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The Guardian
22-04-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Australia's gen Z men aren't monsters in the making – they just feel short-changed
For years, we've looked at democracies like the US, Germany and South Korea, disturbed by what a nation divided along gender and generation lines could look like. Australia, by comparison, seemed less polarised, but new research hints that something's starting to shift – slowly, unevenly and with plenty of caveats – among young Australians too. But let's not jump the gun – because the story is more complicated than it first appears, and framing 'young men' as a purely reactionary force isn't going to get us anywhere helpful. For starters, we don't even agree on what 'progressive' or 'conservative' means. Some surveys measure ideology in vague terms, others zoom in on specific issues. And younger generations often defy neat ideological labels – they can be inclusive and tolerant in some areas, but more traditional in others. Analysis of 2001–2023 Hilda survey data by the e61 Institute found that, in 2023, young gen Z men were more conservative on gender roles than millennial or gen X men. In fact, 15 to 24-year-old men were more conservative than every other male group, bar over-65s, and their more progressive female peers. But the data also suggests that as people age, they often mellow out a bit – or in this case liberalise. A panel of 15 to 24-year-olds surveyed in earlier waves became more progressive as they moved into the 25 to 34 group – just as the last batch did. This pattern, if it holds, could mean today's young men might follow a similar trajectory to the last batch. Another important nuance missing in headlines is a small but notable conservative nudge among young women. In 2023, 15 to 24-year-old women were more likely to agree with traditional gender roles than both 25 to 34-year-olds and their own cohort five years earlier. A UK study last year found similar vibes: young women between 16 and 29 were slightly more likely than older women to say feminism has 'done more harm than good'. In Australia, ANUpoll/EMSS data shows that between 2022 and 2025, the share of men who think we've 'gone too far' on gender equality doubled from 14% to 28%. That headline has been doing the rounds. But the same view nearly doubled among women too, from 6% to 11%. And the share of women who think we still haven't gone far enough fell from 71% to 61%. So yes, women are still more pro-equality than men – but it seems edges are fraying (perhaps because of a generational fad – more below). Whether these shifts are meaningful or lasting is hard to say. In political science nerdland, we call it the age-period-cohort problem. Are young people like this because they're young? Because of the current cultural moment (think Trumpism, Tate machoism)? Or because something about their generation is genuinely different and durable? These effects are difficult to untangle, especially when we're looking at a generation still in its most impressionable years. For instance, in my analysis of the Australian Election Study (1996–2022), I found that gen Z men are still, on the whole, more progressive than older men – even when accounting for education, religion, familial socialisation and so on. And when it comes to left-right vote choice, gender differences largely disappear. Now, it's unlikely that something happened to gen Z men in one year between the two surveys (AES in 2022 and Hilda in 2023) but that much depends on the questions used and how we define generations – some use five-year cuts, others 10 or 15 – which partly explains why different studies show different patterns. But whichever way you slice it, something's clearly up with gen Z – men and women. Sign up to Saved for Later Catch up on the fun stuff with Guardian Australia's culture and lifestyle rundown of pop culture, trends and tips after newsletter promotion What's interesting is what's happening to today's 15 to 24-year-olds even more than it already did to their millennial siblings. My research shows gen Z has drawn the short end of the stick: rising costs, mounting debt, insecure work and a polarised online world. When public discourse seems to spotlight women's issues, some young men feel side-lined. This generation isn't just living through teenage angst – their environment monetises and amplifies it. Social media algorithms feed frustration and resentment. Add economic status anxiety and influencers blaming feminism for their struggles, and you've got fertile ground for backlash. Let's not forget – both young men and women are navigating gendered pressure to be emotionally fluent, socially conscious, successful, attractive and everything in between. For boys especially, there's a tug-of-war between traditional masculinity and newer expectations to be emotionally self-aware and sensitive. Some may lean conservative not because they hate women – but because it seems less exhausting than figuring all that other stuff out. And sometimes social conservatism may look like rebellion. Rejecting hookup culture, embracing trad gender roles, or finding refuge in religion can feel edgy, even cool. In Australia, nearly 40% of young men under 28 now identify as Christian, compared with under 30% of women. Meanwhile, gen Z women are veering left – more progressive, more vocal and more frustrated at the lack of like-minded romantic options. Some are even dating older, looking for ideological compatibility. So, Australia's gen Z are on track to follow trends like in the US where young people overall are dating less, having less sex and delaying the whole marriage-and-kids shebang. But it's not just about prudence or the cost of living – there's a deeper emotional current here. Without relationships or real-world experiences that challenge their views, many young men are stuck in echo chambers. Romantic friction, the kind that sharpens empathy and shifts perspective, just isn't happening. As my 31-year-old partner bluntly put it: 'Relationships exposed me to different perspectives and changed some ideas I held as a younger man. Today, many young guys aren't getting that chance – social media and influencers are telling them it's fine to stay as they are. And the dude brain loves a simple answer.' So it's not that these young men are monsters in the making – many just feel short-changed. On the supply side, populist politicians and media exploit this frustration and influencers such as Rogan, Tate and their ilk offer validation and belonging – especially as mainstream institutions fail to address disorientation. So instead of alarmism or shaming, we need to create spaces where young men feel heard, challenged and supported. Schools, media, research and politics – they all have a role in acknowledging male grievances and showing boys that they can question old norms without feeling as if they're losing something. If we don't step in, others will – and not always with good intentions. Dr Intifar Chowdhury is a youth researcher and a lecturer in government at Flinders University
The Guardian
20-04-2025
- General
- The Guardian
Australia's gen Z men more likely to hold sexist views, data shows, as ‘manosphere' influences take hold
Teachers are reporting instances of boys claiming the pay gap doesn't exist, says sociologist Samantha Schulz. They are encountering boys claiming women lie about rape, who say that men are superior, and increasingly say things such as 'make me a sandwich', a modern take on the trope that a woman's place is in the kitchen. Schulz, an associate professor at the University of Adelaide, has studied the increasingly abusive behaviour of male school and university students towards their teachers. This week, new data confirmed Australia's gen Z men hold progressively sexist ideas, adding to existing research showing rising levels of misogyny amid a generation heavily influenced by the 'manosphere'. Sign up for the Afternoon Update: Election 2025 email newsletter Erin Clarke, a research economist at the e61 Institute, crunched data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (Hilda) survey to show a clear trend of young men increasingly believing in traditional gender roles. Gen Z men were born between 1997 and 2012 and are now aged between 13 and 28. Clarke's work reveals those aged 15 to 24 showed the most noticeable uptick in belief in traditional gender norms. – It is better for everyone involved if the man earns the money and the woman takes care of the home and children. – Children do just as well if the mother earns the money and the father cares for the home and the children. – A father should be as heavily involved in the care of his children as the mother. – Mothers who don't really need the money shouldn't work. – If both partners in a couple work, they should share equally in the housework and care of children. – It is not good for a relationship if the woman earns more than the man. – On the whole, men make better political leaders than women do. – A working mother can establish just as good a relationship with her children as a mother who does not work for pay. Clarke charted attitudes on gender norms from 2001 to 2023, ranking responses on a scale of one to seven based on people's agreement with statements such as: 'It is better for everyone involved if the man earns the money and the woman takes care of the home and children.' Seven represents 'strong agreement'. Other statements included: 'On the whole, men make better political leaders than women do', and 'Mothers who don't really need the money shouldn't work'. Clarke found that while young women are continuing to move away from traditional gender ideas, gen Z men are more likely to believe them compared with millennial and gen X men. 'There's a general trend downwards … the average belief in traditional gender roles has been declining for the last 20 years,' Clarke says. 'But this group of gen Z men seems to be the exception to this trend.' Until 2018, data showed gen Z men broadly held similar views to others a bit older that them, but that has changed even when factors including education, whether they're partnered, and whether they live in a city or a rural area are accounted for. 'There is something going on,' she says. Sign up to Afternoon Update: Election 2025 Our Australian afternoon update breaks down the key election campaign stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion She notes that existing preliminary data doesn't pinpoint an obvious cause. But experts link the 'manosphere' – a network of websites, blogs, influencers and chatrooms promoting extremist views about male supremacy – to reports of young men intimidating, harassing and threatening teachers, falsely claiming that the gender pay gap doesn't exist, and falsely claiming that women routinely lie about rape. Schulz agrees such behaviour has intensified and 'is reflective of manosphere messaging'. She has found university staff are also reporting an increase in disrespectful behaviour, adding women are reaching out to her because of the backlash from gen Z men in response to women teaching diversity-related content, or teaching in non-traditional areas, such as business. Schulz refers to the work of Steven Roberts and Stephanie Wescott from Monash University, whose research has found a rise in sexism, sexual harassment and misogyny in Australian schools. Social media algorithms bring young boys and men into contact with the manosphere, which in turn feeds them misogyny. That content can radicalise some boys, which can in turn perpetuate the gender inequality that underpins violence against women. Wescott has likened the process to radicalisation into far-right extremism. Alleged rapist and human trafficker Andrew Tate is often singled out as one of the leading figures of the manosphere because of his large following on social media, but it also incorporates men's rights activists, incels, men going their own way, and others. In March, a United Nations Women's report on gender equality found that the manosphere was responsible for moving misogyny into the mainstream. UN Women researcher Laura Turquet said it was 'organised resistance to gains that have been made on gender equality', and included the targeting of women's rights defenders, women in politics and others 'who dare put their heads above the parapet and speak out on gender equality'. A global study by Ipsos for International Women's Day found about half of Australian men thought 'things have gone far enough' when it comes to giving women equal rights with men, and that most Australian men think men are being expected to do too much to support equality. Across the 31 countries surveyed, gen Z and millennials were more likely to think that a man who stays home to look after his children is less of a man than gen X and baby boomers do. Schulz accuses some commentators of trying to downplay the shift by blaming women for how they manage young men, and ignoring the very real change in the current generation's deep-seated beliefs and behaviours. That's 'gaslighting bullshit', she says. 'You're just not acknowledging the scale and magnitude.'
The Guardian
31-03-2025
- Business
- The Guardian
Cheaper Australian childcare failing to help lower-income mothers return to work
Throwing more money at cheaper childcare fees won't be enough to help mothers with young children get back to work, new research shows, as lower-income families lose more in benefits and taxes than they gain from working an extra day. The independent economic research body e61 Institute analysed childcare reforms in 2018 and found that higher subsidies for lower- and middle-income families had no measurable impact on mothers' participation in the jobs market. Women's earnings plunge by 55% on average in the first five years of parenthood, and this 'motherhood penalty' mostly persists for a decade after giving birth, previous Treasury analysis has found. Australian women with dependent children are less likely to be employed full-time than in comparable countries such as New Zealand, the US, the UK and Canada. But Silvia Griselda, a research manager at e61 and co-author of the report, said the findings were a warning for policymakers that 'increasing childcare subsidies can be costly and ineffective if not carefully designed'. Get our breaking news email, free app or daily news podcast Griselda said cheaper childcare did lead to more children attending centres – an important goal in itself – but that for some low-income families, an increase in childcare subsidies was not enough to offset the loss of benefits and higher taxes from moving, for example, from two to three days of work a week. Cheaper childcare did, however, have more of an impact on labor force participation of parents in middle- to high-income families. 'If we are to truly unlock the economic benefits of childcare investment we need a comprehensive approach that considers not only the cost of childcare, but the entire tax and transfer system,' Griselda said. Lower-income families are eligible for benefits and tax offsets such as the parenting payment, family tax benefits A and B and the low-income tax offset. The Treasury secretary, Steven Kennedy, has also highlighted the need to tackle these high so-called 'workforce disincentive rates', which measure the share of an additional day's pay lost to taxes, reductions in benefits and childcare costs. Anthony Albanese has committed to delivering universal childcare, although in what form remains an open question. Since coming to power Labor has committed $3.6bn over two years to deliver a 15% boost to childcare workers' pay, and lifted the subsidy rate to 90% for families earning less than $80,000. The government also legislated to remove the activity test – which determines parents' level of subsidies based on the number of hours they work in a fortnight – for three days of care from 2026, and has promised to establish a $1bn fund to build and expand childcare centres in areas where parents struggle to find places. Despite the additional billions spent, parents still complain of high and rising costs of putting children in early education and care, particularly as centres increase prices by more than the additional subsidies. Sign up to Breaking News Australia Get the most important news as it breaks after newsletter promotion Out-of-pocket childcare expenses have climbed by nearly 10% in the past year, even as inflation more broadly has slowed to under 3%. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) early last year found that higher subsidies were only having a 'limited' effect on parents' costs. Over the longer term, the picture is better: childcare costs are 3.4% lower than two years ago, and 5.3% down since December 2021, according to the latest Australian Bureau of Statistics figures. There is growing support for expanding the number of not-for-profit childcare centres, as the spotlight on the expanding for-profit sector intensifies amid recent reports of abuse and ongoing concerns about wider safety. The government has reportedly flirted with the idea of a $10-a-day price cap on fees – a model strongly backed by advocacy groups such as the Parenthood. But the new findings from e61 back up Productivity Commission modelling last year that showed even substantially more generous childcare subsidy rates (at an additional $5bn cost to the budget) would have a 'negligible' effect on parents' labour force participation. Nonetheless, the PC recommended an approach that would deliver access to at least three days a week of quality early childhood education and care, and that this would require a major multi-year effort to expand the supply of centres, particularly in regional and remote areas. Under its preferred option, care would be 'effectively free' for families earning under $80,000 – which includes around a third of families with small children. The PC and early childhood experts said that beyond the narrow focus on workforce participation, boosting attendance in formal early childhood education was particularly beneficial for children in poorer households who were least likely to attend.
