words heard in the video were in Swahili, a language spoken in East and Central African countries, including Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Unlike English and French, Swahili is hardly spoken in West Africa, where Togo is located. For example, the words 'wana retaliate' are heard in the 16th second of the video. 'Wana' in Swahili means 'in the process of'. Further evidence reveals the video does not show demonstrations in Togo. Kenyan protests A reverse image search was conducted on keyframes from the video using Google Lens. Among the search results was a YouTube link to the same footage, which was posted on June 28, 2025, without a caption (archived here). The YouTube video includes a watermark for a TikTok account called '@makofonyo3', where the original video was posted three days earlier (archived here). Again, it contained no details of what the clip depicted. However, a similar video from the same account was also shared on June 25, 2025, showing crowds marching along the four-lane highway, except this time a large road sign is visible, giving an indication of where it was filmed (archived here). Some of the words written on the gantry sign include directions for 'Nairobi', 'Kamiti Road', an urban road in Nairobi, 'Garden City', a shopping centre located along Thika Road, a major highway, also called A2, and 'Mombasa', a coastal city in Kenya. The highway sign was geolocated to Thika Road in Nairobi using Google Earth (archived here). AFP Fact Check matched various landmarks on Thika Road, like buildings and bridges, to both the video in the false posts and imagery from Google Earth. Furthermore, by expanding the view on Google Earth, we established that the video falsely linked to Togo was filmed from alongside the gantry on Thika Road during protests in June 2025 (archived here). Kenyan protests On June 25, protesters took to the streets of Nairobi, Mombasa, and other counties across the country to mark the first anniversary of the deaths of 60 people killed when thousands of youths stormed the parliamentary chamber in 2024, demanding Ruto's resignation. The anniversary marches were violently repressed by the police and rekindled anti-government protests (archived here). Several Kenyan media outlets mentioned Thika Road in their reporting, including Citizen TV Kenya (archived here). The Daily Nation published photos in which the four-lane highway can be seen several times (archived link here). Following the incident, the Kenyan government said it 'thwarted a coup d'etat' and denounced 'terrorism disguised as protest' (archived here). Since then, Ruto has continued to warn those who would 'overthrow' the government. The United Nations and other human rights groups have criticised the violence witnessed during the latest protests (archived here). Ruto, who was elected in 2022 after campaigning on behalf of the poorest, has faced significant opposition to his economic policies since 2024.

To defeat Trump, the left must learn from him
To defeat Trump, the left must learn from him

The Guardian

time20-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

To defeat Trump, the left must learn from him

In the first six months of his second term as president, Donald Trump has dominated the national political conversation, implemented an aggressive agenda of constitutional reform, scrambled longstanding American alliances, and helped alter US political culture. Pro-democracy forces have been left with their heads spinning. They (and I) have spent too much time simply denouncing or pathologizing him and far too little time learning from him. And there is a lot to learn. Not since the middle of the twentieth century, when Franklin Delano Roosevelt led a constitutional revolution, has any president achieved so much of his agenda in so short a time. But to recognize Trump's political genius is not to say that it has been put to good use or that he has been a good president. Like others who see 'connections and possibilities in circumstances that even people who are smart in conventional ways do not see,' the president has shown himself to be adept at reading the temper of the times, exploiting weaknesses in others, and assembling a coalition of the faithful that others would have never thought possible. What PittNews' Grace Longworth wrote last September has been confirmed since he returned to the Oval Office. 'Trump is not as crazy or dumb as his opposition would like to believe he is,' Longsworth said. Trump's genius is demonstrated by his ability to transform 'calamitous errors into political gold'. In the past six months, he has continued to do what he has done since he first appeared on the national political scene. From then until now, he has convinced millions of Americans to buy into his version of events and not to believe what they see with their eyes. Insurrectionists become patriots. Law-abiding immigrants become threats to America's way of life. Journalists become 'enemies of the people'. It's magic. Of course, the last six months have not been all smooth sailing for the president, who is now embroiled in a controversy about releasing material about the child sexual offender Jeffrey Epstein. But Trump succeeds because he is undaunted by critics and unfazed by the kinds of barriers that would throw any ordinary politician off their game. When necessary, he makes things up and repeats them until what he says seems to be real. None of this is good for democracy. Trump has done what millions of Americans want done: transform the political system. He has not been afraid to call into question constitutional verities. The greatest, and most dangerous, achievement of the president's first six months has been reshaping the balance of power among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The president has activated a political movement that has produced what Yale Law Professor Bruce Ackerman describes as 'constitutional moments.' In those moments, fundamental political change happens without any formal change in the language of the Constitution itself. 'Normal politics is temporarily suspended in favor of a 'constitutional politics,' focused on fundamental principles.' Since January, the Trump administration's actions have indeed focused the attention of the nation on such principles. Like it or not, Donald Trump is turning the constitution on its head, changing it from a Republican to an authoritarian document. And with every passing day, we see that transformation happening. The Republican majority in Congress seems eager to let the president reshape the constitution and take on functions that it clearly assigns to the legislature. Tariffs, Congress is supposed to decide. Dissolving executive departments, Congress is supposed to decide. War powers, they belong to Congress. But you'd never know any of that from the way the president has behaved since 20 January. The supreme court has followed suit, giving its blessing to his aggressive assertions of executive authority even when they violate the clear meaning of the constitution. The court even severely limited the role of the lower courts by denying them the right to issue nationwide injunctions to stop the president from acting illegally. Beyond Congress and the court, it seems clear that pro-democracy forces did not do all they could have to prepare for this moment. Trump's opponents have not learned from Trump how to effectively counter his 'constitutional moment'. So what can we do? We can learn from Trump the importance of telling a simple, understandable story and sticking to it. Pro-democracy forces need to pick a message and repeat it again and again to drive it home. There is surely no one in America who has not heard the phrase Make America Great Again and does not associate Maga with Trump. We can learn to appeal to national pride and drive home that national greatness requires addressing the daily experiences of ordinary Americans in language of the kind they use. Make America Affordable Again. Make America Work Again for Everyone. Think X, Instagram, and what works on a podcast. Pro-democracy forces can learn to be as determined and undaunted in defense of democracy as the president has been in his assault on it. Take off the gloves. Show your teeth, take no prisoners. Trump has shown that it matters to voters not just what you stand for but also how you go about standing for it. Sign up to Fighting Back Big thinkers on what we can do to protect civil liberties and fundamental freedoms in a Trump presidency. From our opinion desk. after newsletter promotion Smile less, swear more. We can learn from the president that political success requires building a movement and not being trapped by the norms and conventions of existing political organizations. Remember Trump has gotten to where he is not by being an acolyte of Republican orthodoxy but by being a heretic. In the age of loneliness, pro-democracy forces need to give people the sense that they are caught up in a great cause. We can learn from the president that if the pro-democracy movement is to succeed, it needs to offer its own version of constitutional reform. Stop talking about preserving the system and start talking about changing it in ways that will make government responsive and connect it to the lives that people live. The six-month mark in his second term is a good moment to dedicate or rededicate ourselves to that work. Every Friday since April, I have organized a Stand Up for Democracy protest in the town where I live. People show up. They hold signs and come to bear witness, even if what they do will not convert anyone to democracy's cause. They want to affirm their belief that democracy matters, and they want to do so publicly. Some are fearful, worried that they will somehow be punished for participating, but they show up. In addition, Harvard University's willingness to resist the Trump administration's demands that threatened academic freedom and institutional independence set a powerful example. Whether or not the university reaches an agreement with the administration, Harvard's example will still matter. It is also true, as Axios reports, that protests against Trump administration policies and allies 'have attracted millions in the last few months: Tesla Takedown in March, Hands Off! and 50501 in April, May Day, No Kings Day in June, and Free America on Independence Day'. Another mass event, 'Good Trouble Lives On,' occurred on 17 July, 'commemorating the fifth anniversary of the death of civil rights leader and former Rep John Lewis'. Those events need to happen more frequently than once a month. But they are a start. Axios cites Professor Gloria J Browne-Marshall, who reminds us that 'effective protesting often starts with an emotional response to policy or an event, swiftly followed by strategy … The current movement is reaching that second stage'. In that stage, it has a chance to ''actually make change in the government'.' I think that the seeds of that kind of opposition have been planted. But there is no time to waste if we are to prevent Trump's political ingenuity from succeeding in permanently reshaping the institutions and practices of our constitutional republic towards authoritarianism. Austin Sarat, William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College, is the author or editor of more than 100 books, including Gruesome Spectacles: Botched Executions and America's Death Penalty

To defeat Trump, the left must learn from him
To defeat Trump, the left must learn from him

The Guardian

time20-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

To defeat Trump, the left must learn from him

In the first six months of his second term as president, Donald Trump has dominated the national political conversation, implemented an aggressive agenda of constitutional reform, scrambled longstanding American alliances, and helped alter US political culture. Pro-democracy forces have been left with their heads spinning. They (and I) have spent too much time simply denouncing or pathologizing him and far too little time learning from him. And there is a lot to learn. Not since the middle of the twentieth century, when Franklin Delano Roosevelt led a constitutional revolution, has any president achieved so much of his agenda in so short a time. But to recognize Trump's political genius is not to say that it has been put to good use or that he has been a good president. Like others who see 'connections and possibilities in circumstances that even people who are smart in conventional ways do not see,' the president has shown himself to be adept at reading the temper of the times, exploiting weaknesses in others, and assembling a coalition of the faithful that others would have never thought possible. What PittNews' Grace Longworth wrote last September has been confirmed since he returned to the Oval Office. 'Trump is not as crazy or dumb as his opposition would like to believe he is,' Longsworth said. Trump's genius is demonstrated by his ability to transform 'calamitous errors into political gold'. In the past six months, he has continued to do what he has done since he first appeared on the national political scene. From then until now, he has convinced millions of Americans to buy into his version of events and not to believe what they see with their eyes. Insurrectionists become patriots. Law-abiding immigrants become threats to America's way of life. Journalists become 'enemies of the people'. It's magic. Of course, the last six months have not been all smooth sailing for the president, who is now embroiled in a controversy about releasing material about the child sexual offender Jeffrey Epstein. But Trump succeeds because he is undaunted by critics and unfazed by the kinds of barriers that would throw any ordinary politician off their game. When necessary, he makes things up and repeats them until what he says seems to be real. None of this is good for democracy. Trump has done what millions of Americans want done: transform the political system. He has not been afraid to call into question constitutional verities. The greatest, and most dangerous, achievement of the president's first six months has been reshaping the balance of power among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The president has activated a political movement that has produced what Yale Law Professor Bruce Ackerman describes as 'constitutional moments.' In those moments, fundamental political change happens without any formal change in the language of the Constitution itself. 'Normal politics is temporarily suspended in favor of a 'constitutional politics,' focused on fundamental principles.' Since January, the Trump administration's actions have indeed focused the attention of the nation on such principles. Like it or not, Donald Trump is turning the constitution on its head, changing it from a Republican to an authoritarian document. And with every passing day, we see that transformation happening. The Republican majority in Congress seems eager to let the president reshape the constitution and take on functions that it clearly assigns to the legislature. Tariffs, Congress is supposed to decide. Dissolving executive departments, Congress is supposed to decide. War powers, they belong to Congress. But you'd never know any of that from the way the president has behaved since 20 January. The supreme court has followed suit, giving its blessing to his aggressive assertions of executive authority even when they violate the clear meaning of the constitution. The court even severely limited the role of the lower courts by denying them the right to issue nationwide injunctions to stop the president from acting illegally. Beyond Congress and the court, it seems clear that pro-democracy forces did not do all they could have to prepare for this moment. Trump's opponents have not learned from Trump how to effectively counter his 'constitutional moment'. So what can we do? We can learn from Trump the importance of telling a simple, understandable story and sticking to it. Pro-democracy forces need to pick a message and repeat it again and again to drive it home. There is surely no one in America who has not heard the phrase Make America Great Again and does not associate Maga with Trump. We can learn to appeal to national pride and drive home that national greatness requires addressing the daily experiences of ordinary Americans in language of the kind they use. Make America Affordable Again. Make America Work Again for Everyone. Think X, Instagram, and what works on a podcast. Pro-democracy forces can learn to be as determined and undaunted in defense of democracy as the president has been in his assault on it. Take off the gloves. Show your teeth, take no prisoners. Trump has shown that it matters to voters not just what you stand for but also how you go about standing for it. Sign up to Fighting Back Big thinkers on what we can do to protect civil liberties and fundamental freedoms in a Trump presidency. From our opinion desk. after newsletter promotion Smile less, swear more. We can learn from the president that political success requires building a movement and not being trapped by the norms and conventions of existing political organizations. Remember Trump has gotten to where he is not by being an acolyte of Republican orthodoxy but by being a heretic. In the age of loneliness, pro-democracy forces need to give people the sense that they are caught up in a great cause. We can learn from the president that if the pro-democracy movement is to succeed, it needs to offer its own version of constitutional reform. Stop talking about preserving the system and start talking about changing it in ways that will make government responsive and connect it to the lives that people live. The six-month mark in his second term is a good moment to dedicate or rededicate ourselves to that work. Every Friday since April, I have organized a Stand Up for Democracy protest in the town where I live. People show up. They hold signs and come to bear witness, even if what they do will not convert anyone to democracy's cause. They want to affirm their belief that democracy matters, and they want to do so publicly. Some are fearful, worried that they will somehow be punished for participating, but they show up. In addition, Harvard University's willingness to resist the Trump administration's demands that threatened academic freedom and institutional independence set a powerful example. Whether or not the university reaches an agreement with the administration, Harvard's example will still matter. It is also true, as Axios reports, that protests against Trump administration policies and allies 'have attracted millions in the last few months: Tesla Takedown in March, Hands Off! and 50501 in April, May Day, No Kings Day in June, and Free America on Independence Day'. Another mass event, 'Good Trouble Lives On,' occurred on 17 July, 'commemorating the fifth anniversary of the death of civil rights leader and former Rep John Lewis'. Those events need to happen more frequently than once a month. But they are a start. Axios cites Professor Gloria J Browne-Marshall, who reminds us that 'effective protesting often starts with an emotional response to policy or an event, swiftly followed by strategy … The current movement is reaching that second stage'. In that stage, it has a chance to ''actually make change in the government'.' I think that the seeds of that kind of opposition have been planted. But there is no time to waste if we are to prevent Trump's political ingenuity from succeeding in permanently reshaping the institutions and practices of our constitutional republic towards authoritarianism. Austin Sarat, William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College, is the author or editor of more than 100 books, including Gruesome Spectacles: Botched Executions and America's Death Penalty

Cuba ends maximum age limit of 60 for presidential candidates
Cuba ends maximum age limit of 60 for presidential candidates

Arab News

time19-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Arab News

Cuba ends maximum age limit of 60 for presidential candidates

HAVANA: Cuba scrapped the maximum age limit of 60 for its presidential candidates as part of a constitutional reform approved Friday by parliament. The communist-ruled island's restriction of two five-year presidential terms and minimum age of 35 for candidates were left unchanged. The measure, approved by the Council of State, imposes no age limits on people 'in the full exercise of their physical and mental faculties, with... loyalty and revolutionary trajectory,' national assembly president Esteban Lazo said. Former president Raul Castro, who at age 94 still holds a seat in the assembly, was the first to vote for the reform that will be on the books for the 2028 presidential elections. Cuba's current president, 65-year-old Miguel Diaz-Canel, was elected in 2018 and then re-elected in 2023. No favored successor has been publicly designated. The inclusion of term and age limits in the 2019 constitution marked a radical shift after the six decades in which Fidel Castro and his brother Raul were in power. In 2016, Fidel had to hand over the reins to his brother due to health problems. He died later that year, after nearly half a century leading Cuba. Raul Castro officially became president in 2008, at the age of 76. In 2021, he retired as Communist Party first secretary, handing over power to Diaz-Canel. The nation of nearly 10 million people is suffering its worst economic crisis in three decades, with shortages of all kinds of supplies, power outages, and unprecedented emigration.

Giving 16 and 17-year-olds the vote is a cynical ploy
Giving 16 and 17-year-olds the vote is a cynical ploy

Times

time17-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Times

Giving 16 and 17-year-olds the vote is a cynical ploy

Never mind Angela Rayner's cant about renewing democracy, 'breaking down barriers to participation' and giving young people 'a stake in our country's future', giving the vote to 1.6 million teenagers is transparently an attempt to boost the number of Labour-inclined voters. The only credit due to Ms Rayner is being able to keep a straight face while announcing such a blatant and cynical exercise in vote harvesting. Constitutional reform is not a high priority for most citizens, who see far more urgent problems in need of solutions, yet this distraction is being given valuable parliamentary time, in order to have the measures enshrined in law before the next election. No guesses necessary as to why the rush. There will always be exceptions, and an age limit is by nature arbitrary, but the fact remains most 16 and 17-year-olds are not sufficiently mature to make measured political choices. That is partly, as Michael Oakeshott pointed out decades ago, a function of the virtues of youth. 'Everybody's young days are a dream,' the great philosopher wrote in 1956, 'nothing in them has a fixed shape, nothing a fixed price; everything is a possibility, and we live happily on credit.' As indeed does this Labour government, which is perhaps why polls suggest the party is the preferred choice of 28 per cent of 18 to 24-year-olds, compared with 22 per cent of the electorate overall. The appeal for Labour of adding a tranche of idealistic, spend-now-pay-later voters is obvious. And yet, be careful what you wish for. The young do often challenge the established order, but if Labour represents that order (as it once did in Scotland, where the young turned en masse to the nationalists), and Reform, the Greens, and perhaps a rump Corbynista outfit can pose as the rebels, this is one not-so-cunning plan that could backfire spectacularly. It deserves to.

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